Journal articles: 'Student Christian Movement of Nigeria'

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Boyd, Robin. "The Witness of the Student Christian Movement." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 31, no. 1 (2007): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930703100101.

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Shettima, Kole Ahmed. "Structural adjustment and the student movement in Nigeria." Review of African Political Economy 20, no. 56 (1993): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249308703988.

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Odion-Akhaine, Sylvester. "The Student Movement in Nigeria: Antinomies and Transformation1." Review of African Political Economy 36, no. 121 (2009): 427–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056240903211133.

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Womack, Deanna Ferree. "“To Promote the Cause of Christ's Kingdom”: International Student Associations and the “Revival” of Middle Eastern Christianity." Church History 88, no. 1 (2019): 150–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719000556.

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This article traces the presence in the Arab world of international Christian student organizations like the World Student Christian Federation (WSCF) and its intercollegiate branches of the YMCA and YWCA associated with the Protestant missionary movement in nineteenth-century Beirut. There, an American-affiliated branch of the YMCA emerged at Syrian Protestant College in the 1890s, and the Christian women's student movement formed in the early twentieth century after a visit from WSCF secretaries John Mott and Ruth Rouse. As such, student movements took on lives of their own, and they developed in directions that Western missionary leaders never anticipated. By attending to the ways in which the WSCF and YMCA/YWCA drew Arabs into the global ecumenical movement, this study examines the shifting aims of Christian student associations in twentieth-century Syria and Lebanon, from missionary-supported notions of evangelical revival to ecumenical renewal and interreligious movements for national reform.

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Keller, Charles A. "The Christian Student Movement, YMCAs, and Transnationalism in Republican China." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 13, no. 1-2 (2006): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656106793645187.

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AbstractOn Monday, 9 December 1935, the morning stillness in the frozen fields northwest of Beiping (Beijing) was broken by the sounds of singing and chanting. Several hundred Chinese students from Yenching (Yanjing) and Tsinghua (Qinghua) Universities, many of them members of the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) and the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA), were marching into Beiping to express their outrage over the pending dismemberment of northeast China by the Japanese Army. Although the police forestalled the march by closing the city gates, several hundred other students from schools inside the city wall publicly vented their dissatisfaction with their government's failure to oppose Japanese imperialism. The “December Ninth Movement” (Yierjiu yundong) had begun. The patriotism of the students would eventually influence others in Chinese society, convincing them that national oblivion was near, and China would find the collective will to resist Japan for the next ten years.

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BREWITT-TAYLOR, SAM. "From Religion to Revolution: Theologies of Secularisation in the British Student Christian Movement, 1963–1973." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, no. 4 (2015): 792–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046914001237.

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The collapse of the British Student Christian Movement in the long 1960s is conventionally ascribed to its mimicking of student radicalism at a time of increasing secularisation. Yet analysis of the SCM's rhetoric demonstrates that in the early 1960s the movement imagined a religious crisis when student Christianity was still strong. By embracing a theological vision of ‘secularisation’, which demanded the deliberate transposition of Christian eschatologies into secular form, the SCM embarked on an early, original and influential journey into political radicalism. In this way, the SCM made a significant contribution to British student radicalism in the late 1960s.

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Purcell, Liam. "Book Review: THE STUDENT CHRISTIAN MOVEMENT Robin Boyd, The Witness of the Student Christian Movement (London: SPCK, 2007. £14.99. pp. 144. ISBN 0—28105—877—6)." Expository Times 119, no. 4 (2008): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246081190041202.

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Gidney, Catherine. "Poisoning the Student Mind?: The Student Christian Movement at the University of Toronto, 1920-1965." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 8, no. 1 (2006): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031120ar.

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Abstract Historians have documented the interlocking nature of student culture and religious life in nineteenth-century higher education; in contrast, after World War I religion has generally been ignored, or portrayed as disappearing from the academy and broader life. An investigation of the Student Christian Movement, however, suggests that by combining liberal theology with left-wing politics it became an influential religious force on campus well into the twentieth century. Reflecting a fairly homogeneous student population, supported by faculty and the administration, and articulating the temper of the times, the SCM served as the public voice of religion on campus. Only in the 1950s, as new social phenomena emerged, such as divisions among Protestants, the rise of agnosticism, and the creation of secular political organisations, did the SCM begin to lose its cultural authority on campus.

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Barnes, Andrew E. "The Middle Belt Movement and the formation of Christian Consciousness in Colonial Northern Nigeria." Church History 76, no. 3 (2007): 591–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700500596.

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This article looks at the connection between a political movement and the evolution of Christian consciousness. It seeks to answer a series of questions not often asked, in hopes of demonstrating that these questions deserve more attention than they have generated in the past. Historians and mission scholars rightly expend a good deal of effort studying the transition in mission-established churches from European to indigenous control. Missions did more than establish churches, however. They established local Christian cultures. Yet while there is some understanding of what indigenous peoples sought to do when they assumed direction of churches founded by missionaries, there is very little idea of what indigenous peoples have sought to do when they take over local Christian cultures. But, if it is the case that, as Lamin Sanneh has argued, Christianity “stimulated the vernacular,” then the local Christian cultures built upon the vernacular, perhaps more so than the churches missions founded, are the true legacy of the missionary enterprise.

