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1

Dhingra, Neil, and Joel D. Miller. "Dependent Rational Activists: Disability, Student Activism, and Special Education." Research Articles 28, no. 2 (October 25, 2021): 110–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1082919ar.

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Historians of student activism have rarely focused on students with disabilities, while educational historians who study students with disabilities have focused on legal reforms, not activism. We present a philosophical argument for an inclusive definition of student activism that can take place within legal and bureaucratic processes in which students act collaboratively with parents or guardians. Drawing on the new disability history and critical disability studies, we first argue that such activism is necessary because those processes routinely involve the conceptual objectification, silencing, and invisibilization of disabled people. Further, we argue that activism is necessary to shift individualized education plan (IEP) meetings from bargaining to collective deliberations for the common good. Finally, following Alasdair MacIntyre, we argue that activism, legal and otherwise, may involve families acting collaboratively, because parents and others can become attentive to the rational reflections of those with disabilities.
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Altbach, Philip G., and Robert Cohen. "American Student Activism." Journal of Higher Education 61, no. 1 (January 1990): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00221546.1990.11775090.

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Dube, Bekithemba, and Baldwin Hove. "What Now for the Zimbabwean Student Demonstrator? Online Activism and Its Challenges for University Students in A COVID-19 Lockdown." International Journal of Higher Education 11, no. 2 (October 8, 2021): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijhe.v11n2p100.

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University student activism is generally characterized by protests and demonstrations by students who are reacting to social, political, and economic challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic revolutionized university student activism, and closed the geographical space for protests and demonstrations. The pandemic locked students out of the university campus, thus, rendering the traditional strategies of mass protests and demonstrations impossible. The COVID-19-induced lockdowns made it difficult, if not impossible, to mobilise for on-campus demonstrations and protests. It seems the pandemic is the last nail in the coffin of on-campus student protests. This theoretical paper uses a collective behaviour framework to explain the evolution of student activism in Zimbabwe, from the traditional on-campus politics to virtual activism. It discusses the challenges associated with cybernetic activism. The paper argues that, despite challenges, Zimbabwean university student activists need to migrate to a new world of digital technology and online activism. In the migration to online activism, students activists face a plethora of challenges. On top of the already existing obstacles, activists face new operational challenges related to trying to mobilise a constituency that has relocated to cyberspace. Student activists utilize the existing digital infrastructure to advance their politics, in spite of a hostile state security system and harsh economic environment, and other operational challenges.
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Christensen, M. Candace, and Alexis V. Arczynski. "Fostering Student Activism: Barriers, Sharing, and Dialectics." World Journal of Social Science Research 1, no. 2 (January 2, 2015): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v1n2p151.

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The present study was an exploratory investigation of interviews with six college students who participated in the development and implementation of a theatre-based sexual assault prevention intervention. We investigated how these students experienced their involvement in activism within the context of developing and presenting a sexual assault prevention program. The research revealed common themes: each student experienced fears about participating in activism or identifying as an activist, had strong desires to share knowledge about sexual assault prevention with their community, and viewed their individual activist identities within a complex understanding of what it meant to be activists. These themes helped us to develop implications for future research and educational practices to support activist identity development.
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Ruiz, Berenice Andaluz, Kai-Wei Cheng, B. Cheree Copeland Terrell, Kevin A. Lewis, Maxwell C. Mattern, and Anthony M. Wright. "For us, by us: Exploring constructions of student activism and university support." Higher Education Politics & Economics 3, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/hepe.v3i2.11.

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Across the country, identity-based activist movements have impacted the mobilization of student activists on college campuses. This article focuses on students’ construction of activism and their perceptions of support from administration, faculty, and staff. The researchers employed a constructivist framework and revealed four domains highlighting student’s experiences with activism on campus. Our recommendations describe ways campus stakeholders can better support student efforts for social change.
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Gong, Anson. "“New Voices”?: Student Activism and Students of Color." Amerasia Journal 15, no. 1 (January 1989): 311–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/amer.15.1.h100582142032388.

