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1

Rodgers, Jessica. "Australian queer student activists' media representations of queer." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2010. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/41528/1/Jessica_Rodgers_Thesis.pdf.

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Queer student activists are a visible aspect of Australian tertiary communities. Institutionally there are a number of organisations and tools representing and serving gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, intersex and ‘otherwise queer identifying’ (GLBTIQ) students. ‘Queer’ is a contentious term with meanings ranging from a complex deconstructive academic theory to a term for ‘gay’. Despite the institutional applications, the definition remains unclear and under debate. In this thesis I examine queer student activists’ production of print media, a previously under-researched area. In queer communities, print media provides crucial grounding for a model of queer. Central to identity formation and activism, this media is a site of textuality for the construction and circulation of discourses of queer student media. Thus, I investigate the various ways Australian queer student activists construct queer, queer identity, and queer activism in their print media. I use discourse analysis, participant observation and semi-structured interviews to enable a thorough investigation of both the process and the products of queer student media. My findings demonstrate that queer student activists’ politics are grounded in a range of ideologies drawing from Marxism, Feminism, Gay Liberation, Anti-assimilation and Queer Theory. Grounded in queer theoretical perspectives of performativity this research makes relatively new links between Queer Theory and Media Studies in its study of the production contexts of queer student media. In doing so, I show how the university context informs student articulations of queer, proving the necessity to locate research within its social-cultural setting. My research reveals that, much like Queer Theory, these representations of queer are rich with paradox. I argue that queer student activists are actually theorising queer. I call for a reconceptualisation of Queer Theory and question the current barriers between who is considered a ‘theorist’ of queer and who is an ‘activist’. If we can think about ‘theory’ as encompassing the work of activists, what implications might this have for politics and analysis?
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Suarez, Ashley R. "Activist anthropology : an ethnography of Asian American student activism at Oberlin College." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1334944597.

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3

Stokes, Sarah. "Paris and Mexico City : 1968 student activism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.560489.

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This thesis investigates the mass student movements in Paris and Mexico City in 1968. Many parts of the world experienced activism of this nature in 1968, yet scholars debate whether this was coincidental or part of a genuinely global movement. Most studies of such activism have focussed either on one country or on nations that belonged to the same region and/or were at the same level of economic development. France and Mexico were on different continents and economically and culturally distinct. Exploring the student movements in their respective capitals offers the possibility of shedding light on the global phenomenon of 1968 from a fresh perspective. The thesis adopts both a comparative and a transnational approach. The comparative approach establishes what the two movements had in common, where they diverged, and why. It contrasts their internal policies and structures with how they were presented publicly, analysing the groupings, leadership structures, role of professors, participation of foreigners, flyers, posters, icons and mass marches that constituted the two activisms. It concludes that in underlying character there were many parallels between the two. Moreover, both movements faced a similar four-stage government response: confrontation, negotiation, repression and reconciliation. The thesis also examines the degree to which the two movements were transnational in terms of their collaboration and interaction. It finds that both experienced the same cycle of international, national and transnational activism. Many students in France and Mexico were politicised for the first time through their involvement in international campaigns over issues such as Vietnam. During the phase of mass activism, however, both movements focussed mainly on national concerns. With the decline of mass activism, students from both countries began to interact together on a broader scale and a transnational dimension to the student movement became apparent.
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Oestrich, Charlotte Rose. "Student Speech Rights: The Ideological Influences of Narrative in Student Activism." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1594906015520059.

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5

Rosas, Marisela. "College student activism: an exploration of learning outcomes." Diss., University of Iowa, 2010. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/589.

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Long has been the charge by society for college and universities to produce more engaged citizenship. Institutional initiatives on civic engagement have focused on community service and service-learning initiatives to meet this demand. The existing literature, therefore, is reflective of these civic engagement involvements and outcomes. Little research is conducted on another form of civic engagement, activism. The existing literature on student activism focuses on the student activists of the 1960s. This study intends to address the gaps in the literature related to activism. Specifically, the purpose of this study was to identify the learning outcomes associated with student participation in activism Data from the Higher Education Research Institute's surveys, the 1999 Student Information Form (SIF) and the 2003 College Student Survey (CSS), were used in this study. Multiple regression, along with logistic regression, were used. The results of this study provide some noteworthy findings that improve our understanding of activism and its effect on the learning outcomes of undergraduate students. In addition, this study provides a number of implications for student affairs practice and future research. Student activism has a long and rich history in our colleges and universities and will continue to have a place in our institutions of higher learning. This study reveals that activism is an active part of students' learning experiences while in college. This study supports the notion that (a) learning outcomes are associated with involvement in college student activism, (b) involvements do make a difference, (c) faculty and peer relationships matter, (d) curricular and co-curricular experiences, and (d) gender and ethnicity in activism is worth exploring The examination of specific learning outcomes associated with activism provides student affairs professionals and higher education research and policy-makers a better understanding of what students gain from their activism. In addition, the results of this study contribute to the body of knowledge on the role of college involvements in developing an action-oriented citizen.
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Schalk, Samantha Dawn. "When Students Take Action: How and Why to Engage in College Student Activism." Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1208968417.

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7

Johnson, Wendy Christine. "Preparing to appear : a case study of student activism." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/7707.

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This study is an attempt to understand how it is that high school students come to participate as democratic citizens in the public sphere. A great deal of time and effort goes into providing students with the opportunity to participate in making decisions that affect their education and their lives in schools. Student Voice is the term often used to describe those attempts. In most cases, a small minority of students participate and most of the decisions that students are involved in relate to planning events, fund raising activities or serving on Student Councils. The provincial government has attempted to provide an opportunity for student voices to be heard through School Planning Councils. Each high school in the province is required to have a student representative on the School Planning Council whose mandate is to set goals for improvement in student achievement. Students participate, usually at the request of the principal, but their influence is limited. How is it then that students come to be involved in influencing decisions that directly affect their education? This study is an attempt to find out. This is a qualitative case study of a group of high school students who became involved in campaign to prevent their high school from being reconfigured into a middle school. Their campaign spanned a period often months and included presentations to the Board of Education, letters to the editor, protests, and appearances on radio and television. As a participant observer, I kept notes of all the activities that students were involved in. Through focus groups and interviews, I tried to gain a better understanding of why students decided to get involved and how they made decisions about what actions they wanted to take. What I learned was that the students valued their school and wanted to engage in a dialogue with trustees about what was important to them. When the trustees used the power of their position to attempt to silence the students, the students decided to take their concerns to the broader community, to participate in the public sphere. They engaged in dialogue and planned activities in private. When they were ready, they ventured into the public sphere. They were unable to influence the trustees' final decision, but they garnered a great deal of community support. They learned that communicative action generated a power of its own that made an impact on what came to be discussed in the public sphere. The findings of this research study will be useful to educators willing to support students in their attempts to be involved in the democratic process either in their classrooms, schools or the wider community. Creating private spaces for this kind of dialogue is a challenge for all of us in public education.
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Biddix, James Patrick. "The power of "ESTUDENTPROTEST" a study of electronically-enhanced student activism /." Diss., St. Louis, Mo. : University of Missouri--St. Louis, 2006. http://etd.umsl.edu/r1361.

