To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Student movements Students.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Student movements Students'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Student movements Students.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Cannon, John William. "The rise of democratic student movements in Thailand and Burma." Thesis, [Hong Kong] : University of Hong Kong, 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13465442.
Full text
2
Jackson, Nicole Maelyn. "Remembering Soweto American college students and international social justice, 1976-1988 /." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1238010978.
Full text
3
Piccigallo, Jacqueline. "Men against rape male activists' views towards campus-based sexual assault and acquaintance rape /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 144 p, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1605142181&sid=5&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Full text
4
Lam, Hoi-yan Hester, and 林愷欣. "Student movement and social reform." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B29532887.
Full text
5
Sheppard, Peggy. "The relationship between student activism and change in the University : with particular reference to McGill University in the 1960s." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61810.
Full text
6
Bradley, Stefan M. "Gym crow must go! : the 1968-1969 student and community protests at Columbia University in the City of New York /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3091901.
Full text
7
Johnson, Troy A. "ISLAMIC STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS AND DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT IN INDONESIA: THREE CASE STUDIES." Ohio : Ohio University, 2006. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1149190003.
Full text
8
Mangoldt, Charlotte von. "Student environmentalism in Beijing, China." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ef524063-dda5-4cda-a73a-f0d56b95f527.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation explores student environmentalism in Beijing, China. It traces students' political norms and values, explains their activism and experience of pollution, and investigates the role of environmental non-governmental organisation (ENGOs) in forming youth environmentalism. To serve these objectives, the work takes forward theories on youth activism and agency and recent debates on environmental health, environmentalism and ENGOs. This study was designed as a qualitative research project based primarily on interviews and complemented by ethnographic methods, content analysis, pictorial evidence and survey results provided by the Jane Goodall Institute China. Research findings and methodology are presented in four papers and a framing document. My work challenges labels of agency and activism as either protest and resistance or 'quiescence' and questions the influence of globalisation on activists' norms and values. I put forward 'fragmented activism' as a new concept to capture the nature of youth environmental activism in Beijing. I contribute to environmental health literature by tracing how young people develop discursive mechanisms to mitigate the fear of air pollution and argue that their response offers invaluable insights into the interplay between space and the body in polluted environments. This thesis further shows that the repertoire of student environmental associations in Beijing represents a type of 'place based environmentalism' (Smith, 2001) but argues that, whilst this may be a contradictory response to contemporary environmental issues, it is not usefully assessed against abstract and normative notions of what environmentalism should be. I also challenge scholarly assessments of ENGO action. By exploring ENGO strategies in China that rely on extant societal and governmental narratives about good citizenship and moral values - instead of radical alternatives to mainstream development models or political processes - I argue for new research paradigms guiding the study of environmental movements.
9
Deters, Matthew J. "Preventing Violent Unrest: Student Protest at the University of Toledo, 1965-1972." Toledo, Ohio : University of Toledo, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=toledo1270585177.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Toledo, 2010.Typescript. "Submitted to the Graduate Faculty as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Education Degree in Higher Education." "A thesis entitled"--at head of title. Title from title page of PDF document. Bibliography: p. 96-109.
10
Holbrook, Joseph. "Catholic Student Movements in Latin America: Cuba and Brazil, 1920s to 1960s." FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1013.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines the ideological development of the Catholic University Student (JUC) movements in Cuba and Brazil during the Cold War and their organizational predecessors and intellectual influences in interwar Europe. Transnational Catholicism prioritized the attempt to influence youth and in particular, university students, within the context of Catholic nations within Atlantic civilization in the middle of the twentieth century. This dissertation argues that the Catholic university movements achieved a relatively high level of social and political influence in a number of countries in Latin America and that the experience of the Catholic student activists led them to experience ideological conflict and in some cases, rupture, with the conservative ideology of the Catholic hierarchy. Catholic student movements flourished after World War II in the context of an emerging youth culture. The proliferation of student organizations became part of the ideological battlefield of the Cold War. Catholic university students also played key roles in the Cuban Revolution (1957-1959) and in the attempted political and social reforms in Brazil under President João Goulart (1961-1964).
The JUC, under the guidance of the Church hierarchy, attempted to avoid aligning itself with either ideological camp in the Cold War, but rather to chart a Third Way between materialistic capitalism and atheistic socialism. Thousands of students in over 70 nations were intensively trained to think critically about pressing social issues. This paper will to place the Catholic Student movement in Cuba in the larger context of transnational Catholic university movements using archival evidence, newspaper accounts and secondary sources. Despite the hierarchy’s attempt to utilize students as a tool of influence, the actual lived experience of students equipped them to think critically about social issues, and helped lay a foundation for the progressive student politics of the late 1960s and the rise of liberation theology in the1970s.
11
Zhao, Dingxin. "Reform and discontent : the causes of the 1989 Chinese student movement." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28972.
Full textAbstract:
The central argument of this thesis is that a series of China's state policies, before and during the reform era, were conducive to the rise of the 1989 Chinese Student Movement (CSM). The most important of these were (1) leftist policies during Mao's era which fostered the formation of pro-democratic yet impractical intellectuals and created a university ecology that was remarkably conducive to student movements, and (2) the state-led reform which over produced students on the one hand, and blocked upward mobility channels for intellectuals and students on the other hand. These and other conducive factors to the rise of the 1989 CSM were not simply state mistakes. To a large extent, they were characteristic of the regime.The thesis does not reject non-state centered factors such as anomic feelings toward uncertainties brought by the reform, the conflict between reformers and hardliners within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the rise of civil society during the eighties, the impact of Western ideologies following the open door policy or the intrinsic character of Chinese culture, that have all been hitherto proposed to explain the rise of the CSM. Rather, it incorporates these explanations under a state-centered paradigm in light of a general model (the DSSI model) that I am proposing to explain the general causes, and to a lesser extent, the dynamics of large scale social movements.
12
Martinez, Garcia Mariana I. "Chicanos in education : an examination of the 1968 east Los Angeles student walkouts!" Scholarly Commons, 2008. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/695.
Full textAbstract:
In 1968 the Los Angeles community witnessed the up rise of thousands of Chicano students when they walked out of their high school on an early morning in March. The purpose of this study was to further understand the 1968 student walkouts as presented by student participants. The study was carried out as a phenomenological study and used a Critical Race Theory (CRT) framework to interpret the students' interpretation of the Walkouts.
13
Favors, Jelani Manu-Gowon. "Shelter in a time of storm black colleges and the rise of student activism in Jackson, Mississippi /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1155750466.