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Taha, Diane, Sally O. Hastings, and Elizabeth M. Minei. "Shaping Student Activists: Discursive Sensemaking of Activism and Participation Research." Journal of the Scholarship of Teaching and Learning 15, no. 6 (December 27, 2015): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/josotl.v15i6.13820.

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As social media becomes a more potent force in society, particularly for younger generations, the role in activism has been contested. This qualitative study examines 35 interviews with students regarding their perceptions of the use of social media in social change, their perceptions of activists, and their level of self-identification as an activist. Data suggest that students use media to engage in offline participation in activist causes, because offline presents a “safe” place to begin their involvement. Findings also point to the unified pejorative connotations of the term “activist”, yet also demonstrate ways that students transform the negative stereotype of activists in a way that creates a more positive image of activists. Most participants in the study were able to see sufficient positive characteristics in behaviors they associated with activism to prompt the students to identify themselves as “activists” or “aspiring activists”. We offer 3 practical recommendations for teachers who seek to increase service learning vis a vis activism in their classrooms.
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Koen, Charlton, Mlungisi Cele, and Arial Libhaber. "Student activism and student exclusions in South Africa." International Journal of Educational Development 26, no. 4 (July 2006): 404–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2005.09.009.

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Wasserstrom, Jeffrey N. "Scholarship on Shanghai Student Activism." Chinese Studies in History 27, no. 1-2 (October 1993): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csh0009-463327010213.

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10

Altbach, Philip G. "Perspectives on Student Political Activism." Comparative Education 25, no. 1 (January 1989): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0305006890250110.

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11

Olavarría, Margot. "Student Activism In Chile’S Universities." NACLA Report on the Americas 33, no. 4 (January 2000): 28–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2000.11722672.

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12

Oransky, I. "Activism and the medical student." JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 276, no. 17 (November 6, 1996): 1434. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.276.17.1434.

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13

Baker, Gavin. "Student activism: How students use the scholarly communication system." College & Research Libraries News 68, no. 10 (November 1, 2007): 636–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.68.10.7890.

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14

Nash, Logan. "Listening to Students: A Different Kind of Student Activism." Change: The Magazine of Higher Learning 44, no. 3 (May 15, 2012): 73–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00091383.2012.672921.

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15

Asiedu-Acquah, Emmanuel. "“We Shall Be Outspoken”: Student Political Activism in Post-Independence Ghana, c.1957–1966." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 2 (October 16, 2018): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618806542.

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This paper looks at student political activism in Ghana in the late 1950s and 1960s. Using Ghanaian and British archives, it examines how students of Ghana’s universities politically engaged with the government of Kwame Nkrumah and his ruling Convention People’s Party (CPP). Student activism manifested most in the conflict between the Nkrumah government, on one hand, and university authorities and students, on the other hand, over the purpose of higher education, university autonomy, and nationalism. The conflict coalesced around the idea of educated youth as model citizens. Contrary to the denial in existing literature, the paper argues that a nascent student movement and tradition of student political activism had emerged since the late 1950s. University student activism established itself as a fulcrum of the country’s evolving postcolonial political order and a bulwark against governmental authoritarianism. In the larger context of the global 1960s, Ghanaian student activism belonged to the wave of youth protests against governments that favored stability and opposed all dissent.
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Altbach, Philip G., and Manja Klemencic. "Student Activism Remains a Potent Force Worldwide." International Higher Education, no. 76 (May 12, 2014): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2014.76.5518.

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Student activism remains a potent force worldwide. Recently, students were instrumental in the collapse of the regime in Ukraine, and were key forces in the Arab Spring movements. Students, however, are unable to ensure that their views will be reflected in the governments that emerge from unrest. Students also are active participants in campus events, and have often been instrumental in shaping higher education policy.
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Davids, Nuraan. "Democratising South African universities: From activism to advocacy." Policy Futures in Education 19, no. 5 (March 17, 2021): 568–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14782103211003421.

