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Rasori, Manuela. "Muhammad Ibn 'Abd Al-Niffarī mistico speculativo ovvero poeta mistico." Master's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2016. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/9909/.
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Dopo una breve scheda bio-bibliografica su Niffarī, la ricerca si sviluppa in quattro capitoli: il primo esplora i primi secoli detti di ‘formazione’ del misticismo musulmano in una prospettiva storico speculativa e storico linguistica fino alla fine del decimo secolo e alle soglie dell’undicesimo, attraverso i mistici più significativi che elaborano una grammatica e un linguaggio tecnico che esprime l’esperienza mistica – indispensabili per cogliere la statura e l’originalità del mistico in oggetto.
Nel capitolo successivo, si delineano i tratti del pensiero di Niffarī attraverso i suoi scritti, con attenzione all’aspetto speculativo, e confronti con testi di altri sufi contemporanei o precedenti.
Il terzo capitolo affronta Niffarī sotto l’aspetto poetico, cioè dell’espressione, dell’innovazione e della modernità rispetto al suo tempo e al nostro, in analogia con un ambito artistico.
Infine l’ultimo capitolo propone una prima versione italiana dall’arabo, di un breve trattato di Niffarī sull’Amore.
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Abdullah, Ismail Haji. "The influence of Imam al-Juwayni on the theology of Imam al-Ghazali." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2929.
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This thesis seeks to study in depth the influence of Imam al-Juwayni on Imam al-Ghazali's discussion of theology and whether or not the latter's ideas are properly derived from the former. The first chapter deals with an analysis of the life of both the Imams against the background of the religious milieu of their time. The second chapter discuss the views of the two Imams on Ilm al-Kalam. The third chapter attempts to compare and contrast Imam al-Juwayni's and Imam al- Ghazali's approach to the doctrine of the origin of the world and the existence of God. In the fourth chapter we assess the views of the two Imams on the problem of the attributes of God. The fifth chapter deals with the question of human actions and free will. The final chapter present their views on prophethood and messengership. While many Islamic scholars have a vague notion that Imam al-Ghazali's ideas on theology depend heavily upon Imam al-Juwayni, this thesis attempts to prove that Imam al-Ghazali's theological position and views have been greatly influenced by his teacher, Imam al-Juwayni. This work sets out to show this in detail.
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Elmasry, Shadee Mohamed. "Da'wa in Islamic thought : the work of 'Abd Allah ibn 'Alawi al-Haddad." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2006. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28812/.
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Imam 'Abd Allah ibn 'Alawi al-Haddad was born in 1044/1634, he was a scholar of the Ba 'Alawi sayyids, a long line of Hadrami scholars and gnostics. The Imam led a quiet life of teaching and, although blind, travelled most of Hadramawt to do da'wa, and authored ten books, a diwan of poetry, and several prayers. He was considered the sage of his time until his death in Hadramawt in 1132/1721. Many chains of transmission of Islamic knowledge of East Africa and South East Asia include his name. Al-Haddad's main work on da'wa, which is also the core of this study, is al-Da'wa al-Tamma wal-Tadhkira al-'Amma (The Complete Call and the General Reminder). Six main points can be derived from it. They are: the definition of da'wa, the knowledges of da'wa, the legal rulings on da'wa, the reasons people might avoid da'wa, the eight categories of its recipients, and the probable results of da'wa. His other works reflect his own da'wa and as such confirm and elaborate upon his opinions on da'wa found in al-Da'wa al-Tamma. The focal points in these works are steadily and consistently upon the most essential aspects of Islam: the heart, the intention, submission, and obedience. While Imam al-Haddad was known among the Ba 'Alawi circles during his life, his teachings spread to the international Islamic community only after his death. In the Fourteenth/Twentieth Century Mufti of Egypt, Hasanayn Muhammad Hasanayn Makhluf oversaw their first modem prints, while Ba 'Alawi scholar Habib Ahmad Mashhur al-Haddad was the first to have a sizeable following of Westemers. Today, Imam al-Haddad's teaching on da'wa is manifest in the institutional form of Dar al-Mustafa in Yemen and his treatises are finding currency in the West for their simple and non-technical style.