Full text
14
Stanford-Randle, Greer C. "The Black Student Movement at the Ohio State University." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/aas_theses/18.
Full textAbstract:
Black/African American alumni from Ohio State University in Columbus, OH are collective subjects in this research. The study has sought to discern and explicate the behaviors, experiences and attitudes of former Black students, now alumni, to effectively privilege their voices and viewpoints, which were previously not included in the scholarship and literature of African American Studies or Higher Education about the historic 1960s and 1970s. Determining how alumni experienced the Black Student Movement at Ohio State during the 1960s and 1970s has been the principal objective.
Black students’ experiences and motivations were very different than popular Black Student Movement discourse suggests. Findings indicate Black students’ organized social activist behavior persisted effectively and sufficiently to be considered an example of modern social movements, worthy of respect like other social movements which have helped improve human conditions not only for themselves, but also for others including non-Black students at traditionally white institutions.
15
Hanna, Esmée Sinéad. "Student power : a social movements analysis of the English student movement from 1965-1973." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.589034.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the English student movement between the years of 1965 and 1973, offering the first sustained exploration of this 'case study' of a particular type of social movement, i.e. movements of students. The research looks at this movement in relation to social movement theories, as a sociological explanation for this historical movement is sought. New , social movement theory has long been viewed and accepted by some scholars as the explanatory theory for movements such as student movements that were emerging since the 1960s. However, in this thesis I challenge this assumed dominance of New Social Movement theory in relation to the English student movement, arguing that complex social movements may require more holistic explanations in order to fully understand the features and attributes that comprise these movements. The English student movement was a complex and varied movement, with its specificities often relating to location, thus any explanation of the movement needs to be able to grant flexibility to the variances as well as the commonalities present. Sociological attention has been limited in relation to the English student movement, even though the English student movement was significant within the history of our universities as well as broader English radical traditions and left wing actions. This thesis thus attempts to right that lack of attention in some small way, making use of previously unused documentary sources and documenting the voices of those involved within the English student movement before the details of the events are consigned even further to the realms of history. The thesis looks at two stories of the movement, stressing "the importance of full understanding and theorising accordingly. The use of a theoretical synthesis, fundamentally drawing upon the work of Canel (1992), is employed in order to understand the empricial exploration of this movement. This thesis offers an orginal contribution to the understanding of the English student movement, via grounding in empirical data and sustained sociological explanation.
16
Jackson, Brian D. "Island of Tranquility: Rhetoric and Identification at Brigham Young University During the Vietnam Era." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2003. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/4819.
Full textAbstract:
The author argues that beyond religious beliefs and conservative politics, rhetorical identification played an important role in the relative calmness of the BYU campus during the turbulent Sixties. Using Bitzer's rhetorical situation theory and Burke's identification theory, the author shows that BYU's calm campus can be explained as a result of communal identification with a conservative ethos. He also shows that apparent epistemological shortcomings of Bitzer's model can be resolved by considering the power of identification to create salience and knowledge in rhetorical situations. During the Sixties, BYU administration developed policies on physical appearance that invited students to take on a conservative identity, and therefore a conservative behavior. Relationships of power and hierarchy at BYU can be understood not as quantitative and oppressive matrices, but as rhetorical choices of students to identify with the character of school president, Ernest Wilkinson, and the administration. Power, then, is as Foucault envisioned it—as a field wherein identity and discourse are negotiated. This thesis argues for a more broad understanding of identification, ethos, and power for explaining rhetorical behavior in communal situations.
17
Lange, Stuart, and n/a. "A rising tide : the growth of Evangelicalism and Evangelical identity among Presbyterians, Anglicans and University students in New Zealand, 1930-1965." University of Otago. Department of Theology and Religious Studies, 2009. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20090618.161648.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis relates the resurgent evangelical Protestantism of mid-twentieth century New Zealand to the extensive international historiography which has emerged over the last thirty years, especially through the work of such scholars as David Bebbington in Britain and others in the USA, Canada and Australia. Understanding evangelicalism as a both an historical movement and a recurring set of doctrinal commitments, the new literature has highlighted evangelicalism as a trans-denominational and international movement, sharing such features as those identified in Bebbington�s quadrilateral. Weaving together the study of numerous key individuals, churches and organisations, the thesis argues that a self-aware, cross-denominational and fairly cohesive evangelical stream developed within New Zealand Protestantism between about 1930 and 1965. The thesis demonstrates that the university Evangelical Unions and the Inter-Varsity Fellowship (NZ) - both founded following a schism with the more liberal SCM in the early 1930s - were key factors in the reconstruction of evangelical identity and confidence and in the development of vigorous and expanding evangelical movements in New Zealand�s two largest Protestant denominations. The two key pre-war church leaders who inspired those movements, Thomas Miller (a confessionalist Presbyterian) and William Orange (a devotional Anglican), worked closely with the Evangelical Unions and IVF, and the leaders of the post-war evangelical movements (such as Graham Miller) had been significantly shaped by the EUs and IVF. Mid-century New Zealand evangelicalism was theologically conservative, but also emphasised reason, moderation and restraint, and those values were constantly reinforced by such leaders as Dr. John Laird and Professor E.M. Blaiklock. The renascent New Zealand evangelical movement rejected extremism, anti-intellectualism and ecclesiastical separatism. It explicitly distanced itself from American fundamentalism. In its outlook and cultural style, mid-twentieth century New Zealand evangelicalism largely reflected the prevailing Britishness of New Zealand in that period, and was strongly influenced by the British IVF. By the early 1960s, evangelicalism had become an increasingly significant element within Protestantism in New Zealand. As the movement matured, it had also become less cohesive.
18
Badat, Mohamed Saleem. "Black student politics under apartheid : the character, role and significance of the South African Students' Organisation, 1968 to 1977, and the South African National Students' Congress, 1979 to 1990." Thesis, University of York, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338550.
Full text
19
Egan, Anthony. "The National Catholic Federation of Students : a study of political ideas and activities within a Christian student movement, 1960-1987." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/21836.
Full textAbstract:
Bibliography: pages 191-212.This is a study of the National Catholic Federation of Students (NCFS), an organisation that sought to bring together Catholic students on South African university campuses, examining specifically NCFS' political ideas and activities from 1960 to 1987. The underlying supposition of this thesis is that church history ought to be an integral part of the discipline of history, and that there is a need to write church history from "below" from the perspectives of the "people's church", the church that comprises the religious experience of the majority of its members rather than its hierarchy.