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The segregation enforced during apartheid has not only ensured widely disparate South African university landscapes, but also framed constructions of activism in historical discourses of racial disenfranchisement and marginalisation. As a result, activism is implicitly and explicitly associated with disadvantaged universities; with black students; and specifically directed at an apartheid government. If there were expectations – certainly on the side of government – that the transition to a democratic state would allay student activism, this was not the case. Instead, student activism – still manifested in a critical mass of black students – has not only intensified but has degenerated into disturbing displays of destruction and violence. The recent spate of student protests, which centred on matters of access, free education and decolonisation, and more recently, gender-based violence, has provoked defensive, and at times, antagonistic and discouraging responses from universities – placing students firmly in an opposing discourse. Seemingly, while the political climate has shifted, universities have yet to reconceptualise their institutional, academic and spatial environments into contexts conducive to open and mutual deliberation. Current impressions from university responses suggest that activism, as symbolised through student protests, is out of place in democratic spaces. In considering the relational positioning of universities to activism and, hence, to students, the interest of this article resides, firstly, in how notions of activism might be reimagined within democratic contexts and, secondly, in how universities might reposition themselves from being sites of activism, to being advocates of social, economic and ethical reform.
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Coggo Cristofoletti, Evandro, and Milena Pavan Serafim. "Neoliberal student activism in Brazilian higher education." Learning and Teaching 15, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/latiss.2022.150105.

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This article discusses the growth of neoliberal student activism in Brazilian higher education, considering the role of organisations called neoliberal think tanks. The following questions are addressed: why and how do these think tanks operate in the field of higher education? How do they articulate and promote student activism? The study provides a historical and contextual review of the origin and performance of the neoliberal think tanks in Brazil, identifying organisations that significantly operate in the higher education field. The case of Students For Liberty Brasil is examined in detail. The results of our study indicate that these think tanks seek to challenge hegemony in the teaching, research and higher education policy agendas and consider students as an important source of neoliberal political leaders.
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Garalyte, Kristina. "Dalit Counterpublic and Social Space on Indian Campuses." CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 1, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v1i2.198.

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This article discusses three different university campuses in India and their political and social environments with a particular focus on Dalit student activism from March to June, 2013 and from January to March, 2014 when this ethnographic research was conducted. It questions what place the Dalit student activism, constituting the “counter public” (Fraser, 1990), occupied on the university campuses; how Dalit student activists interacted with other political groups on the campuses; what characteristic features the Dalit student activism had at the New Delhi and Hyderabad universities. This article discusses the changing power relations on Indian campuses and the role of “social space” (Bourdieu 2018, 1989) in negotiating social statuses. Dalit student activists actively engaged in appropriating social space by installing Dalit symbolic icons on the university campuses, bringing up caste issues to public attention and thus temporarily turning certain campuses into the “political strongholds” (Jaoul, 2012) of the Dalit movement. Contributing to the field of “the spatiality of contentious politics” (Leitner, Sheppard and Sziarto 2008) this article argues for the interactive relation between space and politics, showing how Dalit students changed the campus space through symbolic appropriation and, conversely, how historically constituted campus spaces affected the nature of Dalit student activism in each of the discussed locations.
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Manzano, Lester J., OiYan A. Poon, and Vanessa S. Na. "Asian American Student Engagement in Student Leadership and Activism." New Directions for Student Services 2017, no. 160 (December 2017): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ss.20244.

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Gutierrez Keeton, Rebecca, Corina Benavides López, and José M. Aguilar-Hernández. "“It Shaped Who I Am”: Reframing Identities for Justice Through Student Activism." Association of Mexican American Educators Journal 15, no. 1 (February 11, 2021): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24974/amae.15.1.414.