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Zouanat, Zakia. "Le pôle martyr Moulay ́Abd as-Salâm Ibn Machîch et son sanctuaire : étude historico-anthropologique." Paris 5, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA05H040.
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Une étude globale sur un saint et son espace sacre dans une aire de montagnes situées dans le nord du Maroc. La thèse est une description anthropologique de la manière dont est vécue la relation au saint et à son sanctuaire : un aspect de l'islam rural au Maroc, mais également une approche du mysticisme islamique à travers le personnage du saint qui est le fondateur mystique de l'un des plus prestigieux ordres soufis de l'histoire islamique, "la tariga chadiliya" instituée en Egypte par l'unique disciple du saint, Abou-i-Hassan Chadili. La thèse est aussi une analyse du quotidien du groupe social spécial constitue par les descendants du saint, autour du sanctuaire de leur ancêtre : un système économico-sacre, des dons et offrandes, des sacrifices. . . Une interprétation de l'œuvre du saint, notamment sa célèbre prière "la machichiya", une prière soufi, la seule production liturgique du saint, elle nous donne une idée de la doctrine mohammedienneA global study about a holy man and his sacred space in an area of mountains located in the north of morocco. The dissertation is an anthropological description of the relation between pilgrims and the saint and his sanctuary: an aspect of rural Islam in morocco, but also an approach of Islamic mysticism through the character of the holy man who is the mystic founder of one of the most prestigious soufi orders, "the tariqa chadiliya", instituted in Egypt by the one and only disciple of Moulay'Abd as-Salam ibn Machich, Abou-I-Hassan Chadili. The dissertation is also an analysis of the everyday life of the special social group constituted by the descendants of the saint around the sanctuary of their ancestor : a sacred economic system, gifts, offertories, sacrifices. . . An construction of the saint's production, essentially his famous prayer : "the machichiya", a soufi liturgical prayer which gives us an idea of the mohammadian doctrine
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Chehata, Elizabeth. ""Al-Adab Al-Kabir" de 'Abd Allah Ibn al-Muqaffa' : édition, traduction et essai d'analyse." Bordeaux 3, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998BOR30045.
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La these se compose de trois parties : 1- une edition du texte d'al-adab al-kabir d'ibn al-muqaffa', mort vers 757. 2- une traduction du texte edite dans laquelle nous nous sommes efforcee de conserver le caractere concis de l'enonce ainsi que les combinaisons rythmiques et phonetiques de la prose arabe. 3- une analyse dans laquelle nous avons procede au releve systematique de tous les mots qui designent les hommes mis en scene dans le texte. Notre but etait de voir en quoi ces denominations se distinguent les unes des autres et/ou en quoi elles vehiculent le meme contenu. Nous pensons ainsi etre parvenue a une meilleure comprehension du vocabulaire utilise par l'auteur et du mode de fonctionnement de la societe de cour de l'epoque. Pour mieux comprendre ce fonctionnement, nous avons egalement procede au releve des passions les plus importantes sur lesquelles le texte revient sans cesse, afin de saisir les nuances par lesquelles elles se distinguent les unes des autres ou s'opposent, les raisons pour lesquelles elles sont valorisees positivement ou negativement par l'auteur et, donc, par la societe de l'epoque. L'analyse des passions nous a conduite ensuite a prendre en compte les operations cognitives decrites qui permettent a l'homme de maitriser ses passions, a nous interroger sur le role de la morale dans ce dispositif, enfin, a analyser la conception qu'ibn al-muqaffa' se faisait du langage qui, selon lui, trahit le degre de maitrise ou de non-maitrise des passions. Le but de notre analyse etait d'aboutir, a partir des donnees du texte, a une definition de la muru'a et de l'adab dans l'adab al-kabirThis thesis falls into three parts : 1- an edition of al-adab al-kabir written by ibn al-muqaffa', died about 757. 2- a translation of the edited text in which we have tried to respect the concision of the original wording, as well as the rhythmic and phonetic scheme of the arabic prose. 