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van den Berg, A. J. "THE DUTCH STUDENT CHRISTIAN MOVEMENT (NCSV): ITS BACKGROUNDS AND ITS ECUMENICAL OUTREACH." Exchange 20, no. 2 (1991): 122–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254391x00049.

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Boyd, Robin. "Book Review: A Century of Influence: The Australian Student Christian Movement, 1896–1996." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 34, no. 1 (2010): 57–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693931003400123.

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Adesoji, Abimbola O. "The New Pentecostal Movement in Nigeria and the Politics of Belonging." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 8 (2016): 1159–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909616649209.

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The Pentecostal Movement in Nigeria, like elsewhere, is a distinctly Christian organization by virtue of what it professes and what characterizes it. Increased privileges for leaders, leadership visibility and leadership style have tended to encourage other aspirants to form similar organizations. Despite the existence of an umbrella association like the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria, different centres have emerged, each seeking relevance and influence. Using historical and sociological approaches, this paper discusses the trends in the New Pentecostal Movement in Nigeria, identifies some characteristic types and probes into the basis for belonging, seeking to belong or otherwise. It also interrogates the strategies employed and its effectiveness or otherwise.

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von der Goltz, Anna. "Other ’68ers in West Berlin: Christian Democratic Students and the Cold War City." Central European History 50, no. 1 (2017): 86–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938917000024.

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AbstractMany of the most iconic moments of Germany's “1968” took place in the walled confines of West Berlin, the emblematic Cold War city often referred to as the “capital of the revolt.” Most accounts portray the events in West Berlin as having been characterized by confrontations between the leftist student movement, on the one hand, and a conservative press and generally hostile, older, urban population, on the other. This article rethinks and refines existing historiographical narratives of the 1968 student movement in West Berlin, as well as of West Berlin's place in the student movement. It examines the actions and experiences of student activists in West Berlin, who rarely feature in the familiar narrative—namely, Christian Democratic activists, particularly those from the Association of Christian Democratic Students (RCDS). Using oral history interviews, memoirs, and a wide array of archival sources from German and US archives, the article sheds light on the background of some of the most important conservative players and discusses the manifold ways in which they engaged with the goals of the revolutionary left in the city. The analysis pays special attention to the effects that German division and life in West Berlin had on Christian Democratic activists, to the sources of their anti-Communism, and to their views about the US-led war in Vietnam, a major Cold War conflict that carried special resonance in the divided city. The article concludes that there were important (yet shifting and often porous) dividing lines in West Berlin's “1968” other than those that separated politicized students from an older and more conservative city leadership and population, a conclusion that calls for a modification of the familiar storyline that simply pits Rudi Dutschke and others on the left against the city's “establishment.” The article suggests that this has repercussions for interpretations of the student movement that center on generation. It argues, in short, that Christian Democratic students—activists who were, in effect, other ’68ers—helped to shape and were, in turn, shaped by the events that took place in West Berlin in 1968.

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Rumahuru, Yance Z. "Socio-Religious Movement of Religious Affiliated Student Organizations After Social Conflict in Ambon." Al-Albab 5, no. 2 (2016): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v5i2.505.

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This article examines student social movements with a focus of student activities in extra-campus organizations, especially the Islamic Students Association (HMI) and the Indonesian Christian Students’ Movement (GMKI) at the campus of the Pattimura University, State College of Islamic Studies Of Ambon and the State College of Protestant Christian Studies Ambon, which aims to describe forms of student social movements in responding to social issues and development in the city of Ambon and Maluku after the conflict. The data of this study were collected using a qualitative method approach through observation, interviews and document study. Therefore, this study is qualitative, the data were analyzed qualitatively and presented descriptively. This study found that first, cadres or members of HMI and GMKI always strive to master public spaces on campus through the distribution of their cadres to occupy strategic positions in the executive bodies or the student senate, even the seniors who have become lecturers in structural positions on campus, which in turn can affect campus policies. Second, the activities in the movement of HMI and GMKI have similarities in terms of responding to social issues, by paying attention to a few aspects including socio-religious issues, local political issues and post-conflict community development.

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Danielson, Robert. "Book Review: Thomas A. Russell. Women Leaders in the Student Christian Movement 1880–1920." Missiology: An International Review 47, no. 3 (2019): 338–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0091829619865715b.

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Bradley, Ian. "Book Review: The Witness of the Student Christian Movement: Church ahead of the Church." Theology 111, no. 860 (2008): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0811100226.

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MacLeod, A. Donald. "Book Review: The Witness of the Student Christian Movement: Church Ahead of the Church." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 31, no. 3 (2007): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930703100311.

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Uche, Onyekwere, Godwin Eche, and Dare Omonijo. "Factors Demotivating Student Affairs Personnel from Developing an Interest in Student Affairs Profession at a Private Christian University, Southeast Nigeria." British Journal of Education, Society & Behavioural Science 13, no. 2 (2016): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/bjesbs/2016/21615.

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West, Charles C. "Book Review: The Witness of the Student Christian Movement: The Church Ahead of the Church." Missiology: An International Review 36, no. 1 (2008): 152–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182960803600125.

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Howe, Renate. "The Australian Student Christian Movement and Women's Activism in the Asia-Pacific Region, 1890s–1920s." Australian Feminist Studies 16, no. 36 (2001): 311–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08164640120097543.