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On May 6, 1993, students of California State Polytechnic University, Pomona (Cal Poly Pomona [CPP]) protested what they believed was a lack of diversity on campus. Over 25 years later, this qualitative study explores the identity development of undergraduate students who led that movement, which resulted in the founding of five cultural centers at CPP in 1995. In doing so, this study adds to the growing literature on activism and Chicana/o/x and Latina/o/x identity development. Today, student-led movements shine light on continued inequities in higher education. The reframing identities for justice (RIJ) identity development model serves as a lens to explore how six students’ historical narratives offer a unique glimpse into the impact of activism on their identity development. We found participants’ identity development was influenced by (a) experiencing meaningful interactions along their developmental journeys, (b) making sense of oppression and privilege, (c) discovering praxis between previous learning and activism at CPP, and (d) building coalitions and kinship. Findings show that students act for social justice before they explore multiple identities. We conclude that activism impacts student identity development and offer recommendations for how to enhance this development to student activists, faculty, and administrators.
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Gagnon, Jessica. "Unreasonable rage, disobedient dissent." Learning and Teaching 11, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 82–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/latiss.2018.110105.

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This article explores the limits of student engagement in higher education in the United Kingdom through the social construction of student activists within media discourses. It scrutinises the impact of dominant neoliberal discourses on the notion of student engagement, constructing certain students as legitimately engaged whilst infantilising and criminalising those who participate in protest. Exploring media coverage of and commentary on students engaged in activism, from the 2010 protests against university fee increases and from more recent activism in 2016, the article draws upon Sara Ahmed’s (2014) Willful Subjects and Imogen Tyler’s (2013) Revolting Subjects to examine critically the ways in which some powerful discourses control and limit which activities, practices and voices can be recognised as legitimate forms of student engagement.
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Rosa, Alessandra. "Student activists’ affective strategies during the 2010-2011 siege of the University of Puerto Rico." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 36, no. 11/12 (October 10, 2016): 824–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-12-2015-0149.

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Purpose On December 14, 2010, University of Puerto Rico (UPR) student activists initiated the second wave of their strike at a disadvantage. The presence of the police force inside the campus raised the stakes for the student movement. No longer did student activists have the “legal rights” or control of the university as a physical public space to hold their assemblies and coordinate their different events. As a result, student activists had to improvise and (re)construct their spaces of resistance by using emotional narratives, organizing non-violent civil disobedience acts at public places, fomenting lobbying groups, disseminating online petitions, and developing alternative proposals to the compulsory fee. This second wave continued until March 2011, when it came to a halt after an incident that involved physical harassment to the Chancellor, Ana Guadalupe, during one of the student demonstrations. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach Building on Ron Eyerman’s (2005, p. 53) analysis on “the role of emotions in social movements with the aid of performance theory,” the author center this paper on examining student activists’ tactics and strategies in the development and maintenance of their emotional narratives and internet activism. By adapting Joshua Atkinson’s (2010) concept of resistance performance, the author argues that student activists’ resistance performances assisted them in (re)framing their collective identities by (re)constructing spaces of resistance and contention while immersed in violent confrontations with the police. Findings Ever since the establishment of the university as an institution, student activism has played a key role in shaping the political policies and history of many countries; “today, student actions continue to have direct effects on educational institutions and on national and international politics” (Edelman, 2001, p. 3). Consequently, and especially in times of economic and political crisis, student activism has occupied and constructed spaces of resistance and contention to protest and reveal the existing repressions of neoliberal governments serving as a (re)emergence of an international social movement to guarantee the accessibility to a public higher education of excellence. Thus, it is important to remember that the 2010-2011 UPR student activism’s success should not be measured by the sum of demands granted, but rather by the sense of community achieved and the establishment of social networks that have continued to create resistance and change in the island. Originality/value As of yet there is no thorough published analysis of the 2010-2011 UPR student strike, its implications, and how the university community currently perceives it. By elaborating on the concept of resistance performance, the author’s study illustrates how both traditional and alternative media (re)presentations of student activism can develop, maintain, adjust, or change the students’ collective identity(ies). The author’s work not only makes Puerto Rico visible in the research concerning social movements, student activism, and internet activism; in addition, it provides resistance performance as a concept to describe various degrees of participation in current social movements.
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Maiwan, Mohammad. "GERAKAN MAHASISWA PADA MASA ORDE LAMA: SUATU PERSPEKTIF HISTORIS." Jurnal Ilmiah Mimbar Demokrasi 14, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/jimd.v14i2.9105.