3- an analysis in which we have systematically listed all the terms which refer to the men portrayed in the text. Our aim was to understand in what way these denominations differ from one another and/or convey the same content. We think we have thus reached a better understanding both of the vocabulary used by the author and of the way court society functioned at that time. In order to better understand this mechanism, we have also listed the most important passions which the text constantly returns to, so as to pinpoint the nuances thanks to which they are distinguished from one another or opposed one to the other and the reasons why the author, and therefore society at that time, viewed them positively or negatively. The analysis of these passions then led us to take into account the cognitive operations described and which enable men to dominate their passions, to consider the role of morality in this system, and, finally, to analyse ibn al-muqaffa's conception of language which, according to him, reveals the real degree of control or non-control of the passions. The purpose of our analysis was, starting from the information in the text, to reach a definition of muru'a and adab in al-adab al-kabir
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Zargar, Cameron. "The Hanbali and Wahhabi Schools of Thought as Observed Through the Case of Ziyarah." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1398829915.
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Fagerberg, Filip. "Muhammed Ibn Abd al-Wahhab och de islamska feministerna : Ett möte om kvinnans roll i äktenskapet." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Religionshistoria, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-230754.
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The religious school of thought that is involved in the control of Saudi Arabia is called Wahhabism and is a form of Islam that is usually accused by outsiders of being misogynist. This paper will deal with the founder of this alignment of Islam, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, and his view of women in marriage. Another movement which in turn goes to work to lift the women's rights is Islamic feminists. Two branches of Islam who belief that Islam is the only right path to take for issues surrounding gender and life. In this essay, I will compare their respective interpretations of three points which concern the role of women in marriage; men's right to polygamy, men's higher status than the woman and the men's right to beat his wife. The purpose of this paper is to ask two different interpretations of the same issues, with the same verses in the Quran against each other to see how they resemble or differ from each other to try to contribute for a greater understanding of the interpretative pluralism in Islam. The paper concludes that these two movements are looking at the three points with different eyes and in different ways as they are originated from two different contexts and have different purposes when their interpreting the verses from the Quran.
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Qadi, al-Maristan Muhammad ibn Abd al-Baqi Aouni Hatem ibn Aref. "Aḥādīt̲ al-šuyūh̲ al-t̲iqāt : al-šahīr bi-al-mašyah̲aẗ al-kubrā /." Makkaẗ : Dar ʻĀlam al-fawāʼid, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38830917p.
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Bounoua, Mohammad. "Poétique et rhétorique dans la pensée de 'Abd al-Qāhir al-ǧurǧānī." Paris 3, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA030017.
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Pour decrire la pensee poetique et rhetorique de abd al-qahir al-gurgani, on a procede a une lecture de ses deux ouvrages asrar et dala'il. D'une part on a examine les grands concepts fondamentaux, tels que "rhetorique" "poetique" "eloquence". . . Tout en mettant l'accent sur leur nature et les multiples relations existant entre elles. D'autre part, une description des domaines qui ont largement preoccupe la pense de abd al-qahir, essentiellement la definition et la classification des figures et tropes de la rhetorique arabeThe purpose of this study is to depict poetic as well a rhetoric features of abd al-qahir's two books : asrar and dala'il. We should, on the one hand, trace his fundamental concepts such as "rhetoric" "poetic" "eloquence". . . While putting the emphasis on their nature and the varing relations existing among them, on the basis of their meaning. On the other hand, we should describe the spheres which have langely preoccupied abd al-qahir's thought, especially, the definition, classification of tropes and figures of speech in rhetoric arabic
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Lane, Andrew N. "Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulusi's (1641-1731) commentary on Ibn Arabi's 'Fusus al-Hikam' : an analysis and interpretation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:533fc636-91c8-42fd-a40b-ac9771ad591c.