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Escobar, Samuel. "Recruitment of Students; for Mission." Missiology: An International Review 15, no. 4 (1987): 529–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182968701500409.

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Students have always been deeply involved in world mission. This came to a focus particularly in the history of the Student Volunteer Movement and in the current work of the Intervarsity Christian Fellowship. Three other international student movements are examined to assess their contribution to this worldwide task. Finally, an effort is made to evaluate how the vision of these several movements is related to the task of recruiting students for world missions.

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Intan, Rolly. "Initiating Global Service Learning Movement: Best Practices from Petra Christian University." Asian Higher Education Chronicles 1, no. 1 (2018): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.9744/ahec.1.1.1-6.

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Petra Christian University (PCU) is a private Christian university established in September 22nd, 1961. Tracing back its history when there was a significant necessity in providing higher education opportunity and service in Surabaya, especially for Christian and Chinese-Indonesian people; PCU was initiated to fulfill the needs. As a population of academic community, up to present the majority of PCU student body are Chinese-Indonesian descendants with middle level-economic family background. Through its vision “To be a Caring and Global University with Commitment to the Christian Values”, PCU enhances its concern and commitment in applying the “whole person education” or “holistic education” to equip the students with at least five excellences (academic excellence, emotional excellence, moral excellence, spiritual excellence and cultural excellence). Hence, the mind, heart, spirit and cultural engagement are blended nicely within their learning process in the university to prepare their roles successfully in the global era as global citizens. PCU, then, learns that Service-Learning (S-L) program is one of the most effective and powerful concepts as well as learning method in order to achieve the holistic education objective. In the program, students as participants gain some experience not only to mingle amongst the rural communities, but also to purposely support the society’s life by sharing their expertise, involving their emotion in building relationships and communication, and earning personal reflection and commitment to continue the caring spirit toward others.

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Warren, Heather A. "The Theological Discussion Group and Its Impact on American and Ecumenical Theology, 1920–1945." Church History 62, no. 4 (1993): 528–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168076.

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Discussion about theological developments in the United States during the 1930s and 1940s has focused on the influence of European “crisis theology” and Reinhold Niebuhr. This approach, however, has overlooked the cooperative work carried out by the theologians and churchmen who pushed American Protestant thought towards neo-orthodoxy. At the core of this movement stood a group of young theologians who shared a generational identity, having known each other as student leaders in the YMCA, Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions (SVM), and the World's Student Christian Federation (WSCF). Among them were men and women who later held academic positions at America's most prestigious Protestant seminaries: Henry P. Van Dusen, John C. Bennett, the Niebuhr brothers, Walter M. Horton, Edwin E. Aubrey, Georgia Harkness, Robert L. Calhoun, John Mackay, Samuel McCrea Cavert, and the layman Francis P. Miller.

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Pa, Chin Ken. "The dwarf and the puppet: YT Wu's “Christian materialism”." Critical Research on Religion 2, no. 1 (2014): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2050303214520778.

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Marxism came to China along with the Russian Revolution. Many Chinese scholars and students became interested in Marxism, which was interpreted in terms of patriotism and as an anti-imperialist movement. As a leader of the Christian Youth Student Fellowship of YMCA in Shanghai, YT Wu was deeply concerned with the nature of current thought on campus, and sought dialogue between Christianity and materialism. This article analyzes Wu's thought, especially his proposal of a Christian materialism which would reconcile the two. Like Marxist thinkers in the West, Wu was highly critical of the modernity that was also influencing China. Wu finds the key to theology in an interpretation of the Sermon on the Mount, which he understands as a depiction of Christian materialism.

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Oldstone-Moore, Christopher. "The Forgotten Origins of the Ecumenical Movement in England: The Grindelwald Conferences, 1892–95." Church History 70, no. 1 (2001): 73–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654411.

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Ruth Rouse, writing in A History of the Ecumenical Movement, made an extraordinary claim about the origins of modern ecumenism. She identified two factors in the 1890s that, in her words, “changed the course of Church history and made possible the modern ecumenical movement.” One was the Student Christian Movement, established in 1895 by the American Methodist layman, John R. Mott. The other factor was the Grindelwald (Switzerland) Reunion Conferences, an assembly mostly of English church leaders organized by a Methodist minister, Henry Lunn, between 1892 and 1895. Mott's movement is very well known to modern readers. The Grindelwald Conferences, by contrast, are utterly obscure in spite of Rouse's conclusion that they “began a new phase in the growth of the ecumenical idea.”

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Shankar, Shobana. "Race, Ethnicity, and Assimilation." Social Sciences and Missions 29, no. 1-2 (2016): 37–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-02901022.

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This article traces the influences of American anthropology and racial discourse on Christian missions and indigenous converts in British Northern Nigeria from the 1920s. While colonial ethnological studies of religious and racial difference had represented non-Muslim Northern Nigerians as inherently different from the Muslim Hausa and Fulani peoples, the American missionary Albert Helser, a student of Franz Boas, applied American theories and practices of racial assimilation to Christian evangelism to renegotiate interreligious and interethnic relations in Northern Nigeria. Helser successfully convinced the British colonial authorities to allow greater mobility and influence of “pagan” converts in Muslim areas, thus fostering more regular and more complicated Christian-Muslim interactions. For their part, Christian Northern Nigerians developed the identity of being modernizers, developed from their narratives of uplift from historical enslavement and oppression at the hands of Muslims. Using new sources, this article shows that a region long assumed to be frozen and reactionary experienced changes similar to those occurring in other parts of Africa. Building on recent studies of religion, empire, and the politics of knowledge, it shows that cultural studies did not remain academic or a matter of colonial knowledge. Northern Nigerians’ religious identity shaped their desire for cultural autonomy and their transformation from converts into missionaries themselves.