20
Webster, Sarah. "Protest activity in the British student movement, 1945 to 2011." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/protest-activity-in-the-british-student-movement-1945-to-2011(0111ba06-9b2d-468c-9bf0-11b938b15d37).html.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the historical pattern of protest activity involving students from the University of Manchester and the London School of Economics between the academic years 1945/46 and 2010/11. Gathered through a protest event analysis of the universities’ student press, quantitative protest event data is presented that establishes a continuous pattern of protest activity at both institutions from the mid-fifties onwards. Adding to a small body of scholarship on student activism beyond the sixties epoch, the thesis challenges the assumption that student protest peaked in the late sixties, which currently dominates the student protest literature. The decade’s wave of student unrest is widely presented as exceptional and unprecedented, a golden age of student protest, casting non-sixties student generations as politically apathetic. The quantitative data refutes these claims, demonstrating an ongoing history of student protest on both campuses that sets precedent for the sixties mobilisations and undermines the idea that student apathy is pervasive on the post-sixties university campus. Between 1945/46 and 2010/11, University of Manchester students are involved in 840 protest events, while London School of Economics students participate in 505 protest events, a combined total of 1345 protest events. Using qualitative data drawn from the student press and other archival materials alongside the numeric data, the thesis argues that the British student unrest in the sixties had precedent in the fifties and early sixties, noting tactical and ideological similarities. Further, the thesis refutes the student apathy narrative using protest activity as evidence of student political participation, but also pointing to student engagement in formal and informal political activity, such as political party membership, voluntary action and campaigning for NGOs and pressure groups. Echoing studies on youth political participation, the thesis finds that students remain politically engaged across the twentieth and twenty-first century. Drawing together social movement theory with insights from the archival materials and student press, the thesis identifies factors contributing to the emergence, decline and survival of student protest activity at the University of Manchester and London School of Economics. The thesis establishes that progressive political and social values, student produced movement frames, access to resources on campus, political opportunities and campus activist networks interact to facilitate the emergence of student unrest. It also demonstrates that political factionalism and some forms of authority responses to unrest are key factors in declines in student protest activity. The thesis argues that attempts at co-option and repression by the state and the university, normally understood to prompt declines in protest, may actually provoke further activity amongst students. Applying Nella Van Dyke’s theory of ‘hotbeds of activism’ to the British context (1998), the thesis argues protest activity survives across the timeframe, because both universities have developed student activist networks and subcultures that maintain the traditions and practices of activism on campus. Activist expertise is transferred between student generations through the student unions, student societies and informal groupings, ensuring that that the campus activist networks are primed to seize opportunities for protest activity on and off campus.
21
Cline, Benjamin J. "REACHING OTHERS: THE RHETORIC OF PROSELYTIZING AND COMMUNITY OF A CHRISTIAN CAMPUS ORGANIZATION." Connect to this title online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1121871871.
Full text
22
Thomas, Thomas Nicholas. "The British student movement 1965-1972." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36254/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis outlines the development of the protests by students which took place in Britain from 1965 to 1972, and investigates the reasons for the occurrence of these protests at that particular time. This inquiry has used national and student newspapers, extensive archive material, secondary sources, and oral history interviews to carry out these aims. In particular, this thesis will suggest that sLudent protest can only be understood in the light of changes in attitudes to authority in the post-war period. The position of young people in society was transformed in the decades following the Second World War, and this change was itself the result of social, economic and cultural changes which will be considered as part of this thesis. It will be argued that deterministic interpretations, which have suggested that student protest was the result of revolutionary politics, group conformity, rebellion against parental or social disciplines, or rapid university expansion, have been mistaken. Instead, students took part in protests upon specific issues about which they felt strongly, usually because they believed that those in authority had committed injustices. This protest could only take place, therefore, once prevailing attitudes to authority had changed. and students felt that it was both possible and acceptable to challenge the decisions of those who were in. authority.
23
Yip, Wing-yee. "A comparative study of the pro-democracy student movements in Indonesia 1998 and China 1989." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42574894.
Full text
24
Rogers, Ibram Henry. "The Black Campus Movement: An Afrocentric Narrative History of the Struggle to Diversify Higher Education, 1965-1972." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/56363.
Full textAbstract:
African American StudiesPh.D.
In 1965, Blacks were only about 4.5 percent of the total enrollment in American higher education. College programs and offices geared to Black students were rare. There were few courses on Black people, even at Black colleges. There was not a single African American Studies center, institute, program, or department on a college campus. Literature on Black people and non-racist scholarly examinations struggled to stay on the margins of the academy. Eight years later in 1973, the percentage of Blacks students stood at 7.3 percent and the absolute number of Black students approached 800,000, almost quadrupling the number in 1965. In 1973, more than 1,000 colleges had adopted more open admission policies or crafted particular adjustments to admit Blacks. Sections of the libraries on Black history and culture had dramatically grown and moved from relative obscurity. Nearly one thousand colleges had organized Black Studies courses, programs, or departments, had a tutoring program for Black students, were providing diversity training for workers, and were actively recruiting Black professors and staff. What happened? What forced the racial reformation of higher education? A social movement I call the Black Campus Movement. Despite its lasting and obvious significance, the struggle of these Black campus activists has been marginalized in the historiographies of the Student, Black Student, and Black Power Movements with White student activism, Black students' off-campus efforts, and the Black Panther Party dominating those respective sets of literature. Thus, in order to bring it to the fore, we should conceive of new historiography, which I term the Black Campus Movement. This dissertation is the first study to chronicle and analyze that nationwide, eight-year-long Black Campus Movement that diversified higher education. An Afrocentric methodology is used to frame the study, which primarily synthesized secondary sources--books, government studies, scholarly, newspaper and magazine articles--and composed this body of information into a general narrative of the movement. The narrative shows the building of the movement for relevance from 1965 to 1967 in which students organized their first Black Students Unions and made requests from the administration. By 1968, those requests had turned into demands, specifically after administrators were slow in instituting those demands and the social havoc wrought by the Orangeburg Massacre and the death of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Instead of meeting with college officials over their concerns, Black students at Black and White colleges began staging dramatic protests for more Black students, faculty, administrators, coaches, staff, and trustees, as well as Black Studies courses and departments, Black dorms, and other programs and facilities geared to Black students. This protest activity climaxed in the spring of 1969, the narrative reveals. In response, higher education and the American government showered the students with both repressive measures, like laws curbing student protests, and reforms, like the introduction of hundreds of Black Studies programs, all of which slowed the movement. By 1973, the Black Campus Movement to gain diversity had been eclipsed by another movement on college campuses to maintain the diverse elements students had won the previous eight years. This struggle to keep these gains has continued into the 21st century, as diversity abounds on campuses across America in comparison to 1965.