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The student movement in the post-independence as well as the Old Order ups and downs along with the socio-political atmosphere. During the revolutionary period students involved in the struggle for independence. While at the time of Liberal Democracy, student activism changed. At first they are more academic activism alone and free from political interests outside the university. But in the elections of 1955 university and college students have politicized, making it applicable conflict and discord. In the Guided Democracy period (1959-1965)increasing student political activity. Occurs strong government intervention against the university. In addition, the form is also the influence of leftist groups who cause strife and conflicts between student organizations. University of previously fragmented worse. These circumstances occur until 1965 when the Communist Party of Indonesia destroyed.
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Hurd, Ellis, Kathleen Brinegar, and Lisa Harrison. "In student activism there is hope." Middle School Journal 51, no. 2 (February 4, 2020): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00940771.2019.1707557.

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Chickering, Arthur W. "Why We Should Encourage Student Activism." About Campus: Enriching the Student Learning Experience 2, no. 6 (January 1998): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/108648229800200602.

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Zilvinskis, John, Demetri L. Morgan, and Brendan Dugan. "Measuring Institutional Effects on Student Activism." Journal of College Student Development 61, no. 3 (2020): 372–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/csd.2020.0034.

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Zeilig, Leo. "Student Politics and Activism in Zimbabwe." Journal of Asian and African Studies 43, no. 2 (April 2008): 215–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096080430020501.

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Gismondi, Adam, and Laura Osteen. "Student Activism in the Technology Age." New Directions for Student Leadership 2017, no. 153 (February 15, 2017): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/yd.20230.

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Hensby, Alexander. "Millbank tendency: The strengths and limitations of mediated protest ‘events’ in UK student activism cycles." Current Sociology 67, no. 7 (September 12, 2019): 960–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392119865761.

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UK students’ desire to create disruptive, media-friendly ‘events’ during the 2010–11 protests against fees and cuts is reflective of wider cycles and processes in student activism history. First, constant cohort turnover restricts students’ ability to convert campaigns into durable movements, necessitating that they must periodically ‘start from scratch’. This informs a second process, namely the need to gain the attention of mainstream media, as this can potentially amplify students’ grievances far beyond their own organizational capacities. Both have shaped student activism over the past 50 years, compelling contemporary students to create protest events that live up to their radical history. These processes were evident in autumn 2010, when an NUS demonstration saw students attack and briefly occupy Conservative Party headquarters at 30 Millbank. The protest’s mass mediation was central to activists’ ‘eventing’ processes, and provided the spark for the radical UK-wide campaign that followed. Yet once the fees bill was passed by Parliament, students’ dependency on mainstream media cycles was quickly exposed. With ‘mediatization’ tendencies having dogged student activism since the 1960s, this article argues that creating ‘events’ epitomizes students’ longstanding strengths and limitations as society’s ‘incipient intelligentsia’.
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Lee, Philip. "The Case of Dixon v. Alabama: From Civil Rights to Students’ Rights and Back Again." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 116, no. 12 (December 2014): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811411601206.