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Wibawani, Sri, Anis Rosella Pitaloka, Luluk UI Magnun, Roiyanatun Mahbubah, and Jojok Dwiridotjahyono. "The Role of Extra-Campus Organization in Building "Bela Negara" Character: Case of Cipayung Group of East Java." Journal of Economics, Business, and Government Challenges 3, no. 1 (2020): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/ebgc.v3i1.87.

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   This study aims to explore the role of the Extra-Campus Student Organizations incorporated in the Cipayung Group, namely: Indonesian National Student Movement (GMNI), Indonesian Islamic Student Movement (PMII), Indonesian Student Association (HMI), Indonesian Christian Student Movement (GMKI) ), and the Catholic Students Association of the Republic of Indonesia (PMKRI) in raising awareness of the nation defense in East Java. This study uses a qualitative approach with data collection techniques in the form of content analysis of credible news, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions (FGD) on informants or informants selected based on purposive techniques. The data analysis technique used is an interactive model, and the data validity test technique uses triangulation. The results of this study indicate that the Copying Group in terms of regeneration implanted the values of the country's defense through compulsory material delivered in activities ranging from member recruitment, primary education and training, and further training. In terms of scientific studies and issues, the Copying Group often conducts study discussions that also carry the theme of defending the country. In terms of student actions or movements, the values of state defense instilled through efforts to criticize government policies that are considered non-Pancasila. Copying Group members also carry out community service which aims to instill in their members that love for the motherland and willingness to sacrifice for the nation and state. Then it can be concluded that the Copying Group has a role in raising awareness of the defense of the student state in East Java.  

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Polanyi, Michael. "What to Believe." Tradition and Discovery: The Polanyi Society Periodical 46, no. 2 (2020): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/traddisc202046213.

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“What to Believe” is a brief, hitherto unpublished talk that Michael Polanyi gave at a spring 1947 conference of the Student Christian Movement in Manchester, UK. Polanyi criticizes the way in which modern skepticism undercuts Christianity and what he calls “civic morality” and also promotes a misleading account of modern science. Polanyi outlines and compares the ways in which believing and belonging underlie understanding in science, Christianity and “civic morality.”

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Winter, Emily. "Negotiating the Popular, the Sacred and the Political." YOUNG 25, no. 1 (2016): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1103308815622709.

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The engagement of young people of religious faith with global injustice has been little explored in studies either of youth religiosity or youth political participation. The recently established youth initiatives of Christian Aid and Tearfund—two of the UK’s most widely recognized Christian non-governmental organizations (NGOs)—offer a way to explore this, alongside the SPEAK Network, a grassroots Christian student and youth movement that campaigns on social justice issues. Analyzing the blog posts of these three initiatives, this article will focus particularly upon the ways in which Tearfund Rhythms, the Christian Aid Collective and SPEAK use popular culture, categorizing their various uses as either innovation, appropriation, resistance or reclamation. It will then explain the groups’ differing emphases by considering their varying relationships with their members and their different religious positioning, before critically assessing what it means for young adults to ‘do’ religion and politics online.

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Hanchin, Timothy. "Educating for/inCaritas: A Pedagogy of Friendship for Catholic Higher Education in Our Divided Time." Horizons 45, no. 1 (2018): 74–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2018.1.

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The sweeping movement of student protest over racial discord on university campuses reflects intractable divisions in the public square. Catholic higher education is obligated by its mission to address this interpersonal situation with practices of healing as integral to its formational end. This article approaches Thomas Groome's shared Christian praxis as a “pedagogy ofcaritas” in light of Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas. The focusing activity and five movements of shared Christian praxis enact the dynamic structure of Bernard Lonergan's cognitional and existential interiority. Friendship praxis sets the conditions for the possibility of self-transcendence and healing for a commodified and increasingly diverse community of learners. A pedagogy of friendship is a promising integrative teaching strategy for a Catholic university in our divided time.

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Kgatla, Thias. "CLERGY’S RESISTANCE TO VENDA HOMELAND’S INDEPENDENCE IN THE 1970S AND 1980S." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 3 (2017): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/1167.

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The article discusses the clergy’s role in the struggle against Venda’s “independence” in the 1970s and 1980s, as well as resistance to the apartheid policy of “separate development” for Venda. It also explores the policy of indirect white rule through the replacement of real community leaders with incompetent, easily manipulated traditional chiefs. The imposition of the system triggered resistance among the youth and the churches, which led to bloody reprisals by the authorities. Countless were detained under apartheid laws permitting detention without trial for 90 days. Many died in detention, but those responsible were acquitted by the courts of law in the Homeland. The article highlights the contributions of the Black Consciousness Movement, the Black People Conversion Movement, and the Student Christian Movement. The Venda student uprising was second in magnitude only to the Soweto uprising of 16 June 1976. The torture of ministers in detention and the response by church leaders locally and internationally, are discussed. The authorities attempted to divide the Lutheran Church and nationalise the Lutherans in Venda, but this move was thwarted. Venda was officially re-incorporated into South Africa on 27 April 1994.