Temple University--Theses
25
Park, Byeong Chul Ben. "The Korean Student Movement: The Mobilization Process." W&M ScholarWorks, 1989. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625551.
Full text
26
葉詠儀。 and Wing-yee Yip. "A comparative study of the pro-democracy student movements in Indonesia 1998 and China 1989." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42574894.
Full text
27
Biddix, James Patrick. "The power of "ESTUDENTPROTEST" a study of electronically-enhanced student activism /." Diss., St. Louis, Mo. : University of Missouri--St. Louis, 2006. http://etd.umsl.edu/r1361.
Full text
28
Williams, Elliot D. "Out of the Closets and Onto the Campus: The Politics of Coming Out at Florida Atlantic University, 1972-1977." Scholarly Repository, 2011. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_theses/252.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines gay student organizing to understand the role of college students in the burgeoning lesbian and gay movement of the 1970s. Although students are widely recognized as participants in gay activism in this period, few studies have attempted to explore their particular role. The Gay Academic Union (GAU) at Florida Atlantic University in Boca Raton, FL, is presented as a case study, using archival and oral history research. Lesbian and gay students participated in the construction of a new political strategy based on visibility and community, which positioned “coming out” as its central metaphor. During the early to mid-1970s, students were especially well positioned to play a role in the gay movement, which relied on small, local organizations to spread gay politics throughout the nation. However, in the wake of the Anita Bryant-led effort to repeal Miami-Dade’s gay rights ordinance in 1977, the growth of national gay organizations and a national media discourse on homosexuality began to eclipse the type of organizing at which college students had excelled. By extending the narrative of gay organizing in the 1970s outside of urban centers, the story of the GAU at Florida Atlantic demonstrates that college students played a crucial part in disseminating the new forms of gay identity and culture associated with the gay movement.
29
Pereira, Mateus Camargo. "Tecendo a manhã : Historia do Diretorio Central dos Estudantes da Unicamp (1974/1982)." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/253012.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Vera Lucia Sabongi De RossiDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T23:20:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_MateusCamargo_M.pdf: 9306995 bytes, checksum: d1fa2e2cc2b69cb2d34dfd047c7d31ad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006
Resumo: O objeto de estudo desta pesquisa é o de apresentar uma reflexão inicial sobre a história do Diretório Central dos Estudantes (DCE) da Unicamp, compreendendo o movimento estudantil desde sua formação e destacando o embate entre as principais bandeiras de luta - das chapas vencedoras e perdedoras - nos processos eleitorais que configuraram as quatro primeiras gestões da entidade, no período de 1974 a 1982. Março de 1974 é demarcado pela primeira movimentação de massa do movimento estudantil contra a ditadura militar - a Greve das Humanas -, quando surge a necessidade de uma entidade central dos estudantes da Unicamp. O ano de 1982 representa a finalização do primeiro ciclo de quatro gestões do DCE: Tecendo A Manhã; Sair dessa Maré; Força Viva e Unidade e Ação, marcado pela presença de militantes estudantis vinculados à Ação Popular (AP) em todas elas. Foram objetivos desta pesquisa: 1- Levantar, organizar, tornar pública e acessível a documentação aglutinada sobre o tema deste estudo, oriunda de diversas procedências. Tal objetivo resultou na produção do volume II, contendo as fontes documentais primárias, e de anexos incorporados ao final desta dissertação. 2- Compreender, no processo histórico, as peculiaridades da formação da entidade central dos estudantes da Unicamp (objetivo desenvolvido no capítulo I). 3- Compreender o movimento estudantil, coordenado pelas gestões do DCE, como parte do processo de lutas mais amplo da sociedade brasileira nos tempos de confronto com a ditadura do regime militar (objetivo desenvolvido no capítulo II). 4- Refletir acerca do embate entre as principais bandeiras de luta, das chapas perdedoras e vencedoras, nos processos eleitorais das gestões de estudantes coordenados pelo DCE (desenvolvido no capítulo III). Os referenciais teórico-metodológicos foram extraídos, primordialmente, de historiadores da história cultural, voltados para a tradição das oposições, dissidências e para o debate sobre a democracia, tais como C. Hill, E. P. Thompson, E. Hobsbawn e J. Le Goff. Para assegurar o diálogo entre as fontes documentais, foi realizada uma ampla revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema, bem como o levantamento de fontes primárias impressas, diversificadas e produzidas, primordialmente, pelos estudantes nos centros e diretórios acadêmicos, tais como: boletins, jornais, panfletos e cartas¿programa das chapas concorrentes às eleições do DCE, consultados nas visitas aos arquivos do estado (AESP), Arquivo Edgard Leuenroth (AEL/Unicamp) e Sistema Integrado de Arquivos da Unicamp (SIArq). No decorrer do processo, percebe-se uma intensa participação do ME da Unicamp nas movimentações pela retomada das Liberdades Democráticas, pela democratização dos órgãos decisórios da Unicamp e pela melhoria das condições de ensino e permanência nesta universidade, esta representada pelo fim do jubilamento, pela construção da moradia estudantil e do restaurante universitário e pelo transporte subsidiado, entre outras. No período analisado, o ME da Unicamp constrói instrumentos e espaços políticos de participação entre setores do estudantado, por meio de impressos, reuniões abertas, assembléias, atos públicos e manifestações culturais, tendo como centro a Casa dos Centros Acadêmicos. Participa, também, dos Encontros Nacionais de Estudantes (ENEs) e dos debates sobre a refundação das entidades estudantis estaduais e nacional (UEEs e UNE). Influenciado por idéias de transformação social trazida por militantes estudantis vinculados a tendências políticas de esquerda, alia suas táticas às estratégias dessas organizações, cerrando fileiras, quando da volta do pluripartidarismo no Brasil, em 1980, dentro do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e do Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB). Tal processo cumpriu relevante papel cultural e político na história recente do Brasil, ao mesmo tempo em que esteve inserido nos movimentos estudantis e de intelectuais reconhecidos do Ocidente, no bojo das bandeiras de luta e das movimentações de "1968", que trafegaram de campus a campus