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Background/Context Legal scholars have cited the Fifth Circuit's ruling in Dixon v. Alabama State Board of Education (1961) as the beginning of a revolution for students’ rights that ended the in loco parentis relationship between colleges and their students. But little has been written about the students’ activism that led to this seminal case. Research Question Students’ rights, in general, benefited from the Dixon precedent. But how did the student activists who brought the case personally benefit? None were able to tell their stories in court in a way that challenged separate but equal laws. None of them took advantage of the due process that the Fifth Circuit ruled that Alabama State College must provide. None re-enrolled at the college after the case was over. And segregation was still alive and well in Alabama after Dixon was decided. So what did they win? Research Design This study presents a historical analysis of the student activism that led to the Dixon case, the case itself, and its interplay with future civil rights activism. Conclusions Despite the divergence of interests between the student activists and the lawyers, both the sit-in and the litigation empowered students all over the country to engage in the civil rights struggle.
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Serafimovska, Eleonora, and Marijana Markovikj. "Motive for Social Justice and Students Activism at University Level." European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 5, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 172–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ejser-2018-0068.

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Abstract Student organizations exist to protect the rights and interests of their members. Therefore, if they are organized into representative student governments, students can be a very influential agent who shapes the policy of higher education, and build themselves as democratic force in the society. The purpose of this study conducted by Institute for Sociological, Political and Juridical Research (ISPJR), Skopje was to consider student activism at university level in light of social justice motive. The data show that components of social justice motive influence the activism in Student Organization but also certainly proved that educational system of the country has serious omissions and errors in developing responsible and active youth and the country has to invest in its students because good student organization, in addition to exercising rights, freedoms and needs, and engaging in improving students’ standard and their well-being, means investing in an active, efficient, motivated and democratic youth.
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Chambers, Tony, and Christine E. Phelps. "Student Activism as a Form of Leadership and Student Development." NASPA Journal 31, no. 1 (October 1, 1993): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220973.1993.11072333.

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Lee, Elizabeth M. "Low-socioeconomic Status Students Organizing around Class on Campus." Social Currents 5, no. 6 (June 22, 2018): 512–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2329496518781354.

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While scholars have developed stronger understandings of challenges facing low-socioeconomic status (SES) students, there has been very little examination of students’ advocacy on their own behalves. The last 10 years have seen a substantial and rapid increase in low-SES students organizing campus groups to provide safe space, activism, and/or education around class inequality at selective and highly selective colleges and universities. By utilizing literature on other student activist movements, I make two contributions. First, I extend the existing work on student activism to include a contemporary and growing movement around socioeconomic inequality that is—unlike many previous campus movements—largely operating independently of a broader, noncampus social movement. Second, I detail the challenges students face in seeking changes on their own campuses, which I argue are both specific to their roles as activists and also exacerbated, in many cases, by their positions as low-SES students. These findings, therefore, help to further illuminate the ways that socioeconomic inequality is maintained on college campuses over time and also to highlight a growing campus-based social movement.
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Lund, Darren, and Rae Ann Van Beers. "Unintentional Consequences: Facing the Risks of Being a Youth Activist." in education 26, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37119/ojs2020.v26i1.479.

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Students involved in social justice activist groups and activities encounter several potentially negative consequences in advocating for issues that are important to them. Through duoethnographic interviews with scholar-activists, former youth activists describe the barriers they experienced as socially engaged young people, including dealing with pushback from their cultural, school, and even activist communities. Without adult allies to help mentor them through these processes, the negative emotions associated with these encounters can lead youth to burn out and leave activism altogether. The findings of this study remind educators that they have an important role to play in providing meaningful activist training, apprenticeship opportunities, and supports for youth who are passionately engaged in progressive social and political action. Keywords: social justice activism; youth; duoethnography; student movements
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Abdukodirovich, Khabibulla Muratov. "CONDITIONS AND FACTORS OF FORMATION OF CIVIC ACTIVISM OF STUDENT YOUTH." CURRENT RESEARCH JOURNAL OF PEDAGOGICS 03, no. 04 (April 1, 2022): 114–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/pedagogics-crjp-03-04-21.