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9

Ntloedibe, Frans Selekane. "Student activism: a comparative analysis between the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Student South African Student Organization ( SASO) 1960-1977." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2000. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3351.

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The main aim of this study is to make comprehensible the actual interactions or connections between the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the South African Student Organization (SASO) in their black freedom struggle between 1960-1977.The primary focus is on how broadly similar conceptualizations of black liberation by black students were modified or reinterpreted to suit local circumstances, and what occurred when similar ideologies were acted upon under conditions that were in some ways very different. There were cross-cultural links and mutual awareness between the freedom struggle of students in the United States and South Africa. For instance, in their condemnation of apartheid policy in South Africa during 1962, SNCC activists were confronting white power on behalf of black South Africans. In the same vein, SASO activists were inspired by the history of SNCC freedom struggle in the United States. They even employed SNCC and its Black Power language in their formulation of policies and ideology. This ideological congruence between SNCC and SASO manifested itself in a number of instances. First, students in both organizations confronted comparable questions on the methods to be used in their freedom struggle. The alternative in both cases was nonviolent resistance to challenge the status quo, and a revolutionary violence to overthrow the system. Although this similarity, per se, does not tell the whole story, evidence by SASO activists conclusively proves that SASO's moral idealism was largely influenced by SNCC. This is not, however, to suggest that SASO was a carbon copy of SNCC; yet the profound effect of SNCC and its Black Power variant on SASO’s particular language and slant must be recognized and acknowledged if the developments of the 1970s are to be understood in the total context of the black south African intellectual struggle. Another issue that arose in the context of students' discussions was the role of whites in the black struggle. In South Africa, this took place under the rubric of Black Consciousness; in the United States it was espoused under the slogan of Black power. How all these common ideological and tactical issues were debated and finally resolved, and how the theoretical and practical results of these deliberations affected the historical trajectory of the respective student struggles, is the main concern of this study.
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Roosth, Joshua. "UNIVERSITY LEADERSHIP IN SUSTAINABILITY AND CAMPUS-BASED ENVIRONMENTAL ACTIVISM." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3963.

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This thesis examines the development of environmental sustainability on 194 of the wealthiest colleges and universities in the United States and Canada. Campus-based environmental organization membership data, organizational profiles, participant observation, and sustainability grades (from the Sustainable Endowment Institutes College Sustainability Report Cards 2009) are used to examine the relationship between campus-based environmental organizations and sustainability of higher educational institutions. Linear regression is used to analyze the overall university sustainability grades as an outcome variable. Overall university sustainability grades are impacted by campus-based environmental activism social movement organizations, high endowment per student, the age of the university, and the presence of state renewable portfolio standards. My findings suggest that the Sustainable Endowment Institute s College Sustainability Report Card might be improved by including indicators of greenhouse gas reports and interdisciplinary courses on sustainability.
M.A.
Department of Sociology
Sciences
Applied Sociology MA
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11

Ivester, Stephen B. "Contemporary student activism context as a vehicle for leader identity development." Thesis, Biola University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3557223.

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Contemporary college student activism efforts are growing. Little research has been conducted on student activism and leadership development. As student affairs educators consider leadership an important part of an undergraduate education it is important to consider how the context of activism actually influences student leader identity development. The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of contemporary student activism on college student leader identity development so that Christian Higher Education student affairs professionals can provide purposeful educational experiences that assist the understanding of a leader identity in student activists.

Data were collected using qualitative phenomenological methods, specifically semi-structured in-depth interviews. Seventeen junior and senior college students who are exemplar activists from a small, selective, residential, engagement-rich, Christian liberal arts college in the Midwest participated. The interview sessions were analyzed and compared in an effort to identify categories and themes that summarize activists' leadership identity development.

Resulting analysis revealed four primary findings. First, activists in this study collectively define leadership as a relational environment imbued with clearly defined values and purposes whereby all members have the opportunity to engage, explore, and empower as followers and leaders together. Four significant elements that make up what a relational environment of leadership means to them includes: selflessness, collaboration, responsibility, and visionary.

Second, activists desire to have a strong identity of being a relational, humble and yet confident leader and desire to be more like the person of Jesus Christ; however, they are still discovering their unique qualities and abilities as a leader.

Third, involvement in an activist context has considerable positive effects on college student leader identity development: 1) the impact of a relational environment deepens self-confidence, 2) the unique site to integrate, ground and make meaning out of personal values develops authenticity, 3) encountering hands-on learning shapes behaviors, and 4) the independence of relying on one's own beliefs and feelings helps determine self-authorship.

Fourth, activists' experiences are consistent with Komives et al. (2006) LID model and did appear to help students' progress through the model.

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Muniz, Alexa S. "Our Sound Our Silence: Self Care in Student of Color Activism." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/783.

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Our Sound Our Silence is a performative documentary about student of color activists at Scripps College. This video project attempts to highlight the fatigue, emotional, mental, and physical exhaustion these students experience from having to work within the institution to advocate for their survival. This video project also attempts to speak to the importance of self-care for students of color and especially for those involved in activism and organizing on campus. I wanted to use the creation of this video as a means of self-care and process of healing for myself, my collaborators, and my community.
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Ntloedibe, Frans S. "Student activism: a comparative analysis between the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the South African Student Organization (SASO) 1960-1977." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2000. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3870.

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The year 1980 marks the beginning of the worldwide tilt toward privatization as an instrument for economic reform and development in many countries around the world in general, and developing countries in particular. However, in developing countries privatization has been associated with the idea of liberalization and/or denationalization in which the role of the government in the economic activities will be reduced. Jordan is one of those countries who, in the mid-1980s, has come to consider the encouragement of the private sector to have a greater role in many aspects of the country's economy where the public sector was the dominant player. Increasing efficiency and effectiveness, and the lack of the public sector's ability to manage the wide range of growing economic and social needs, were the primary objectives of the government’s tilt toward the private sector. However, the adoption of privatization and the new policy of market reform is not an easy task in a country like Jordan, where the public sector was the only provider of the economic and social needs of the country. Therefore, implementing the new policy by those public sector officials, also referred to as administrators, department heads, and public sector managers, will be the challenge for the new policy. This study has examined the role of those implementors, governmental department heads in Jordan, in the implementation process of privatization. The importance of their role came from the fact that they are the ones who will be responsible for implementing the policy that might be formulated without their participation. So, in order to examine their role, whether it be positive or otherwise, the study has identified the factors that generally effected the overall opinion toward privatization in order to identify and produce a list of factors that were applicable to the case of Jordan's governmental department heads and the degree of the influence of each factor on their opinion. The importance of the role of those department heads underline the overall expectations surrounding the new policy in Jordan. The study, therefore, provides useful recommendations that could be necessary means for the policy-maker in Jordan to start with.
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Sheppard, Peggy. "The relationship between student activism and change in the University : with particular reference to McGill University in the 1960s." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61810.