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This thesis is an analysis and interpretation of six chapters from al-Nabulusi's commentary. One of these is an account of his intentions for writing the commentary and the other five are commentaries on parts of the Fusus al-hikam. These chapters chosen from al-Nabulusi's commentary treat important subjects in the Fusus al-hikam which exemplify Ibn 'Arabi's thought particularly well. They are concerned with certain issues which were perceived to have a special importance in the Islamic religious tradition. One issue, for example, is that of Pharaoh's profession of faith which was a prominent subject of debate and discussion in Islamic literature. Ibn 'Arabi's position on this was severely criticised by many. The thesis argues that there are four ways in which to appreciate the commentary's intellectual and religious outlook: first, with respect to its approach to Ibn 'Arabi's ideas; second, with respect to its use of Qur'an and hadith in the specific context of developing an independence from Ibn 'Arabi's thought and in the general context of Qur'anic exegesis; third, in its use of language, narrative and metaphor, finally, in its legal approach towards the issue of Pharaoh's faith evincing arguments similar to those of Ibn 'Arabi, but not identical, and, like Ibn 'Arabi, adopting positions different from those of the wider Islamic religious tradition. The thesis demonstrates that the commentary's significance can be appreciated in two historical contexts: the anti-Ibn 'Arabi tendency manifest in late 17th century Damascus; and the enduring tradition of polemics surrounding Ibn 'Arabi's thought.
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Elkaisy-Friemuth, Maha. "Forms of relationship between God and human beings according to 'Abd al-Jabbar, Ibn Sina and Al-Ghazali." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246857.
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Aladdin, Bakri. "ʿAbdalganī an-Nābulusī (1643-1731) : oeuvre, vie et doctrine." Paris 1, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA01A049.
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Fleming, Shannon E. "Primo de Rivera and Abd-el-Krim the struggle in Spanish Morocco, 1923-1927 /." New York : Garland Pub, 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/23357548.html.
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Berger, Lutz. ""Geschieden von allem ausser Gott" : Sufik und Welt bei Abu Abd ar-Rahman as-Sulami (936-1021) /." Hildesheim : G. Olms, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39276948b.
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Dubos, Pierre. "Abd el-Kader El Djazaïri : émir, soufi, franc-maçon : l'action et la spiritualité en harmonie." Bordeaux 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010BOR30058.
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Jusqu’à la fin du XIXème siècle, la personnalité de l’émir Abd el-Kader demeure très complexe, pour ne pas dire mystérieuse. L’image traditionnelle d’Abd el-Kader, chef de guerre intelligent et courageux, précurseur de l’unité algérienne, est valorisée et occulte la dimension spirituelle. Il est, en effet, moins connu que l’émir fut aussi un lettré érudit, soufi dans la grande tradition de l’Islam spirituel et simultanément franc-maçon adepte de l’humanisme. La sincérité de sa foi ne fut jamais contestée en milieu initié, il jouit de la réputation de grand soufi. Il demeure que sa voie spirituelle apparaît surprenante dans un siècle où la démarche maçonnique est largement affirmée, en Orient comme en Occident, antithétique avec l’orthodoxie religieuse, notamment musulmane. Nous nous proposons d’aborder la problématique que pose ce paradoxe : comment Abd el-Kader a-t-il pu concilier les deux voies initiatiques que lui offraient simultanément le Soufisme et la Franc-Maçonnerie ? Dans une première partie, nous situerons Abd el-Kader dans son cadre familial, confrérique, historique de 1808 à 1832 et son action en qualité d’homme engagé dans des responsabilités qu’il assume par devoir de 1832 à 1847. La deuxième partie traitera de la démarche spirituelle d’Abd el-Kader dans le Soufisme et en Franc-Maçonnerie. Suite à cela, nous nous efforcerons de mettre en lumière les divergences entre Soufisme et Franc-Maçonnerie, mais aussi les convergences qui ont donné la cohérence à la démarche d’Abd el-KaderUntil the end of the nineteenth century, the personality of emir Abd el-Kader remained very complex, not to say mysterious. Abd el Kader's traditional image as