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In the matter of organizing educational work, it is important to pay special attention to the process of adaptation of first-year students, since a sharp change in the environment can lead to nervous breakdowns and stress. Among the main difficulties, we can note the experiences associated with leaving the school team, the lack of independent work skills, the inability to carry out psychological self-regulation of behavior and activities, the search for a comfortable mode of work and rest in new conditions, etc. Therefore, the main task facing the educational institution is - create comfortable conditions, promote the inclusion of first-year students in new activities and social circles. Of particular relevance in the formation of civic activity of young people is educational work at school and university. It is very important, in our opinion, to pay attention to the continuity of civic education at school and university. This is an important factor contributing to the formation of civic activity in a young person.
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Claybrook, M. Keith. "Africana Studies, 21st Century Black Student Activism, and High Impact Educational Practices: A Biographical Sketch of David C. Turner, III." Journal of Black Studies 52, no. 4 (February 22, 2021): 359–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934721996366.

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This article examines the relationship between academia and activism. It explores the undergraduate experience of veteran 21st century Black student activist, David C. Turner, III, revealing the foundations of his academic and activist career in higher education. Framed in the context of student engagement and high impact educational practices, this paper argues that 21st century Black student activists are motivated by a belief in a society and world free from overt, insidious, and institutional racism. Furthermore, it argues that activism offers academically relevant learning opportunities. The article draws upon informal conversations and interactions, formal interviews, and Turner’s published and unpublished writings. It chronicles Turner’s undergraduate experiences at CSU, Dominguez Hills majoring in Africana Studies, president of the Organization of Africana Studies, and research and conference opportunities revealing the foundations of his pursuit of cultural grounding, academic excellence, and social responsibility. Furthermore, it highlights the links between intellectual and academic work, with activism and organizing.
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Shcheblanova, V. V., L. V. Loginova, D. V. Zaitsev, and I. Yu Surkova. "Student civil activism: Risk of destructive manifestations in the Volga Region." RUDN Journal of Sociology 20, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 595–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2020-20-3-595-610.

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The article presents the results of the regional sociological study of the student youth civil activism and predicts the development of its destructive manifestations in the Volga Region. Civil activity is an integral component of renewal and social development, which is based on the multi-format and multi-vector activity of young people who strive for social transformations here and now. For some young people, activism became a kind of employment in offline and online formats. In some cases, destructive (even delinquent) civil activism of the youth is a response to an unfair, unlawful action or attitude, primarily of the authorities. Based on the theoretical ideas of structural functionalism, conflictological and interpretive approaches, the article reveals peculiarities of the youth activism in the Volga Region and presents their interpretation. The expert survey allowed to identify relationships between social injustice and civil activity. The authors also identified active dissemination of radical ideas at the grassroots level of everyday life, within everyday forms of interaction and under the decrease in public civil activity, which determines latent conflicts between the population and the government. The risk of an increase in social destructiveness is determined by the crisis of expectations of changes, unsolved social-economic problems, renaissance of socialist ideas that become popular among the youth, and an increase in the number of nonresident and especially foreign students. The student civil activity in the Volga Region focuses on the most pressing challenges at the federal and local levels. Sanctions against students participating in rallies and protest groups in social networks only stimulate the youths interest in protest activities. The region needs a youth policy responsive to the needs and demands of the youth and capable of creating a multi-format space for positive youth activism.
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Singer, Alan. "How schools can and should respond to student activism." Phi Delta Kappan 100, no. 7 (March 25, 2019): 62–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0031721719841341.

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The school shooting in Parkland, Fla., in February 2018 led many students to engage in walkouts and other protests during the school day. Some schools supported their actions, while others disciplined students who participated. Alan Singer considers these schools’ responses and explains that the social studies standards in many states encourage student activism and other forms of civic participation. He provides suggestions for how schools might respond to controversies that arise when students take political action at school.
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Ansala, Liisa, Satu Uusiautti, and Kaarina Määttä. "What are Finnish university students' motives for participating in student activism?" International Journal of Adolescence and Youth 21, no. 2 (May 21, 2015): 150–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673843.2015.1044015.

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41

Jacoby, Barbara. "The New Student Activism: Supporting Students as Agents of Social Change." Journal of College and Character 18, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2194587x.2016.1260479.