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15

Ajunwa, Kelechi. "It's Our School Too: Youth Activism as Educational Reform, 1951-1979." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2011. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/150577.

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Urban Education
Ph.D.
Activism has the potential for reform (Howard, 1976). Unlike previous studies on high school activism this study places a primary focus on underground newspapers and argues that underground newspapers allowed high school students to function as activists as well as educational reformers. In order to make this argument, this study examined over 150 underground newspapers and other primary source publications. The goals and tactics of high school activists evolved from the 1950s to the 1970s. During this time there were some shifts in ideologies, strategies, and priorities that were influenced by both an ever increasing student frustration with school leaders and by outside historical events. Underground newspapers captured the shift that occurred in the objectives and tactics of student activists. As a result, the contents of underground newspapers were the primary focus of this study. My study reveals that there were three types of student activists: "incidental" activists who simply wanted to change individual school policies, "intentional" activists who wanted high school students to have greater authority and autonomy in schools, and lastly, "radical" activists who desired an end to oppression of people based on race, class, sex, and age. The evidence overwhelmingly indicates that for the most part incidental, intentional, and radical student activists were all working towards improving their high schools. This common goal was pivotal in the development of a Youth Empowerment social movement, which would be born out of the actions of all three types of high school activists. . Incidental activists were the focal point of attention for school administrators in the 1950s, however; intentional and radical activists would take center stage by the late 1960s. Throughout the 1970s intentional and radical activists would overshadow incidental activists and dominate the high school activism scene.
Temple University--Theses
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Heilmeier, Brian P. "Role Conflict around Disruptive Campus Activism." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1603904490988427.

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Ballantyne, Katherine Jernigan. "Student radicalism in Tennessee, 1954-1970." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/267983.

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This dissertation examines student radicalism in Tennessee between Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954) and the national backlash against the Kent State University shootings in Kent, Ohio in May 1970. As the first statewide study of student activism, and one of the few examinations of southern student activism, it broadens the understanding of New Left student radicalism from its traditionally defined hotbeds in the Northeast and the West Coast. It also argues for a consideration of student radicalism that incorporates white and black accounts, assessing issues surrounding civil rights, labour, the renegotiation of student roles on campus, and Vietnam on black and formerly all-white campuses. Three main arguments drive this dissertation. First, the notion of the New Left inhabiting only a brief moment in time, rising and falling in the 1960s—years of hope, days of rage, in Todd Gitlin’s influential telling—is problematic in the context of Tennessee. The location of Highlander Folk School in Tennessee created a strong connection to Old Left labour activism for the state’s New Left. Student movements both developed more slowly in Tennessee and fractured more slowly. My second argument is that forms of radicalism in Tennessee were distinctly southern. The region’s political order was more stifling than its counterpart in the North, and could easily turn more deadly. Students radicals in the South grasped this difference. Any left in the South had to address issues of race, but, in light of the danger, had to do so gingerly. Thirdly, race mattered a great deal to southern leftists, black and white, at first bringing them together and later driving them apart. Both black and white students viewed attempts to establish personal autonomy within campus and community organising as centrally important to their activities. Black and white students understood personal autonomy in a broad sense, conceptualised of as ‘student power’: it covered immediate concerns over universities’ assumption of parental power over students, as well as apparent infringements of civil rights and civil liberties. This dissertation reconstructs this pursuit of student power, both within campuses and beyond, and details the growing rift between black and white student interests.
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Eakle, Elaina Helene. "Organizing resistance: Resistance and identity in student activist coalitions." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1564676169027417.

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19

Blalock, Danielle Alyse. "Democratizing the University, Democratizing the Nation: Student Activism and the Contestation of Control in Pinochet's Chile." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/560937.

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This thesis explores the history of student activism at the University of Chile from 1976 through 1985, during the middle period of the Augusto Pinochet dictatorship. I utilize the category "student" as a lens to draw new conclusions about the nature of resistance under authoritarian rule. I trace student activities in three organizations at the University of Chile: the Agrupación Cultural Universitaria, or Cultural University Group (ACU), the Federación de Estudiantes de la Universidad de Chile, or Student Federation of the University of Chile (FECH), and the Federación de Centros de la Universidad de Chile, or Federation of Student Centers of the University of Chile (FECECH). My analysis of these organizations reveals that military violence neither ended all organized opposition, nor students' political motivations in the university setting.
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House, Ashley Terell. "In search of the butterfly effect : an intersection of critical discourse, instructional design and teaching practice." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/2500.

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In this study I explored the research questions, how do students understand membership in a community and the responsibilities of our various locations and what pedagogical rationales and practices move students from awareness of social injustice towards acting to transform the societal structures that reinforce injustice? This project engaged in a critical and classroom action research using ethnographic tools with a class of Grade 7 students from a Vancouver elementary school. The purpose was to create spaces in curriculum for student initiated social justice oriented actions while testing a pedagogy founded in student inquiry, criticality and praxis. This was an experiment in applying critical discourse to instructional design. While teaching about social justice issues, the teacher- researcher sought to employ the principles of social justice in the pedagogy as well as the methodology of this study. The methodology sought to be consistent with the principles of social justice through attempting to create a collaborative critical research cohort with students through using data collection to foster a dialogic relationship between teacher- researcher and students. The data collection was in the forms of teacher and student generated fieldnotes, a communal research log, photography, questionnaires, interviews and written reflections. The findings from this research were analyzed through the themes of teacher tensions, constructs of student and teachers, and resistance. The analysis of the data provided opportunities for identifying power dynamics within the concepts being critiqued, exploring the makings of the cognitive unconscious and entering into a dialogic relationship with students about official and hidden curricula. Conclusions drawn from this research included that the experiment of teaching and researching for social justice in a socially just manner requires not only a grounding in theory and an awareness of the normative discourse, but an investigation of and critical reflection on those social constructions of teacher and student that are deeply embedded in the collective cognitive unconscious of the classroom. Teacher tensions and student resistance are productive as they provoke awareness of these constructions and their effects on the classroom.
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FOSSATI, SERENA. "ENVIRONMENTAL ACTIVISM AS IDENTITY PROJECT: THE CASE OF STUDENT ENVIRONMENTAL ASSOCIATIONS IN CHINA." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/39109.