a bright, courageous chief of war, and early hero of algerian unification, is often pointed up, which underemphasizes his spiritual dimension, indeed, not as known is the fact that the emir was a learned man of letters, faithful to traditional spiritual Islam, and at the same time a freemason, believing in humanism. The sincerity of his faith has never been questioned, he is even considered as a great supporter of Sufism. And yet, his spiritual progress seems surprising in a century when following Freemasonry precepts was widely acknowledged, in the Western world as well as in the Orient. ; it also looks antithetical with religious orthodoxy, Muslim orthodoxy in particular. We wish to tackle the question raised by that paradox: how could Abd el-Kader reconcile the two inward ways of thinking suggested on one hand by Sufism and by Freemasonry on the other ? In the first part, we will describe Abd el Kader's family, historical and Freemasonry backgrounds from 1803 to 1832, and his activity as a duty-bound man having to face responsibilities from 1832 to 1837. The second part will deal with Abd el Kader's spiritual proceeding in Sufism, we will also consider his spiritual evolution in Freemasonry. Then we will try to highlight the discrepancies between Sufism and Freemasonry, but also the convergences which made Abd el-Kader's thought process so consistent
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Khalfallah, Nejmeddine. "La théorie du Ma'Nā d'après 'Abd Al-Qāhir Al-Ğurğānı̄." Paris, INALCO, 2008. http://bases-doc.univ-lorraine.fr/login?url=http://www.harmatheque.com/ebook/9782343030494.
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Alors que les grammairiens et les critiques arabes n'ont fourni, jusqu'au Ve/XIe siècle, que des visions éparses sur le ma'nā, Ğurğānı̄ (m. 471/1078) élabore une théorie cohérente sur son émergence dans le discours. Dans Dalā'il al-i'ğāz et Asrār al-balāġa, Ğurğānı̄ rompt avec la dichotomie du lafẓ et du ma'nā, et utilise ce terme polysémique (ma'nā) pour décrire trois catégories sémantiques distinctes. D'abord, ce terme désigne les notions potentielles se référant aux sens propres des mots hors contexte, aux catégories grammaticales, aux intentions signifiantes et aux thèmes et motifs littéraires. Ce terme désigne aussi les procédés expressifs qui actualisent les ma'ānı̄ potentiels par le choix du vocabulaire, des constructions syntaxiques, la création des tropes et leur insertion dans un tissu textuel. Enfin, ce concept recouvre les sens reconstruits par le lecteur/auditeur qui comprend, juge et apprécie les textes d'adab. Correctement interprétés, ces textes remplissent des fonctions communicatives, artistiques et éthiques. En expliquant le fonctionnement de ces catégories de ma'nā par le rôle prépondérant de la raison, Ğurğānı̄ parvient à établir une théorie exhaustive sur la production et la réception des idées, ce qui le qualifie d'être le fondateur de la "science des idées" dans la tradition arabeWhile Arab grammarians and critics have, up to the fifth/eleventh century, only offered scattered and incomplete accounts of the ma'nā, Ğurğānı̄ (d. 471/1078) has built a coherent theory on its emergence in discourse. In Dalā'il al-i'ğāz and Asrār al-balāga, Ğurğānı̄ breaks with the lafẓ/ma'nā dichotomy and uses this polysemic term (ma'nā) to single out three distinct semantic categories. First of all, the word designates the potential notions that refer either to the specific meanings of words when taken out of context, to grammatical categories, to signifying intentions or to literary themes and patterns. The word also relates to expressive processes that actualize the potential ma'ānı̄, using specific choices of vocabulary, syntactic constructions, and creation of tropes that are then integrated to the text. Finally, this concept refers to the different meanings re-constructed by the reader/listener who understands, judges and appreciates the adab texts. Properly interpreted, these texts fulfil communication, artistic and ethical functions. By explaining, thanks to the dominant part played by reason, the functioning of these ma'nā categories, Ğurğānı̄ succeeds in establishing an exhaustive theory on the production and reception of ideas. Such achievement makes him the founding father, in the Arabic tradition, of the "science of ideas"
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Khelef-Coppé, Fatma. "'Abd al-Qāhir al-Ğurğānī et l'éloquence ininimitable : "Lafẓ , Ma'nā et i'ğāz"." Bordeaux 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008BOR30031.