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Ishii, Noriko. "“Difficult Conversations across Religions, Race and Empires: American Women Missionaries and Japanese Christian Women during the 1930s and 1940s”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 24, no. 4 (2017): 373–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02404004.

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This essay examines how American and Japanese women in the foreign missionary movement struggled to reconcile the rise of state Shintoism, Japanese patriotic nationalism, and American racism and nationalism with their Christian faiths during the 1930s and 1940s when the United States and Japan were moving towards war. It applies Kris Manjapra’s notion of “aspirational cosmopolitanism” as the conceptual framework in its exploration of how an American woman missionary and her Japanese convert developed different visions of egalitarian cosmopolitanism and remained faithful to their Christian faiths as the states of Japan and the United States demanded more conformity to their wartime notions of patriotism. Charlotte B. DeForest, the last missionary president of Kobe College, who struggled with the questions of shrine visits and racism against Japanese Americans, managed to shape a new hybrid identity as Christian and “supernational.” Takeda (Cho) Kiyoko, her former student, finally identified a Japanese dual consciousness through the image of “humans in shells”—a clue to another cosmopolitan vision rooted in Christian faith appropriate to Japanese culture in reconciliation with Asia.

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Ma, Li, and Jin Li. "The Tragic Irony of a Patriotic Mission: The Indigenous Leadership of Francis Wei and T. C. Chao, Radicalized Patriotism, and the Reversal of Protestant Missions in China." Religions 11, no. 4 (2020): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11040175.

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Motivated by a patriotic zeal for the national salvation of China, in the 1910s, US-trained Chinese intellectuals like Francis Wei and T. C. Chao embraced a progressive version of Protestantism. While Christian colleges established by liberal missionaries during this time initially contributed greatly to nurturing a generation of intellectual elites for China, its institutionalization of progressive ideas, and its tolerance and protection of revolutionary mobilization under extraterritorial rights, also unintendedly helped invigorate indigenous revolutionary movements. Meanwhile, in the 1920s, anti-Western and anti-Christian student movements radicalized in China’s major urban centers. When the communist revolution showed more promise of granting China independence, Francis Wei and T. C. Chao became optimistic supporters. However, neither of them foresaw the reversal of China missions under the Three-Self Patriotic Movement in the 1950s.

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Ludwig, Frieder. "Tambaram: the West African Experience." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 1 (2001): 49–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00031.

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AbstractTambaram 1938, held near Madras in South India, was the first conference of the International Missionary Council in which a significant number of Africans took part. It offered, therefore, a unique opportunity for the fifteen delegates from the continent. For the first time, West Africans exchanged views with South Africans about African Independent Churches, for the first time, they discussed issues such as the tolerance of polygamy in an international setting. The Africans were impressed by the efforts towards church union in India and by Gandhi's national movement. This article describes the experiences of three of the West African delegates, Alexander Babatunde Akinycle (Nigeria), Moses Odutola Dada (Nigeria) and Christian Goncalves Baeta (Gold Coast/Ghana). Baëta subsequently made a very significant contribution to West African Christianity as a church leader, theologian and academic.

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Wall, David Henry. "A View from Within: The LGBTQ Struggle at Princeton Theological Seminary." Theology Today 74, no. 4 (2018): 347–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573617731714.

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This article is a summary of the history of the LGBTQ movement on the campus of Princeton Theological Seminary from the perspective of the author, David H. Wall, who was a student (1979–1980) and served in the administration from 1980 to 2016. Wall describes his own journey as a gay Christian, along with a series of events and people that contributed to changes within the PTS community and the Presbyterian church from condemnation to welcome of LGBTQ people and their allies. Many LGBTQ students’ stories are included. The impact and work of the student organization CLGC (Church and Lesbian/Gay Concerns), later named BGLASS is covered as the organization’s leadership and mission evolved from a focus on education to one of advocacy. Included are the roles of the faculty and administration.

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Burnett, Amy Nelson. "Confirmation and Christian Fellowship: Martin Bucer on Commitment to the Church." Church History 64, no. 2 (1995): 202–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167905.

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During the last years of his ministry in Strasbourg, the Protestant reformer Martin Bucer and his fellow pastors introduced a new procedure for the exercise of church discipline, the voluntary enrollment of their parishioners in “Christian fellowships.” The parish structures created in Strasbourg have been regarded as forerunners of Pietist conventicles ever since the late seventeenth century, when Philip Jakob Spener justified his own Pietist assemblies by publishing a memorandum in which Bucer had defended the “Christian fellowships.” In the twentieth century, Gustav Anrich brought the attempt to establish “Christian fellowships” to the attention of scholars in his publication of an abridged version of Bucer's initial proposal. Anrich's student, Werner Bellardi, wrote the standard study of the movement's origin, development, and eventual disappearance on the basis of documents preserved in the Strasbourg archives. In their discussions of the movement, both Anrich and Bellardi were led astray by their assumption that Bucer originally intended to form conventicles of believers within the city's official church. In fact, those enrolled in “Christian fellowships” did not begin meeting together until the autumn of 1547, almost a year after Bucer first proposed the enrollment procedure.