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Il progetto di ricerca analizza i tratti distintivi dell'identità ecologica promossa da associazioni ambientaliste cinesi e le relative pratiche coinvolte nel processo di gestione delle identità all’interno di piattaforme di social networking. Un secondo livello di analisi indaga le modalità con cui gli attivisti negoziano la loro identificazione con i progetti identitari ecologici attivati dalle organizzazioni di appartenenza. La ricerca etnografica si focalizza su dieci associazioni studentesche attive a Pechino. La metodologia qualitativa include interviste in profondità a membri delle organizzazioni, osservazioni partecipanti delle loro attività, l’analisi qualitativa del contenuto di post condivisi sui loro profili Sina Weibo e Wechat; e dei contenuti condivisi dai membri sui loro profili WeChat Moments tra febbraio e luglio 2016. I risultati rivelano identità ecologiche complesse ed elaborate. Lo studio propone una tassonomia tripartita dei progetti identitari, che include ‘sustainable lifestyle-related identities’, in riferimento alla responsabilità degli studenti nel ridurre il loro impatto ambientale (in relazione alla conservazione di acqua, energia, cibo e pratiche di viaggio sostenibili); ‘investigation-related identities', indicando l'impegno degli studenti nella comprensione delle questioni ambientali e nel contributo alla soluzione delle relative problematiche attraverso azioni concrete; ‘social identities’, riferendosi alla determinazione delle associazioni a occuparsi di questioni sociali, impegnandosi in progetti di beneficenza.
The study explores the distinctive features of the environmental identity promoted by Chinese students environmental associations (SEAs), and the social media practices involved in their identity management processes. A second level of analysis investigates how activists negotiate their identification with the environmental identity projects fostered by their organizations. The ethnographic research focuses on ten SEAs located in Beijing. The data collection process is based on extensive usage of in-depth interviews with staff members, participant observations of activities, and content analysis of materials posted on SEAs’ social media accounts (Sina Weibo, WeChat), and materials shared by members on their WeChat Moments over a six-month period (February- July 2016). Results reveal that SEAs environmental identities are plural and composite in themselves. I propose a tripartite taxonomy, which includes sustainable lifestyle-related identities, referring to the responsibility of students to reduce their carbon footprint, by addressing the sources of their impact (in relation to water, energy, food conservation, green travel practices); investigation-related identities, consisting in students’ meaningful engagement in the understanding of environmental issues, and contribution to their solution through concrete action; and social identities, referring to SEAs determination to be concerned about social issues, by engaging in charity projects.
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Jackson, John Lindsey. "The student divestment movement : anti-apartheid activism on U.S. college and university campuses /." The Ohio State University, 1989. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1248983082.

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Davis, Sarajanee O. "“Power and Peace:” Black Power Era Student Activism in Virginia and North Carolina." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1593097046041952.

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Rich, Dave. "Zionists and anti-Zionists : political protest and student activism in Britain 1968-1986." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.705181.

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Webster, Sarah. "Protest activity in the British student movement, 1945 to 2011." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/protest-activity-in-the-british-student-movement-1945-to-2011(0111ba06-9b2d-468c-9bf0-11b938b15d37).html.

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This thesis examines the historical pattern of protest activity involving students from the University of Manchester and the London School of Economics between the academic years 1945/46 and 2010/11. Gathered through a protest event analysis of the universities’ student press, quantitative protest event data is presented that establishes a continuous pattern of protest activity at both institutions from the mid-fifties onwards. Adding to a small body of scholarship on student activism beyond the sixties epoch, the thesis challenges the assumption that student protest peaked in the late sixties, which currently dominates the student protest literature. The decade’s wave of student unrest is widely presented as exceptional and unprecedented, a golden age of student protest, casting non-sixties student generations as politically apathetic. The quantitative data refutes these claims, demonstrating an ongoing history of student protest on both campuses that sets precedent for the sixties mobilisations and undermines the idea that student apathy is pervasive on the post-sixties university campus. Between 1945/46 and 2010/11, University of Manchester students are involved in 840 protest events, while London School of Economics students participate in 505 protest events, a combined total of 1345 protest events. Using qualitative data drawn from the student press and other archival materials alongside the numeric data, the thesis argues that the British student unrest in the sixties had precedent in the fifties and early sixties, noting tactical and ideological similarities. Further, the thesis refutes the student apathy narrative using protest activity as evidence of student political participation, but also pointing to student engagement in formal and informal political activity, such as political party membership, voluntary action and campaigning for NGOs and pressure groups. Echoing studies on youth political participation, the thesis finds that students remain politically engaged across the twentieth and twenty-first century. Drawing together social movement theory with insights from the archival materials and student press, the thesis identifies factors contributing to the emergence, decline and survival of student protest activity at the University of Manchester and London School of Economics. The thesis establishes that progressive political and social values, student produced movement frames, access to resources on campus, political opportunities and campus activist networks interact to facilitate the emergence of student unrest. It also demonstrates that political factionalism and some forms of authority responses to unrest are key factors in declines in student protest activity. The thesis argues that attempts at co-option and repression by the state and the university, normally understood to prompt declines in protest, may actually provoke further activity amongst students. Applying Nella Van Dyke’s theory of ‘hotbeds of activism’ to the British context (1998), the thesis argues protest activity survives across the timeframe, because both universities have developed student activist networks and subcultures that maintain the traditions and practices of activism on campus. Activist expertise is transferred between student generations through the student unions, student societies and informal groupings, ensuring that that the campus activist networks are primed to seize opportunities for protest activity on and off campus.
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Mwollo-Ntallima, Angolwisye Malaisyo. "Higher education and democracy : a study of students' and student leaders' attitudes towards democracy in Tanzania." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/1722.

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Magister Educationis - MEd
Students in African universities have a long history of political involvement at the institutional level and in national politics. The present study investigates the political opinions of students in Tanzania with respect to (1) their attitudes towards democracy and how these attitudes could be explained, (2) student satisfaction with the way their university and their country, Tanzania, are governed, and (3) whether student leaders (SL) have more democratic attitudes than students who are not in formal student leadership positions (SNL) and if there are other relevant groups that can be identified whose political attitudes differ significantly from those of other groups. The study draws on the work of Bratton, Mattes and Gyimah-Boadi (2005) and employs a survey questionnaire adapted from the Afrobarometer. Using survey data collected at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania, a number of questions are investigated, and related hypotheses are tested in order to determine the extent to which students understand and demand democracy, how they perceive the supply of democracy, and what their attitudes are towards university governance and national politics in general.
South Africa
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27

Richardson, Lisa. "When Urban Education Meets Community Activism: A Case of Student Empowerment in New Orleans." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2002. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/13.