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MUSEUS, SAMUEL D. "Relative Racialization and Asian American College Student Activism." Harvard Educational Review 92, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 182–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/1943-5045-92.2.182.

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In this qualitative study, Samuel D. Museus analyzes how relative racialization processes and their dynamics shape Asian American college students’ racial justice activism. The findings from his qualitative interviews with activist Asian American undergraduates reveal how these students perceived relative racialization processes as raising barriers to their racial justice efforts. Specifically, they saw these forms of racialization as promoting racialized comparisons and competition among communities of color involved in racial justice activism and as leading to the marginalization of Asian Americans in racial justice agendas—which reinforced internalized racism that inhibited racial justice work within this population.
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Bencze, J. Lawrence, and Erin R. Sperling. "Student Teachers as Advocates for Student-Led Research-Informed Socioscientific Activism." Canadian Journal of Science, Mathematics and Technology Education 12, no. 1 (January 2012): 62–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14926156.2012.649054.

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Ozymy, Joshua. "The Poverty of Participation: Self-Interest, Student Loans, and Student Activism." Political Behavior 34, no. 1 (February 2, 2011): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-010-9154-5.

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Tolor, Alexander, and Marlene C. Siegel. "Boredom Proneness and Political Activism." Psychological Reports 65, no. 1 (August 1989): 235–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1989.65.1.235.

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Boredom proneness as related to political activism was studied in three groups, namely, undergraduate students, graduate students, and senior citizens. It was hypothesized that individuals who express a disinclination to vote would score higher in boredom than subjects who express an intent to vote. A second hypothesis stated that individuals who value campaigning for a candidate would be less bored than subjects who feel such activities are useless. Strong support was found for the first hypothesis in both student groups. The second hypothesis was supported for undergraduate students but could not be adequately tested in the other two groups because too few devalued campaigning for a candidate. There was also a weak trend for undergraduate men who supported a conservative candidate to score higher on boredom proneness.
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Dyke, Nella van. "Hotbeds of Activism: Locations of Student Protest." Social Problems 45, no. 2 (May 1998): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sp.1998.45.2.03x0166j.

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Frankenstein, Marilyn. "Studying Culture Jamming to Inspire Student Activism." Radical Teacher, no. 89 (February 24, 2011): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/radicalteacher.89.0030.

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Hale. "Black Student Activism and the Ivy League." Journal of Civil and Human Rights 6, no. 1 (2020): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jcivihumarigh.6.1.0101.

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49

Dawson, Marcelle. "Student Activism Against the Neocolonial, Neoliberal University." Counterfutures 4 (September 1, 2017): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v4i0.6405.

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The struggle for cognitive justice is an integral part of decolonising education: it seeks to destabilise the grip that Western thought has over the world and pay more attention to other forms of knowledge that have been deliberately marginalised as part of the colonisation agenda. Aotearoa New Zealand is certainly no stranger to debates and struggles regarding the decolonisation of education. The highly revered work of Linda Tuhiwai Smith and the recent collection by Jessica Hutchings and Jenny Lee-Morgan, are just two examples of scholarship that have made significant contributions to scholar-activism in this area. To extend these debates further and link them to a parallel set of critiques about the neoliberal university, I employ the tools developed by the Portuguese sociologist Boaventura de Sousa Santos, who encourages us to engage in both a ‘sociology of absences’ and a ‘sociology of emergences’. The discussion hinges on an example of the recent student protests in South Africa, dubbed by some as the ‘fallist movement’. The student uprisings highlight the mutually constitutive nature of neoliberalism and racism and underscore the need to frame the global struggle against the neocolonial, neoliberal university as an intersectional one. Given that learning from one another’s struggles is a critical aspect of social movement praxis, the use of this example aims to encourage a ‘north-south’ dialogue between scholar-activists in Aotearoa New Zealand and South Africa.
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Thomas, Nick. "British Student Activism in the Long Sixties." Contemporary British History 28, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2014.907678.

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