Abstract: The aim of this study is to present some initial reflections about the history of the Unicamp's student' union, to comprehend the student movement since its beginning there, highlighting the conflict between its main flags (between the student' representatives that ran for election, including the ones that won and the ones that lost) in the election process of the first four years of the student' union at Unicamp and its outcomes, from 1974 to 1982. In March, 1974, happened the first mass movement of the student' movement, it was against the military dictatorship "The strike of the humanity studies". It was when a student' union started to be required at Unicamp. The year of 1982 corresponded to the ending of the first cycle of four student' union' representative' groups : Tecendo A Manhã; Sair dessa Maré; Força Viva e Unidade e Ação, all of them connected to the group Ação Popular (AP). The following were this research study purposes: 1. To get a hold, organize and publicize documents about this study theme from various origins. This object generated a volume II with the primary fonts and attachments; 2. To comprehend the Unicamp' student' union historical process and the peculiarities its development (Chapter I); 3. To comprehend the students movement coordinated by Student' Union as a part of a wider process in the Brazilian society during the military dictatorship (Chapter II); 4. To reflect about the conflict between the main flags that the student' representatives that ran for election stood for during the election process that was coordinate by the Student' Union (Chapter III). The theoretical-methodological references were mainly based on the cultural history historians focused on the opposition, dissidence tradition and on the democracy debate, such as C. Hill, E. P. Thompson, E. Hobsbawn and J. Le Goff. A wide bibliographical revision about the theme was made in order to insure the dialogue between the documents, as well as a search on primary sources produced mainly by students themselves, that can be found in following archives: State Archive (AESP), Edgard Leuenroth Archive (AEL/Unicamp), and Unicamp's integrated Archive System (SIArq). The Unicamp student's movement participated intensely in the democratic freedom recovering movement inside and outside Unicamp. Inside the University they also engaged in a campaign for studying fairer conditions - student' residence, student' restaurant, student' transportation - all subsidized. During the analyzed period the student' movement at Unicamp created political instruments for the students to participate trough hand-outs, open meetings, public manifestations, cultural manifestation. For those activities they could use a house called "Casa dos Cas". They joined the national student's meeting (ENE) and the debates to recover (after the dictatorship) the state and national Student' Union (UEE's and UNE). Influenced by the social transformation ideas brought by student activists connected to opposition groups, these students contributed to the parties "PT" and "PMDB" when the military dictatorship ended in Brazil and many parties where legalized. This process had an important political and cultural role in the recent history of Brazil within the student movement are also important western intellectuals, surrounded by the "1968" movement flags that moved from campus to campus
Mestrado
Mestre em Educação
30
Rose, Tara. "Faculty Perceptions on the Student Learning Accountability Movement." ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1928.
Full textAbstract:
Literature examining the impact of the student learning accountability movement on faculty perspectives is insufficient, as little is known about how faculty perceive the requirements related to federal, state, and institutional accountability initiatives. This case study investigated the threat posed by the accountability movement on the stability of faculty engagement, while exploring how faculty perceptions of the movement will impact institutional and state policy. Using Levin's system of accountability as the framework for this study, the central research question explored how understanding faculty perspectives on the student learning accountability movement could promote policy within an institution. Data were gathered via a qualitative survey of 140 instructional faculty and from 21 semi-structured interviews with instructional faculty, accountability specialists, and state coordinating board officials. Data from the surveys and interviews were inductively coded, and then analyzed through detailed categorical aggregation. Findings indicated a discord with what Levin calls the feedback loop in an accountability system. Transparency related to institutional governance, not distinctively academic freedom and faculty engagement, was found to be a key component of a successful accountability system. Results of the study contribute to positive social change by providing higher education institutions with practical recommendations to address accountability pressures through a model for a faculty-driven accountability system.
31
Beranová, Marie. "The Student Movement in Chile: Origins, trajectory and impact." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192713.
Full textAbstract:
Latin America cannot be conceived without acknowledging the social movements, which are often the engines of political and social changes on the continent. Until recently, Chile appeared to be the country where the social order was perceived as the most accomplished in relation to its politically unstable neighbouring countries, as well as in relation to its proper history. The 2011 student movement, which is the most significant social movement within the last twenty years of the Chilean history, can be completely understood only from a broader perspective of the 20th century. In order to understand the recent changes, the thesis deals with the phenomenon of the Chilean student movement studying its origins, historical trajectory and impact. The aim of the thesis is to explore the continuities and changes of the student movement and question why the 2011 protests are treated as a separate collective action in relation to the cycles of contention experienced in the 20th century.
32
BENTO, PAULA ALEGRIA. "SEXUALITY, POLITICS AND YOUTH: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CONFIGURATIONS OF THE EXPERIMENTATION OF THE SEXUALITY AND THE STUDENT MOVEMENT AMONG STUDENTS OF A PUBLIC SCHOOL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2016. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=29419@1.
Full textAbstract:
PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
O campo de trabalho desta dissertação baseia-se em uma pesquisa etnográfica realizada entre os alunos de uma escola pública federal do Rio de Janeiro. Buscou-se privilegiar o olhar sobre as configurações de experimentação da sexualidade e das identidades de gênero e do movimento estudantil, bem como as suas relações com a tradicional instituição, professores, servidores e técnicos, e com o mundo para além dos seus muros. O eixo central desta investigação colocou-se no desafio de acompanhar e perceber as diversas formas de expressar-se, mover-se e afirmar-se através das performances de gênero, das práticas sexuais e das primeiras experimentações participativas de construção da ação política no âmbito escolar e nas suas relações com a realidade da sociedade contemporânea. Esta dissertação dedica-se a descrever antes territorialidades do que identidades, diferenças do que diversidade, singularidades do que totalidades. Ressalta-se também a percepção da ação como uma multiplicidade de outras ações entrelaçadas, atualizando o que vem a se chamar o ator-rede e operando conceitos indiscindíveis, como sociedade e indivíduo, natureza e cultura, humano e não-humano.
The field of work that generated this dissertation is based on an ethnographic research conducted among students from a public school in Rio de Janeiro. It focuses on the configurations of the experimentation of the sexuality and the student movement, as well as its relations with the traditional institution, teachers, servants and technicians, and with the world beyond its walls. The central axis of this investigation was placed in the challenge to follow and understand the various ways to express themselves, to move and to assert itself through the gender performances, sexual practices and the first participatory trials construction of political action within school and in their relations with the reality of contemporary society. This dissertation is dedicated to describe before territorialities than identities, differences than diversity, singularities than totalities. We should point out the perception of the action as a multitude of other interwoven actions, updating what comes to be called the actor-network and operating concepts un-discernable, as society and the individual, nature and culture, human and non-human.
33
Hudson, Nicholas. "Undocumented Latino Student Activists' Funds of Knowledge| Transforming Social Movements." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10602620.