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This is an ethnographic study of urban education and community development in the city of New Orleans. In New Orleans, as in all American cities, the public schools are at the center of local politics and the policies that affect community life. Institutions of public education have come under fire for failing to prepare youth to compete in the global economy. This is particularly true in urban communities, where schools serve a higher proportion of students of color facing greater incidences of poverty, underemployment and economic distress. As education policymakers and business leaders look to improve education, many of the solutions put forth to reform schools focus on meeting state standards and instituting high stakes testing. A group of educators, community activists, artists, and young people in New Orleans have taken a different approach. By combining classroom learning with social action, the individual and collective empowerment of students serves as the focus of Students at the Center, a program designed by a writing teacher and his students, that operates within the public school system. Through community-based study on environmental, public health, neighborhood development issues, young people in the Students at the Center program begin to see the learning process, and the product of their education as tools for equitable social change through research, writing, youth media, and social action. This research examines the ways that taking part in community collaborations that emphasize local history, a sense of place, and the struggle for social justice affects students, teachers and residents as they strive to make education accountable to community concerns.
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Bredell, Kyle Hampton. "Black Panther High: Racial Violence, Student Activism, and the Policing of Philadelphia Public Schools." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/216534.

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History
M.F.A.
The school district of Philadelphia built up its security program along a very distinct pathway that was largely unrelated to any real needs protection. This program played out in two distinct phases. In the late 1950s, black and white students clashed in the neighborhoods surrounding schools over integration. Black parents called upon the city to provide community policing to protect their children in the communities surrounding schools. As the 1960s progressed and the promised civil rights gains from city liberals failed to materialize, students turned increasingly to Black Nationalist and black power ideology. When this protest activity moved inside their schoolhouses as blacks simultaneously began moving into white neighborhoods, white Philadelphians began to feel threatened in their homes and schools. As black student activism became louder and more militant, white parents called upon the police to protect their children inside the school house, as opposed to the earlier calls for community policing by black parents. White parents, the PPD, and conservative city politicians pushed the district to adopt tougher disciplinary policies to ham string this activism, to which black parents vehemently objected. The district resisted demands to police the schools through the 1960s until finally caving to political pressure in the 1970s.
Temple University--Theses
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Kgosithebe, Lucky. "Higher education and democracy in Botswana: Attitudes and behaviours of students and student leaders towards democracy." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4018.

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Magister Educationis - MEd
This study investigates the attitudes of students and student leaders towards democracy in terms of their demand for democracy, their perception of the supply of democracy, and their awareness of and participation in politics. Existing literature does not provide any conclusive explanation as to how and to what extent higher education contributes to democracy. Mattes and Mughogho (2010) argue that the contribution of higher education to support for democracy in Africa is limited while other scholars such as Bloom et al. (2006), Hillygus (2005), and Evans and Rose (2007a, 2007b) maintain that higher education impacts positively on support for democracy. The study follows the conceptualisation and methodology of previous studies based on the Afrobarometer public opinion surveys into the political attitudes of African mass publics (Bratton, Mattes and Gyimah-Boadi, 2005; Mattes and Bratton, 2003; 2007), and of students in African universities (Luescher-Mamashela et al., 2011; Mwollo-Ntalimma, 2011). The survey uses a stratified random sample of third-year undergraduate students at the University of Botswana. Furthermore, it isolates the subgroup of student leaders to investigate whether active participation in student politics influences support for democracy
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Carlock, Robert Michael. "A New (Bowling Green State) University: Educational Activism, Social Change, and Campus Protest in the Long Sixties." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1555087986990235.

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Hensby, Alexander Richard. "Exploring participation and non-participation in the 2010/11 student protests against fees and cuts." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9855.

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This research project uses the 2010/11 student protests in the UK as a case study to understand why certain individuals mobilise for forms of political participation and activism and why others do not. The student protests are ideal as a case study of participation and non-participation for a number of reasons. The UK Government’s proposal to treble the cap tuition fees for students in England represented an issue of widespread grievance for the student population, a grievance which was compounded for many by the Liberal Democrats’ decision to u-turn on its 2010 election campaign pledge. The student response featured large-scale regional and national demonstrations, as well as the formation of a network of simultaneous campus occupations across the UK, arguably presenting a greater scale and diversity of protest than had been seen for a generation. Despite these multiple participatory opportunities, however, student participation did not come close to matching the scale of opposition to trebled fees and university funding cuts as articulated in surveys. This raises fundamental questions about the social and political differences between participants and non-participants. Using original survey data of students from 22 UK universities, and 56 in-depth interviews with students from 6 universities, this research examines social and political patterns and relations between high, medium and low-cost/risk participants, and non-participants. Taking into account the idea of the university campus as a network of actors, the research posits that networks may preclude as well as facilitate participation. The research studies in detail the formation and maintenance of student activism networks – including their collective identifications and dis-identifications. Conversely, the study also looks at the social networks of non-participants, and how these may help to socially produce and sustain non-participation at an agency level. Finally, the research considers whether the protests against fees and cuts should be seen as a unified movement, and whether student attitudes taken together reveal a broadly-identifiable ‘participatory ideal’.
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Gonzalez, Carla Joann. "“Viva la raza”: Chicano student identity and activism at predominantly white midwestern universities, 1970-1979." Diss., University of Iowa, 2019. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6745.

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This dissertation, “Viva La Raza”: Chicano Student Identity and Activism at Predominately White Midwestern Universities, 1970-1979, specifically focuses on Chicano student activism, their understanding of their Midwestern identity, and how they created spaces for themselves at four predominately white Midwestern universities—The University of Iowa (UI); the University of Minnesota-Twin Cities (UM); the University of Wisconsin–Madison (UW); and the University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign (U of I) between 1970 and 1979. This dissertation’s central argument is that Chicano students at these four universities adopted a hybrid identity. They shared the Chicano ideology of reclaiming their Mexican heritage that was emerging in the Southwest because they also felt the negative effects that resulted from the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe. However, they also considered their regional identity because they had to shift the way they organized, demanded inclusion, sought visibility, and persisted at attaining their demands at these four institutions—and unlike in the Southwest, which was physically previously Mexico, the Midwest had no geographical ties to Mexico. Additionally, Chicano students sought to be visible, not only to their local Midwestern Anglo American campuses and communities, but also to Chicanos in the Southwest. Lastly, due to the activism of Chicano students at these four institutions—especially during the early 1970s—future generations of Chicanos benefited from the increased recruitment of Chicano students and spaces to call home on campus through the creation of Chicano Studies departments and cultural centers.
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Ruhl, Melissa. ""Forward You Must Go": Chemawa Indian Boarding School and Student Activism in the 1960s and 1970s." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11484.