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Bruner, Jason. "Inquiring into Empire: Princeton Seminary’s Society of Inquiry on Missions, the British Empire, and the Opium Trade, Ca. 1830‐1850." Mission Studies 27, no. 2 (2010): 194–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338310x536438.

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AbstractPrinceton Seminary was intimately involved in the North American foreign missions movement in the nineteenth century. One remarkable dimension of this involvement came through the student-led Society of Inquiry on Missions, which sought to gather information about the global state of the Christian mission enterprise. This paper examines the Society’s correspondence with Protestant missionaries in China regarding their attitudes to the British Empire in the years 1830‐1850. It argues that the theological notion of providence informed Princetonians’ perceptions of the world, which consequently dissociated the Christian missionary task with any particular nation or empire. An examination of the Society of Inquiry’s correspondence during the mid-nineteenth century reveals much about Protestant missionaries and their interactions with the opium trade and the results of the First Opium War (1839‐1842). Princetonians’ responses to the opium trade and the First Opium War led ultimately to a significant critique of western commercial influence in East Asia. In conclusion, this paper questions the extent to which commerce, empire, and Christian missions were inherently associated in nineteenth century American Protestant missionary activity.

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Mullins, Phil. "The Context of Michael Polanyi’s “What to Believe”." Tradition and Discovery: The Polanyi Society Periodical 46, no. 2 (2020): 4–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/traddisc202046212.

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This essay contextualizes Polanyi’s 1947 talk, “What to Believe.” After reviewing connections that probably led to Polanyi’s invitation to make this presentation at the Student Christian Movement conference in Manchester, I comment on Polanyi’s effort to compare the connection between understanding, believing and belonging in science, Christianity and “civic morality.” The main ideas in this talk should be viewed in relation to other writing from the mid-forties to the early fifties when Polanyi begins to develop his “fiduciary” philosophy as an alternative to what he views as the excessively skeptical disposition of the modern mind.

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Stanley, Brian. "Andrew Finlay Walls (1928–2021)." International Bulletin of Mission Research 45, no. 4 (2021): 319–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23969393211043591.

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Andrew Walls, a pioneering historian of Christian missions, was the architect of the study of World Christianity. Trained as a patristic scholar, he went to Sierra Leone in 1957 to teach at Fourah Bay College. There and at the University of Nsukka in Nigeria (1962–66) he became a student of the growing churches of Africa. At the Universities of Aberdeen and Edinburgh (1966–97), he became a scholar of renown, establishing the Centre for the Study of Christianity in the Non-Western World, and supervising students who became leaders in church and academy. His legacy is preserved in institutions across the globe, a host of articles, and his former students.

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Allister, Susan. "Robin Boyd. 2007. The Witness of the Student Christian Movement: Church ahead of the Church. London: SPCK, pp. 188, Pb, £14.99." Studies in World Christianity 14, no. 1 (2008): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1354990108030074.

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Probst, Peter. "The letter and the spirit: literacy and religious authority in the history of the Aladura movement in western Nigeria." Africa 59, no. 4 (1989): 478–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1159943.

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Opening ParagraphThe Yoruba word aladura, meaning ‘one who prays’, generally refers to a set of churches that formed a powerful religious movement among the Yoruba in western Nigeria during the first decades of this century. To date, there have been three main lines of interpretation which received general recognition: first, in form of a theological analysis (Turner, 1967); second, in a discussion of social protest (Mitchell, 1970); and finally, through the sociology of religion (Peel, 1968). In this article I propose to introduce another aspect of interpretation. Following the many passing remarks made by these authors in respect to the use of writing within the Aladura churches, I will read their accounts in terms of how people perceived and experienced the written word in the specific context of the Christian–colonial order and consider whether and how this experience has influenced people's actions and religious behaviour. In doing so, I am going to take up a theme which has become widely popular in the anthropological field under the heading ‘the consequences of literacy’.

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Harinck, George. "De kerk als alternatief voor de natie : Een visie op de vroege oecumenische beweging." DNK : Documentatieblad voor de Nederlandse kerkgeschiedenis na 1800 43, no. 93 (2020): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dnk2020.93.004.hari.

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Abstract The ecumenical movement started at the time of the First World War and was molded by the nationalism that ignited this war. In 1914-1918 it became clear that the nations had become a hindrance for the churches. At first, internationalism seemed the answer to this problem, but in the 1920s and 1930s it turned out that internationalism still was too abstract, and nationalism was still too dominant. In the early 1920s W.A. Visser ’t Hooft was active in the international Christian student movement, where he learned the relevance of Christianity as an alternative for nationalism, and in the 1930s he explicitly chose for the church as an alternative for the nation. In order to make the church relevant over against nationalism and rising totalitarianism the national, liturgical and confessional differences between churches had to be overcome to enable the church to speak with one voice. This aim was not realized yet at the time of the Second World War, but the ecumenical movement encouraged churches to formulate its own identity and develop its own mission amidst nationalism and totalitarianism.

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Morcillo, Aurora. "GENDERED ACTIVISM: THE ANTI FRANCOIST STUDENT MOVEMENT IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GRANADA IN THE 1960S AND 1970S." Encounters in Theory and History of Education 19 (November 30, 2018): 90–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/eoe-ese-rse.v19i0.11924.