Full textAbstract:
There are approximately 28,000 to 55,000 undocumented enrolled in postsecondary institutions in the United States (Passel, 2003). In order to achieve their educational ambitions despite the structural social, socioeconomic, political, and legislative barriers facing them, undocumented students utilize various resources they have at their disposal. Minoritized populations, specifically undocumented Latino students, have employed individual and collective agency in overcoming structural racism and barriers enacted to maintain the status quo. This study of eight undocumented Latino student activists in Virginia and Washington reveals the various forms of resources available undocumented Latino student activists and documents how these students utilize them to navigate the barriers they encounter, shape the undocumented student social movement, and achieve their educational aspirations. This study seeks to uncover what resources undocumented Latino student activists have at their disposal and how the usage of said resources impacts policy formation on an institutional, state and national level.
The study seeks to uncover whether undocumented students utilize their available funds of knowledge to achieve their educational goals and navigate through the barriers they encounter. The study finds that undocumented Latino student activists utilize their funds of knowledge in agriculture, business, construction, mechanics, music, and religion to develop strategies to navigate through educational, financial, institutional, and intrapersonal barriers they encountered. This application of funds of knowledge and community cultural wealth to student activism moves the debate from a deficiency narrative that has long permeated higher education research to an agency narrative.
This study provides valuable insight into the increase of undocumented Latino students’ participation in activism and how one can best aid undocumented Latino student activists. Through the thematic narrative analysis, the lived history and stories of undocumented Latino student activists from Washington and Virginia are woven together to unveil individual and collective routes to educational attainment and activism on behalf of undocumented students.
34
MacLennan, Donald Scott. "Mapping how students conceptualize ancillary movements in instrumental music performance." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/52157.
Full textAbstract:
Music theorists have emphasized the intellectual, disembodied mind throughout music education’s history in Western culture extending back to the time of the ancient Greeks. Additionally, Regelski (2009) notes that the dominant and residual view of music curriculum involves the contemplation of music for its own sake (i.e., autonomous “works”) instead of experiencing it through action. Yet pioneering advocates for movement in music education, including Jaques-Dalcroze, Orff, Kodály, and Suzuki, all affirmed and emphasized the centrality of the body in music making and learning. Present-day instrumental music teachers’ proclivity toward teaching to the minds of their students (marginalizing physical action) seems incongruous with the views of these pioneers, especially when one considers the prevalence of movement and dance in contemporary popular music culture.
When instrumental music teachers focus on teaching to the minds of their students, they ignore the importance of the students’ ancillary movements, those physical movements not directly involved in the production of sound (e.g., leaning forward, swaying side to side). Research on the importance of ancillary movements in the experiences of adolescent students studying instrumental music is sorely lacking. I thus undertook a two-month study utilizing a phenomenographic approach, which involves identifying and describing the varied conceptions of a phenomenon held by the members of a group collectively, not individual conceptions. I used interviews and student journals to map the different conceptions 24 adolescent instrumental music students have of ancillary movements.
I found that ancillary movements reflect students’ degree of engagement with music-making and that these movements hold important meanings for them. Participants’ statements suggested that students become more engaged with music they are performing when they 1) are given freedom to make their own natural ancillary movements, 2) feel confident with their music skills (i.e., balance between challenge and skills), 3) do not feel self conscious about what others might think, and 4) discover that their teachers support ancillary movements. Moreover, students’ descriptions of their conceptions revealed increasingly complex understandings of ancillary movements, suggesting ways in which educators might develop more embodied approaches to teaching instrumental music.Education, Faculty of
Curriculum and Pedagogy (EDCP), Department of
Graduate
35
Bell, David. "The battle for the university : the Vietnam-era student movement at universities in central Illinois /." View online, 2004. http://ia301510.us.archive.org/1/items/battleforunivers00bell/battleforunivers00bell.pdf.
Full text
36
Huang, Guozheng. "Social movement and democratisation in Taiwan : the case of the 1990 student movement." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416303.
Full text
37
Oswald, Dana R. "Effects of rhythmic movements on students’ behaviors, emotions and academic growth." Thesis, Wichita State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10057/3320.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigated the effects of rhythmic movements on students' behaviors, emotions, and academic growth. The study concentrated on a fourth grade class from a Title 1 building, where the majority of students came from poverty, and were scoring below grade level in reading and mathematics. A series of ball exercises were implemented in the classroom for 15-20 minutes daily for nine weeks. The behavior, emotions and academic growth of the students were monitored and recorded. Academically, reading scores significantly increased as compared with the control group. Results also showed a decrease in negative behaviors from 35 interruptions per hour to 5 and an increase in student engagement by 15%. Throughout this study, students also claimed to feel less stressed and have fewer worries while at school.Thesis (M.Ed.)--Wichita State University, College of Education, Dept. of Curriculum and Instruction.
38
Roosth, Joshua. "UNIVERSITY LEADERSHIP IN SUSTAINABILITY AND CAMPUS-BASED ENVIRONMENTAL ACTIVISM." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3963.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the development of environmental sustainability on 194 of the wealthiest colleges and universities in the United States and Canada. Campus-based environmental organization membership data, organizational profiles, participant observation, and sustainability grades (from the Sustainable Endowment Institutes College Sustainability Report Cards 2009) are used to examine the relationship between campus-based environmental organizations and sustainability of higher educational institutions. Linear regression is used to analyze the overall university sustainability grades as an outcome variable. Overall university sustainability grades are impacted by campus-based environmental activism social movement organizations, high endowment per student, the age of the university, and the presence of state renewable portfolio standards. My findings suggest that the Sustainable Endowment Institute s College Sustainability Report Card might be improved by including indicators of greenhouse gas reports and interdisciplinary courses on sustainability.M.A.
Department of Sociology
Sciences
Applied Sociology MA
39
Law, Nga Wing. "Performing identities: performative practices in post-handover Hong Kong art & activism." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/518.
Full textAbstract:
This is an autoethnographic account of the performative practices in the Umbrella Movement (2014, Hong Kong), a struggle that I myself and some fellow artists participated in. Instead of making a discursive analysis of postcolonial identity, this thesis focuses on performative practices and the performativity of artists and their activist counterparts in the Umbrella Movement. This thesis starts with an overview of the political situation in Hong Kong before relating it to the social turn in contemporary art practice and the performative turn in art and research practices. Instead of using performance as a metaphor for understanding cultural phenomena, I persevere with the notion of performance per se, of artists taking part in activism and examining the performativity involved in the process. As an artist/researcher, I have been seeking a research methodology that is compatible with the means and ends of activism being studied and can nourish a reflexive account on the performative practices of resistance in postcolonial Hong Kong. I propose a methodology of 'performative autoethnography' which accentuates the co-performative and intersubjective process as well as the non-textual aspects of embodied experience and of performing struggle in activism. Reviewing the performative practices on macro- and micro-levels, I borrow the term 'microutopia' to depict the imaginary space created by micro-performances used to cope with the discrepancies between utopian ideals and reality. Specifically, I examine the transformative power of some performative tactics employed in the Umbrella Movement: parodic performance of 'over-identification,' improvisation accomplished by collective connectivity and kinetic responsiveness of the performers, and the artist as an intersubjective mediator. Among these tactics, there are recurring claims and recurring forms that add up to a repertoire of protest. Through microutopian interventions staged at the site of protest, the identities of the multitude are constructed through critical engagement. I suggest that we use the concept of 'critical identities' to study how identities are constructed within an open-ended network of social relations, using a critical reflexive lens of performance studies at a precarious moment in which Hong Kong finds itself at a crossroads.