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vii, 122 p. : ill.
High school student activism at Chemawa Indian School, a Native American boarding school in Oregon, transformed the curriculum, policies, and student life at Chemawa. Historians have neglected post-WWII boarding school stories, yet both the historical continuities and changes in boarding school life are significant. Using the student newspaper, the Chemawa American, I argue that during the 1960s, Chemawa continued to encourage Christianity, relegate heritage to safety zones, and rely on student labor to sustain the school. In the 1970s, Chemawa students, in part influenced by the Indian Student Bill of Rights, brought self-determination to Chemawa. Students organized clubs exploring Navajo, Alaskan, and Northwest Indian cultures and heritages. They were empowered to change rules such as the dress code provision dictating the length of hair. When the federal government threatened to close Chemawa many students fought to keep their school open even in the face of rapidly declining enrollment rates.
Committee in charge: Dr. Ellen Herman, Chairperson; Dr. Jeffery Ostler, Member; Dr. Brian Klopotek, Member
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Law, Nga Wing. "Performing identities: performative practices in post-handover Hong Kong art & activism." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/518.

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This is an autoethnographic account of the performative practices in the Umbrella Movement (2014, Hong Kong), a struggle that I myself and some fellow artists participated in. Instead of making a discursive analysis of postcolonial identity, this thesis focuses on performative practices and the performativity of artists and their activist counterparts in the Umbrella Movement. This thesis starts with an overview of the political situation in Hong Kong before relating it to the social turn in contemporary art practice and the performative turn in art and research practices. Instead of using performance as a metaphor for understanding cultural phenomena, I persevere with the notion of performance per se, of artists taking part in activism and examining the performativity involved in the process. As an artist/researcher, I have been seeking a research methodology that is compatible with the means and ends of activism being studied and can nourish a reflexive account on the performative practices of resistance in postcolonial Hong Kong. I propose a methodology of 'performative autoethnography' which accentuates the co-performative and intersubjective process as well as the non-textual aspects of embodied experience and of performing struggle in activism. Reviewing the performative practices on macro- and micro-levels, I borrow the term 'microutopia' to depict the imaginary space created by micro-performances used to cope with the discrepancies between utopian ideals and reality. Specifically, I examine the transformative power of some performative tactics employed in the Umbrella Movement: parodic performance of 'over-identification,' improvisation accomplished by collective connectivity and kinetic responsiveness of the performers, and the artist as an intersubjective mediator. Among these tactics, there are recurring claims and recurring forms that add up to a repertoire of protest. Through microutopian interventions staged at the site of protest, the identities of the multitude are constructed through critical engagement. I suggest that we use the concept of 'critical identities' to study how identities are constructed within an open-ended network of social relations, using a critical reflexive lens of performance studies at a precarious moment in which Hong Kong finds itself at a crossroads.
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Harwell, Raena Jamila. "This Woman's Work: The Sociopolitical Activism of Bebe Moore Campbell." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2011. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/138885.

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African American Studies
Ph.D.
In November 2006, award-winning novelist, Bebe Moore Campbell died at the age of 56 after a short battle with brain cancer. Although the author was widely-known and acclaimed for her first novel, Your Blues Ain't Like Mine (1992) there had been no serious study of her life, nor her literary and activist work. This dissertation examines Campbell's activism in two periods: as a student at the University of Pittsburgh during the 1960s Black Student Movement, and later as a mental health advocate near the end of her life in 2006. It also analyzes Campbell's first and final novels, Your Blues Ain't Like Mine and 72 Hour Hold (2005) and the direct relationship between her novels and her activist work. Oral history interview, primary source document analysis, and textual analysis of the two novels, were employed to examine and reconstruct Campbell's activist activities, approaches, intentions and impact in both her work as a student activist at the University of Pittsburgh and her work as a mental health advocate and spokesperson for the National Alliance for Mental Illness. A key idea considered is the impact of her early activism and consciousness on her later activism, writing, and advocacy. I describe the subject's activism within the Black Action Society from 1967-1971 and her negotiation of the black nationalist ideologies espoused during the 1960s. Campbell's first novel Your Blues Ain't Like Mine and is correlated to her emerging political consciousness (specific to race and gender) and the concern for racial violence during the Black Liberation period. The examination of recurrent themes in Your Blues reveals a direct relationship to Campbell's activism at the University of Pittsburgh. I also document Campbell's later involvement in the National Alliance on Mental Illness (NAMI), her role as a national spokesperson, and the local activism that sparked the birth of the NAMI Urban-Los Angeles chapter, serving black and Latino communities (1999-2006). Campbell's final novel, 72 Hour Hold, is examined closely for its socio-political commentary and emphasis on mental health disparities, coping with mental illness, and advocacy in black communities. Campbell utilized recurring signature themes within each novel to theorize and connect popular audiences with African American historical memory and current sociopolitical issues. Drawing from social movement theories, I contend that Campbell's activism, writing, and intellectual development reflect the process of frame alignment. That is, through writing and other activist practices she effectively amplifies, extends, and transforms sociopolitical concerns specific to African American communities, effectively engaging a broad range of readers and constituents. By elucidating Campbell's formal and informal leadership roles within two social movement organizations and her deliberate use of writing as an activist tool, I conclude that in both activist periods Campbell's effective use of resources, personal charisma, and mobilizing strategies aided in grassroots/local and institutional change. This biographical and critical study of the sociopolitical activism of Bebe Moore Campbell establishes the necessity for scholarly examination of African American women writers marketed to popular audiences and expands the study of African American women's contemporary activism, health activism, and black student activism.
Temple University--Theses
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Deters, Matthew J. "Preventing Violent Unrest: Student Protest at the University of Toledo, 1965-1972." Toledo, Ohio : University of Toledo, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=toledo1270585177.

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Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Toledo, 2010.
Typescript. "Submitted to the Graduate Faculty as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Education Degree in Higher Education." "A thesis entitled"--at head of title. Title from title page of PDF document. Bibliography: p. 96-109.
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Favors, Jelani Manu-Gowon. "Shelter in a time of storm black colleges and the rise of student activism in Jackson, Mississippi /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1155750466.

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38

Favors, Jelani M. "Shelter in a time of storm: black colleges and the rise of student activism in Jackson, Mississippi." The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1155750466.

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39

Cancian, Renato. "Movimento estudantil e repressão política : o Ato Público na Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo (1977) e o destino de uma geração de estudantes." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2008. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/1415.