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This article focuses on the repression of the student movement in the University of Granada during the state of exception of 1970. It relates the experiences of two students, Socorro and Jesus, a couple who joined the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) and suffered persecution and imprisonment. The Francoist university was governed by the University Regulatory Law (URL, University Regulatory Law) issued in 1943, which was replaced with the promulgation of the General Law of Education in 1970. As I explained in my previous work, the Catholic national rhetoric of the Franco regime forged an ideal "True Catholic Woman" based on the resurgence of the values of purity and subordination of the 16th century counter reform as proposed by Luis Vives in The Instruction of the Christian Woman (1523) and Fray Luis de León in The Perfect Wife (1583). This ideal of a woman came to contradict the ideal of an intellectual built on the letter of the Ley de Ordenación Universitaria (1943). The transition to the consumer economy in the 1950s with the military and economic aid of the United States, as well as the social Catholicism of the Second Vatican Council in the sixties along with the arrival of tourism and emigration to Europe changed the social fabric and opened the doors of the classrooms to an increasing number of women, especially in the humanities careers of Philosophy and Letters. Through the analysis of interviews conducted in the late 1980s with two people who participated in the clandestine student movement, this article explores how young people transgressed the official discourse on the Catholic ideal of women, claimed the university environment for the working class and created a neutral space in terms of gender in which they could achieve their commitment to study, democratic freedom and feminism.

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Mikailu, S. A. "The Islamization of Social Sciences in Nigeria." American Journal of Islam and Society 12, no. 1 (1995): 102–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v12i1.2391.

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IntroductionThe Islamization of social sciences is part and parcel of developingand promoting knowledge that conforms to the norms of Islam. This canbe attained by motivating scholars to develop scholarship using an Islamicperspective through the introduction of new social science courses basedon Islam, Islamizing (i.e., rearticulating along Islamic lines) existing conventionalsocial science disciplines, and promoting the movement ofIslamic attitude to knowledge.The Islamization of Knowledge undertaking in Nigeria can be tracedto the period of the Sokoto Jihad leaders, whose scholarly writings coveredsuch aspects of life as politics, economics, and medicine. However, withthe passage of time and, more especially, with the coming of the Britishcolonialists and the concomitant infiltration of western scholarship, theIslamization of Knowledge pioneered by the Jihad leaders gradually beganto fade. At first, the North opposed vehemently the spread of the westernsystem of education, because it was linked with Christian missionary propaganda(Fapohunda 1982). As such, the emirs of the North and their subjectsstood fmly against this alien system, a stance that accounts for thedisparity in western education between the South, that had welcomed it,and the North.Unfortunately, like most other Muslim countries, Nigeria continues tosuffer from the colonial legacy of the West. In particular, its elites are theworst victims of colonization of mind by the West’s so-called secular ideology.Its education and other systems of life continue to be based largelyon the structure of that secular ideology.Education is the single most important instrument for grooming andchannelling a society in the desired direction. To rescue Muslim societiesfrom the yoke of western secular civilization and to reestablish Islamiccivilization requires the decolonization of the secularized minds and spiritsof the elites as well as of Muslim intellectuals (the ulama), professionals,and political leaders, on the one hand, and the training of youngpeople in Islamic knowledge and education, on the other. In order toreturn the society to the Islamic system of life, the first task is the Islamizationof the educational system (both formal and informal) for the Muslimsand the Islamization of the country’s ulama ...

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Porter, Andrew. "Church History, History of Christianity, Religious History: Some Reflections on British Missionary Enterprise Since the Late Eighteenth Century." Church History 71, no. 3 (2002): 555–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700130276.

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In the Introduction to his lectures on the modern British missionary movement published in 1965, Max Warren suggested that “any serious student of modern history must find some explanation of the missionary expansion of the Christian Church.” Many, perhaps most, scholars have ignored his advice, and until very recently, it would have been difficult to persuade researchers in the modern academic mainstream to take such an injunction seriously, so flatly would it have seemed to contradict or question the dominant assumptions of liberal, secular scholarship. The progress of an all-pervasive secularization meant that missions, if not the churches both that supported them and that they hoped to build, were to be listed amongst history's losers and were therefore unattractive subjects for study.

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Yoon, Jungran. "James T. Laney: His Contribution to the Foundation of Solidarity with the World Church in the Korean Christian Student Movement in the 1960s." Historical Journal 72 (April 30, 2020): 263–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20457/sha.72.9.

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GRABOVSKA, Iryna, Тetiana ТALKO, Svitlana KAHAMLYK, Maryna HONCHARENKO, and Yuliia SIEROVA. "Political Ideas Presented by Leaders of the “New Generation” Charismatic Movement Regarding the Formation of Postsecular Trends in Ukraine." WISDOM 17, no. 1 (2021): 96–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v17i1.452.