40
Barbosa, Francisco J. "Insurgent youth culture and memory in the Sandinista student movement /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3215180.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2006.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-04, Section: A, page: 1490. Adviser: Jeffrey L. Gould. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed May 7, 2007)."
41
Baublytė, Aušra. "Studentų požiūris į naujuosius religinius judėjimus (sektas)." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2006. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2006~D_20060531_162913-13906.
Full textAbstract:
The present research deals with new confessional movements (sects). The paper discusses problematical terms, presents classification of NCM in Lithuania and shows their differential features. Later on, the relation of NCM and person is examined. That contains presenting causes of involving, methods of crimping / manipulation and its dangerous influence. One of the most important issues is supporting and helping those, who were involved into NCM. In that concern aspects of helping methods and the demand of information were introduced. The paper refers to works of Lithuanian and foreign sociologists and researchers of NCM (M. Weber, P. Berger, A. Giddens, A. Dvorkin, E. Barker, D. Glodenis, A. Peškaitis, A. Navickas).
NCM (sects) can be regarded as a controversial and dangerous social phenomenon. That shows the importance of examining the level of the problems caused by it. The youth, as the most active part of the society was chosen for the present research. The aim of the paper is to indicate their opinion and to show their experience in different aspects of NCM. The research was made to see if the topic of NTC is relevant and problematic for youth, to find if young people are informed enough and to know if there are tolerant to different NCM (sects). The hypothesis was made that confession is important for youth and those, who had some relations with NCM will have negative impression. It was also assumed that the lack of information about NTC encourages young people to be... [to full text]
42
Carey, Kristin. "Resistance in and of the university : neoliberalism, empire, and student activist movements." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/61296.
Full textAbstract:
In a time of global neoliberal precarity that follows from perpetual war, uncontracted labour, and heightened forced global migration to name a few contemporary violences, there has been a noticeable rise of protest both nationally and also localized to university campuses in the United States. Experiencing the historical weight of racism, classism, sexism, ableism, and nationalism on college campuses, students are claiming public and digital spaces as sites of resistance. These movements trace connections to the accomplishments of the civil and academic rights movements of the 1960s, by again and still asking for institutional responses to white supremacy and systems of oppression (Ferguson, 2012) while realizing they take different shapes due to the international, national, and local forces that call them into being. This paper provides some preliminary mapping of the student activist and institutional responses to student movements. Necessarily, my work also historicizes the how the university is shaped by national and global political and economic violence and structures—namely, neoliberalism and empire. Using feminist, queer, and critical race theory as my theoretical and methodological frameworks, I examine two case studies of student protest: The University of California, San Diego of 2009 and the University of Missouri in 2015. I ask questions about the production of student political subjectivity, as both process and product. Using what Guattari and Rolnik (2008) term capitalist subjectivity, I am particularly interested in analyzing how a particular, perhaps alternate kind of student (activist) political subject(ivity) emerges in/out of confrontation with the university’s normative student subjectivity, but nonetheless constituted in relation to it. This thesis works within a historico-political moment (2009-2015), and hopes to both interrogate and understand the university, its strategic gains for social justice, and what we make of its role in the here and now.Arts, Faculty of
Gender, Race, Sexuality and Social Justice, Institute for
Graduate
43
Santos, Jordana de Souza. "O movimento estudantil na "democratização" : crise da era Collor e neoliberalismo /." Marília, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/166418.
Full textAbstract:
Orientadora: Angélica LovattoBanca: Anderson Deo
Banca: Marcos Del Roio
Banca: Lalo Watanabe Minto
Banca: Pedro Jorge de Freitas
Resumo: O objeto de estudo desta tese são as manifestações estudantis pelo impeachment do Presidente Fernando Collor de Mello ocorridas em 1992, enfatizando o papel de destaque das entidades estudantis, União Nacional dos Estudantes (UNE) e União Brasileira de Estudantes Secundaristas (UBES). A pergunta que norteou este trabalho foi: por que o Movimento Estudantil (ME) foi a "fagulha" dos protestos "Fora Collor"? Dito de outra maneira, por que o ME "saiu na frente" nestes protestos? Como hipótese geral, consideramos o suposto protagonismo do ME como produto da trajetória de reorganização percorrida pelos estudantes desde a reconstrução da UNE em 1979 e da UBES em 1981 e pelas características definidoras da juventude dos anos 1990, uma geração marcada pela glória das gerações passadas que fizeram história manifestando-se contra a censura e a repressão da Ditadura Militar. Diante das interpretações dos meios de comunicação da época, até mesmo de alguns trabalhos acadêmicos, sobre a característica de espontaneidade das manifestações dos "caras pintadas", argumentar que o ME passou por um intenso processo de reorganização durante a conturbada década de 1980 significa atribuir às manifestações da juventude uma causalidade histórica, bem como desmistificar a noção de juventude despolitizada. Como hipóteses específicas, consideramos que o ME enquanto movimento social pode se localizar no campo das lutas de resistência ao sistema do capital, restando-nos compreender em que medida (e quando) ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The object of study of this thesis are the student demonstrations by the impeachment of President Fernando Collor de Mello that occurred in 1992, emphasizing the prominent role of student organizations, National Union of Students (UNE) and Brazilian Union of Secondary Students (UBES). The question that guided this work was: why the Student Movement (ME) was the "spark" of the protests "Fora Collor"? Put another way, why did the ME "get ahead" in these protests? As a general hypothesis, we consider the supposed role of the ME as a product of the reorganization trajectory of the students since the reconstruction of the UNE in 1979 and the UBES in 1981 and the defining characteristics of the youth of the 1990s, a generation marked by the glory of the past generations made history against the censorship and repression of the Military Dictatorship. Towards of interpretations of the media of the time, even of some scholarly works, on the spontaneity characteristic of the manifestations of "painted faces", to argue that the ME underwent an intense reorganization process during the troubled 1980s means to attribute to the manifestations of youth a historical causality, as well as demystify the notion of depoliticized youth. As specific hypotheses, we consider that the ME as a social movement can be located in the field of struggles of resistance to the capital system, and it remains to understand to what extent (and when) the ME manifests itself in opposition to and critically to the... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Doutor
44
Hensby, Alexander Richard. "Exploring participation and non-participation in the 2010/11 student protests against fees and cuts." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9855.