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Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais
This study examines the university student movement of the 1970s and the Public Act at the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo (PUC-SP) in 1977, culminating in an episode of police violence against the students. The focus of the search fell on the path of life of a group of former student activists in order to understand, first, how they are linked and part of the student movement, and secondly, if the experience of participation in student movement was able to generate some influence or socialization in terms of political and professional after entering the stage of university education of ex-militants. Theoretically, this study establishes a dialogue with the sociological approaches that focus on the radical student collective actions and roles of young people, and is back to understanding the changes in the patterns of militancy that might occur in the transition from juvenile to life adulthood and integration into the world of work. The methodology of the History of Life provided the basis for the analysis of the biography of former student activists, and from that methodological feature found that the political militancy was a determining factor of student activism and, consequently, a more active participation in the movement university student. The study showed that after training and shutdown of the student movement, the former student activists have continued the practice of political militancy and experience of participation in the student movement has strong influence in their career options.
O presente estudo aborda o movimento estudantil universitário da década de 1970 e o Ato Público na Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo (PUC-SP), em 1977, evento que culminou num episódio de violência policial contra os estudantes. O enfoque da pesquisa recaiu sobre a trajetória de vida de um grupo de ex-militantes estudantis, com o propósito de compreender, em primeiro lugar, como eles se vincularam e participaram do movimento estudantil e, em segundo lugar, se a experiência de participação no movimento estudantil foi capaz de gerar alguma influência ou socialização em termos de inserção política e profissional após a fase de formação universitária desses ex-militantes. Teoricamente, o presente estudo estabelece uma interlocução com as abordagens sociológicas que enfocam o radicalismo estudantil e as ações coletivas protagonizadas por jovens, e se volta para compreensão das mudanças nos padrões de militância que possam vir a ocorrer na fase de transição da vida juvenil para a vida adulta e inserção no mundo do trabalho. A metodologia de História de Vida serviu de base para a análise da biografia dos ex-militantes estudantis. A partir desse recurso metodológico constatou-se que a militância política foi um fator determinante da militância estudantil e, conseqüentemente, de uma participação mais ativa no movimento estudantil universitário. O estudo comprovou que após a formação acadêmica e desligamento do movimento estudantil, os ex-militantes estudantis deram continuidade à prática de militância política e a experiência de participação no movimento estudantil desempenhou forte influência nas suas opções de carreira profissional.
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40

Akpofure, R. E. O. "Student activism and Federal Government policies in Nigerian tertiary education 1967-1978 : a study of the interaction between Federal and institutional authorities and student protesters." Thesis, Bucks New University, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.370152.

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41

Smith, Frederick. "The Politics of Ethnic Studies, Cultural Centers, and Student Activism| The Voices of Black Women at the Academic Borderlands." Thesis, Loyola Marymount University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10929596.

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Through employing critical narratives, this qualitative study examined the experiences of Black women who utilized their scholarship and activism to address campus climates at a predominantly Chicanx Latinx institution in Southern California. Six Black women—two faculty, two staff, and two students—participated in the study. All participants were active with Ethnic Studies (Pan-African Studies), the campus Cross Cultural Centers, and Black Student Union student organization in some capacity. Literature on the three areas focuses on the history of and ongoing struggle to exist, significance to campus life, and meaning in the lives of marginalized and minoritized communities. The study used three frameworks: Critical Pedagogy, Critical Race Theory, and Black Feminist and Black Womanist Theory to analyze the critical narratives of the women. Findings revealed Black women integrate community issues into their professional and personal lives, experience rare moments of being celebrated, and must contend with intentional efforts to silence their voices and activism. This study, informed by the Ethnic Studies politics of higher education, contributes to this field by identifying how Black women activists contribute to the moral and ethical leadership of campus climate conversations.

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Clemons, Thompson Stephanie A. "The Problem We All Live With: A Critical Appreciative Approach to Undergraduate Racial Justice Activism." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1554032155135838.

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43

Mdepa, Anele Arnold. "Social movement learning, student protest and higher education: An exploration of #FeesMustFall at UWC." University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8139.

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Magister Educationis (Adult Learning and Global Change) - MEd(AL)
This study examines student activism and student protests that occurred at South African higher education institutions (HEIs) during the academic years 2015 and 2016. These protests were inspired by multiple grievances experienced by students at HEIs, which included protesting against the maintenance and celebration of imperial symbols at universities as well as the unaffordability of academic and residence fees. These protests were different to previous student protests in that student discontentment and protests were popularised and advocated through social media under Twitter hashtags such as #RhodesMustFall (RMF) and #FeesMustFall (FMF).
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Santos, Maria Fernanda Teixeira dos. "Mulheres no movimento estudantil: representações, discursos e identidades." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2011. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/2556.

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O presente trabalho teve como objetivo analisar a participação feminina no movimento estudantil, percebendo como se articulam relações de gênero e poder na militância feminina. A pesquisa em que este trabalho se baseia foi realizada durante a campanha para o Diretório Central dos Estudantes, de uma universidade federal mineira, no ano de 2009. Procurou-se compreender as construções do conceito de gênero, de forma que pudéssemos construir um referencial teórico capaz de nos auxiliar na compreensão da dinâmica das relações de gênero no interior do movimento estudantil. Para aprofundarmos em nossas questões, refletimos acerca da participação das mulheres na política formal, uma vez que fornece pistas importantes para a participação das militantes no movimento estudantil, já que o mesmo é estruturado por uma lógica partidária. Além disso, foi desenvolvida uma reflexão sobre juventude e movimento estudantil. No terceiro capítulo, que apresenta nossa etnografia, mostramos a composição das chapas envolvidas, a dinâmica de construção de identidades das chapas, onde desenvolvemos uma reflexão acerca das estratégias e posturas das mulheres universitárias em relação a seus posicionamentos ao longo do processo político em questão.
This study is aimed at examining women's participation in the student movement, taking note on how relations of power and gender are articulated in women’s militancy. The research on which this work is based was conducted during the campaign for the Central Directory of Students in a Federal University of Minas Gerais, in 2009. An understanding of the constructions of the concept of gender was sought, so that we could create a theoretical reference able to assist us in understanding the dynamics of gender relations within the student movement. To delve into our questions, women's participation in formal politics was reflected on, as it provides important clues to the involvement of militants in the student movement, as it is structured by a partisan logic. Furthermore, a speculation on youth and student movement was developed. In the third chapter, which presents our ethnography, the composition of the candidate slates involved are shown including the dynamic construction of the identities belonging to the same, where a reflection or speculation is developed about the strategies and attitudes of college women in relation to their positions along the political process in question.
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45

Vavilov, Elena Maria. "Lessons about activism from a Swedish high school student : A rhetorical analysis of Greta Thunberg’s public speeches on climate change." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-46317.