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The article is devoted to analysing political ideas presented by leaders of Ukrainian communities of the International New Religious Movement “New Generation” related to the aggravation of conflict in the Ukrainian community’s public life within deepening post-secular trends. The negative attitude of a particular part of the Ukrainian student community towards charismatic leaders’ political strategies was identified in the analysis process. It was based on the criticism of personal qualities and manipulating practices employed by the movement leaders. The term “political theology” is used by the Ukrainian “New Generation” charismatic leaders to outline and describe the nature of the movement’s political ideology. It is based on ideas of the “New World Order” by O. Lediaev and some Christian extremism features. Criticizing the “New Generation” leaders’ theocratic ideas, the authors focused on their influence on the formation of strategies for developing Ukrainian communities of new generations. It was noted that most leaders of Ukrainian communities are aware of the utopian and conflict-generating nature of the idea of creating a theocratic state in modern Ukraine.

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Bouwman, Bastiaan. "From religious freedom to social justice: the human rights engagement of the ecumenical movement from the 1940s to the 1970s." Journal of Global History 13, no. 2 (2018): 252–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022818000074.

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AbstractThis article contributes to the historiography on human rights and (religious) internationalism by tracing how the ecumenical movement in the post-war decades sought to protect the religious freedom of its co-religionists in Catholic and Muslim countries, specifically Italy, Nigeria, and Indonesia. In cooperation with local actors, the Commission of the Churches on International Affairs worked to anchor international human rights in the domestic sphere through constitutional provisions. These activities constituted a significant strand of Christian human rights engagement from the 1940s to the 1960s, which intersected with the Cold War and decolonization. The article then contrasts this with the turn to a more pluralistic and communitarian conception of human rights in the 1970s, animated by liberation theologies. As the World Council of Churches embraced a ‘revolutionary’ tradition and worked to resist military dictatorships in Latin America, racism, and global inequality, it gravitated towards Marxism-inflected and anti-colonial strands of human rights discourse.

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Nutt, Rick. "G. Sherwood Eddy and the Attitudes of Protestants in the United States toward Global Mission." Church History 66, no. 3 (1997): 502–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169454.

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G.Sherwood Eddy (1871–1963), a leading figure in American Protestantism through the first half of the twentieth century, is currently most often relegated to footnote references or mentioned only in relation to two of his most famous colleagues, Kirby Page and Reinhold Niebuhr. He was, however, one of the most renowned international evangelists of the time who worked closely with John R. Mott and Robert Speer in the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) and the Student Volunteer Movement (SVM). While a student at Yale, Eddy experienced a dramatic deepening of faith in 1889 at the famous Northfield Student Conference and then, while a student at New York's Union Theological Seminary and later at Princeton Theological Seminary, joined the SVM. Despite his seminary study, Eddy chose to remain a layman all his life. As a YMCA traveling evangelist in India from 1896 to 1911 and in Asia from 1911 to 1931, Eddy embodied many of the attitudes and methods of Protestant global mission for the approximately fifty years of its greatest activity. Primarily engaged in student evangelization, Eddy manifested a deep ambivalence toward the method of mission work. An examination of Eddy's life reveals that in Eddy one finds both the cultural imperialism with which nineteenth-century missionaries are often charged and a sensitivity to other peoples and a commitment to indigenous churches and leadership.While Eddy's ministry spanned over five decades, this essay concentrates on Eddy's labor prior to World War I, for in those years Eddy was most in conflict withhimself.

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Adegboro, Joseph, and N. Ajayi. "INFLUENCE OF GENDER AND RELIGION ON THE EXAMINATION STRESS OF SECONDARY SCHOOL STUDENTS IN SOUTH WESTERN NIGERIA." European Journal of Health Sciences 5, no. 2 (2020): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.47672/ejhs.628.

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Background: Stress can raise the blood pressure of a subject and a number of environmental factors can change that level of the stress, especially the examination stress. These factors which include gender and religion are referred to as modifiers of stress. Objective: This study was therefore designed, using data of blood pressure, to understand the influence of religion and gender on the effect of examination stress on blood pressure of the secondary school students in South Western (SW) Nigeria. Methodology: The population of the study comprises all the students of Oroke Grammar School, Akungba Akoko (650) out of which a sample of 351 that satisfied our criteria was selected, using purposive sampling technique. Digital sphygmomanometer was used to measure the actual blood pressure readings of the respondents twice on each occasion and with at least thirty minutes interval in sitting positions. The measurements were carried out three times during the study, two weeks after resumption for the second term of the 2017/2018 academic year, two weeks before the second term examination and two weeks after resumption for the third term. Results: In this work, a rule of thumb was used to connect the perceived stress (PS) and the % change in the systolic blood pressure (SBP) when a subject is stressed, as PS=100/(% change in SBP). The results show that the group of female students in the general population always feels more stressed than their male counterpart, and respectively in the Islam religion and in the Christian religion always feels more stressed than their respective male counterparts. Also the groups of male and the female students in the Islam religion always feel more stressed than their groups of male and female students in the Christian religion Conclusion: Gender and religion were found to affect the level of perceived stress of the students. It was recommended that male students should be encouraged to go for regular blood pressure checkups as they are more likely not to feel stressed even when their blood pressure has increased much above the normal. This is one of the measurements the health personnel should do whenever a male student in particular is in the health centre. Because the number of Christian students in this work is much larger than the number of Muslim students, more research is needed with comparable number of students in each religious group to further understand how religious practices play a role in perceived stress of college students. Future research should include more variables that influence coping methods and parental influence and guidance. 

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Journal articles on the topic 'Student Christian Movement of Nigeria'

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