Full textAbstract:
This research project uses the 2010/11 student protests in the UK as a case study to understand why certain individuals mobilise for forms of political participation and activism and why others do not. The student protests are ideal as a case study of participation and non-participation for a number of reasons. The UK Government’s proposal to treble the cap tuition fees for students in England represented an issue of widespread grievance for the student population, a grievance which was compounded for many by the Liberal Democrats’ decision to u-turn on its 2010 election campaign pledge. The student response featured large-scale regional and national demonstrations, as well as the formation of a network of simultaneous campus occupations across the UK, arguably presenting a greater scale and diversity of protest than had been seen for a generation. Despite these multiple participatory opportunities, however, student participation did not come close to matching the scale of opposition to trebled fees and university funding cuts as articulated in surveys. This raises fundamental questions about the social and political differences between participants and non-participants. Using original survey data of students from 22 UK universities, and 56 in-depth interviews with students from 6 universities, this research examines social and political patterns and relations between high, medium and low-cost/risk participants, and non-participants. Taking into account the idea of the university campus as a network of actors, the research posits that networks may preclude as well as facilitate participation. The research studies in detail the formation and maintenance of student activism networks – including their collective identifications and dis-identifications. Conversely, the study also looks at the social networks of non-participants, and how these may help to socially produce and sustain non-participation at an agency level. Finally, the research considers whether the protests against fees and cuts should be seen as a unified movement, and whether student attitudes taken together reveal a broadly-identifiable ‘participatory ideal’.
45
Maurer, Dorothee-Elisabeth. ""Here, Alabama lives next door to Maine" racial dynamics in Wichita, Kansas, and the 1958 student sit-ins/." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1313910271&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Full text
46
Thomas, Julia. "Buses, But Not Spaces For All: Histories of Mass Resistance & Student Power on Public Transportation in Mexico & The United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1068.
Full textAbstract:
Public spaces—particularly buses, which often carry a larger proportion of low-income to middle class individuals and people of color—serve as shared places for recreation, travel, and labor, and are theoretically created with the intention of being an “omnibus,” or a public resource for all. While buses have been the sites of intense state control and segregation across the world, they have also been places in which groups have organized bus boycotts, commandeered control of transportation, ridden across state lines, and taken over spaces that allow them to express power by occupying a significant area. Buses have become spaces of exchange and power for the people who have, in some cases, been marginalized by ruling private interests and institutionalized racism to ride in masses on particular routes. From the turn of twentieth century to 1968 in Mexico, the Civil Rights movement in the mid twentieth century United States, to the contemporary era in the U.S. and Mexico, public spaces have been historically reclaimed as key instruments in social movements. By analyzing these moments, this thesis explores the complex relations over power on buses for riders—university students in in Mexico, and African Americans in the U.S.—and show how they have been both key vehicles in mobilization and resistance against state oppression and the sites of targeted violence and racism.
47
Sapong, Nana Yaw Boampong. "Aluta Continua: Social Movements and the Making of Ghana's Fourth Republic, 1978 - 1993." Available to subscribers only, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1791777411&sid=3&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Southern Illinois University Carbondale, 2009."Department of History." Keywords: Africa, Civil society, Democracy, Ghana, Social movements, Student movements, Fourth Republic. Includes bibliographical references (p. 175-196). Also available online.
48
SILVA, W. V. "Estratégias do Movimento Estudantil nas Políticas Públicas de Transporte na Região Metropolitana da Grande Vitória." Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2017. http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/8720.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-01T23:38:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
tese_11633_Versão Final Dissertação de Mestrado 12 abril 2018.pdf: 1624535 bytes, checksum: 253598453ceda468bebfb369f560e72b (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2017-12-21O Movimento Estudantil (ME) é um ator social de grande importância no debate de políticas públicas de transporte. Com esta visão, este trabalho é resultado de uma pesquisa qualitativa que teve por objetivo compreender os movimentos orgânicos e reivindicatórios dos estudantes enquanto atores sociais no processo de formação de políticas públicas de transporte na Região Metropolitana da Grande Vitória (RMGV), por meio da utilização de estratégias políticas. Para embasar teoricamente esta pesquisa são apresentados conceitos sobre formação de políticas públicas, participação social, recursos de poder e estratégias políticas. De maneira a compreender a evolução das bandeiras do ME e identificar suas estratégias políticas, procedeu-se a coleta e tratamento dos dados primários e secundários. A coleta de dados primários se deu por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas e secundários por pesquisas bibliográfica e documental, que buscou elucidar o problema proposto sobre como se dá a utilização das estratégias políticas pelo ME na formação de políticas públicas de transporte na RMGV. Após as análises, são identificados os momentos de crise ocorridos em 2011, 2013 e 2015 que serviram de pano de fundo a atuação do ME. Em relação aos atores sociais envolvidos em políticas públicas de transporte na RMGV, foram identificados e analisados seus recursos de poder e suas estratégias políticas. Verificou-se que o movimento estudantil utiliza-se principalmente de estratégias conflitivas, e que seus objetivos nem sempre são alcançados. Portanto, a partir da perspectiva da linha de pesquisa em Gestão de Operações no Setor Público, que busca compreender a importância da qualidade nas operações de serviços e estuda a importância do planejamento no setor público por meio de elaboração de projetos, foram apresentadas, como produto final deste trabalho, proposições que visam indicar ao ME formas alternativas de acesso aos recursos de poder e uso de estratégias políticas para empoderamento dos estudantes enquanto atores sociais e melhor efetividade na formação de políticas públicas de transporte na RMGV. Palavras chave: Políticas Públicas. Movimento Estudantil. Recursos de Poder. Estratégias Políticas.
49
Zoh, Byoung-Ho. "An historical study of four Protestant Christian student movements in Korea, 1995-1990." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.398901.
Full text
50
Fegley, Laura Elizabeth. "The impact of dance on student learning within the classroom and across the curriculum /." Online pdf file accessible through the World Wide Web, 2010. http://archives.evergreen.edu/masterstheses/Accession89-10MIT/Fegley_LMIT2010.pdf.
Full text