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On the 15th of March 2019, more than 1.6 million students have protested in 125 countries against the climate change effects, as part of the Fridays for Future movement. The manifestations represented the biggest day of global climate action ever taken, according to media outlets. At the core of this movement stands Greta Thunberg, a Swedish 16-year old climate activist and a Nobel Prize nominee, whose actions and speeches serve as inspiration for both students and adults.  With a focus on environmental communication and climate activism, this research aims to find how the teenager addressed climate change topics and how she succeeded in conveying her ideas to audiences. It discusses how the rhetoric was constructed within her speeches, and which of the argumentative elements gave Greta Thunberg the ability to convince the public. The study combines frame and rhetoric analysis with a focus on the text of the speeches that Greta Thunberg delivered in three major international events. The purpose is to observe and understand the nature of Greta Thunberg’s activism by analyzing how the high school student used the linguistic tools and tactics in her public speeches, and to explore a few theories within the text: the issue framing of the climate crisis; the argumentative and discursive techniques that helped her to gain media and public attention.  The thesis concludes that the evolution of Greta Thunberg’s climate activism, from ‘no attention’ to global reputation, is based on grassroots activism, particular personality features, and efficient use of rhetoric devices combined with moral purpose argumentation.

Acknowledgements

I take the opportunity to thank my Master thesis supervisor professor Paola Sartoretto, from Stockholm University, for the valuable professional support that she offered. Additionally, I thank professor Mia Verhoeff Friman from Jönköping University, for her useful remarks and input during this 2-year Master’s Program.

Last but not least, I want to express my gratitude for all the encouragement I received in my efforts to attend this program and to address special thanks to my mother Otilia for her continuous guidance and love, for always believing in me, and for being my role model as a mother, woman, teacher, and respected professional.

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46

Davis, III Charles Harold Frederick. "Dream Defending, On-Campus and Beyond: A Multi-sited Ethnography of Contemporary Student Organizing, the Social Movement Repertoire, and Social Movement Organization in College." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/595672.

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Much of the extant higher education literature examining student activism and social movements in college is limited by both chronological time and physical space. In addition, very little is known about the ways in which technology generally and social media specifically are embraced in contemporary student organizing practices. Accordingly, my multi-sited ethnographic study focuses on the Dream Defenders, a Florida-based, racially and ethnically-diverse multi-campus social movement organization "developing the next generation of radical leaders to realize and exercise [their] independent, collective power; building alternative systems; and organizing to disrupt the structures that oppress [their]communities" (Dream Defenders, 2014). More specifically, my study is intended to contemporize research on student activism in college by using robust, real-time ethnographic data to examine off-campus organizing undertaken by Dream Defenders' organization and their use of new and social media technologies. Drawing from and modifying resource dependency/resource mobilization perspectives and new social movement theories, I conceptualize the interactive use of the aforementioned technologies as mobilizing structures and in the construction movement frames–parts of the social movement repertoire (Tilly, 2004) of contemporary student organizers. The findings from my study indicate the use of alternative and activist new media in contemporary student organizing is part of a larger, dynamic interactive process of traditional organizing practices to include four primary domains: occupation and agitation, power building, political participation, and civic demonstration. More specifically, findings further indicate the use of 1) mediated mobilization, and 2) culture jamming (Lievrouw, 2011) as alternative and activist new media practices within the Dream Defenders' social movement repertoire. The former harnesses the power of social media to leverage new and existing networks of college student organizers in on-the-ground mobilization. The latter, however, utilizes the production of digital art for purposes of social and political critique, which also serve as a diagnostic frame by which contemporary student organizers are able to identify problems/issues of concern and attribute of blame to key political targets. Overall, my study makes scholarly contributions to the empirical, theoretical/conceptual, and methodological domains of higher education research generally and student activism scholarship in particular. First, the findings from my study challenge higher education scholars to consider the importance of moving beyond campus contexts to investigate students' lives, which are increasingly occurring off- and away from campus. Second, my findings expand understandings of the ways in which contemporary college students relate to technology and social media beyond social uses, entertainment purposes, and utility for the delivery of instructional content to include harnessing alternative and activist new media for creating social change. Lastly, my findings strongly counter the prevailing narrative regarding millennials' lack of awareness of their history. Through drawing from communities of memory, invoking traditions of non-violent civil disobedience, and leveraging relationships with historical civil rights icons to increase legitimacy, contemporary student organizers draw upon history as a non-material resource as part of their social movement repertoire.
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47

Christensen, Julie A. "More Than Duffle Bag Medicine: An Ethnographic Analysis of a Student Movement for Global Health." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1368735040.

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48

Ginter, Mary Beth. "Campus activism: Studying change as it is being created Gender, the Internet, and organizational structure in a student anti-sweatshop group." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280474.

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In this case study of an Anti-Sweatshop Group, on the campus of a university in the southwest, I present findings related to gender, the Internet and organizational structure and discuss these in connection with the group's mission, behaviors, activities and perceptions. This is an exploratory, qualitative case study that spanned nine-months of ethnographic field work. Through interviews, participation and observation of group meetings throughout a nine-month period, and analysis of over 1000+ listserve emails from that same period of time, I explored the lived experiences of a campus activist group and learned how they perceived gender issues, Internet usage and organizational structure.
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Williams, Elliot D. "Out of the Closets and Onto the Campus: The Politics of Coming Out at Florida Atlantic University, 1972-1977." Scholarly Repository, 2011. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_theses/252.

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This thesis examines gay student organizing to understand the role of college students in the burgeoning lesbian and gay movement of the 1970s. Although students are widely recognized as participants in gay activism in this period, few studies have attempted to explore their particular role. The Gay Academic Union (GAU) at Florida Atlantic University in Boca Raton, FL, is presented as a case study, using archival and oral history research. Lesbian and gay students participated in the construction of a new political strategy based on visibility and community, which positioned “coming out” as its central metaphor. During the early to mid-1970s, students were especially well positioned to play a role in the gay movement, which relied on small, local organizations to spread gay politics throughout the nation. However, in the wake of the Anita Bryant-led effort to repeal Miami-Dade’s gay rights ordinance in 1977, the growth of national gay organizations and a national media discourse on homosexuality began to eclipse the type of organizing at which college students had excelled. By extending the narrative of gay organizing in the 1970s outside of urban centers, the story of the GAU at Florida Atlantic demonstrates that college students played a crucial part in disseminating the new forms of gay identity and culture associated with the gay movement.
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50

Christy, Rebecca A. "Voices from the Border: Conservative Students and a Decade of Protest." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1272311564.

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