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Quelles sont, d’après ‘Abd al-Qahir al-Gurgani, les raisons de l’inimitabilité du Coran ? Quelle contribution peut-on attendre, pour en décider, de l’opposition convenue entre l’expression et l’idée exprimée, al-lafl et al-ma‘nā ?Dans les quatre premiers siècles de l’hégire les recherches des critiques et des rhétoriciens ont souvent imbriqué et rapproché al-balāġa et al-faāa de l’expression et de la signification. Certains liaient al-faāa au lafl, d’autres al-balāġa au ma‘nā, d’autres encore considéraient lafl et ma‘nā comme indissociables. Al-Ğurğānī, sans dévier ou sortir du cadre sémantico-grammatical, se démarque de ses prédécesseurs qui cherchaient à exploiter cette distinction. Il propose une reformulation des tentatives antérieures pour aboutir à une synthèse réconciliatrice. Dans ce cadre il impose le concept de nalm comme la base de ses recherches sur l’inimitabilité coranique. Réfutant toutes les thèses précédentes sur l’i‘ğāz, reposant essentiellement sur le contenu, et s’appuyant sur certaines approches des théologiens tels que al-aābī et al-Bāqillānī, l’auteur de Dalā’il al-i‘ğāz affirmera que l’inimitabilité réside dans le texte lui-même. ‘Abd al-Qāhir al-Ğurğānī établit, au terme d’une réfutation méthodique des thèses de ses prédécesseurs, critiquant avec une particulière virulence la notion mu‘tazilite de "arfa", que l’inimitabilité du Coran ne saurait se trouver ailleurs que dans son "ordonnancement", son nalmWhat are, according to ‘Abd al-Qahir al-Gurgani, the reasons for the Koran’s inimitableness? What contribution can we expect in order to statute, from the conventional opposition between expression and the expressed idea, al-lafl and al-ma‘nā?During the first four centuries of the Hegira, research by critics and rhetoricians often interwove and connected al-balāġa and al-faāa to expression and signification. Some linked al-faāa to lafl, others al-balāġa to ma‘nā, while others also considered lafl and ma‘nā as indissociable. Al-Ğurğānī, without deviating or leaving the semantic-grammatical framework, stands out from his predecessors who were attempting to exploit this distinction. He offers a reformulation of previous attempts in order to reach a reconciliatory synthesis. Doing this, he imposes the concept of nalm as the basis of his research into Koranic inimitableness. Refuting all previous theses relating to i‘ğāz, based mainly upon content, and relying on certain approaches by theologians such as al-aābī and al-Bāqillānī, the author of Dalā’il al-i‘ğāz states that inimitableness resides within the text itself. ‘Abd al-Qāhir al-Ğurğānī establishes, at the end of a methodical refutation of his predecessors’ theses and criticizing with particular virulence the mu‘tazilite notion of "arfa", that the Koran’s inimitableness may not be found elsewhere but in its own composition, its nalm
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Sharif, Mohd Farid bin Mohd. "Concept of jihād and baghy in Islamic law : with special reference to Ibn Taymiyya." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8231.
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This thesis is about Ibn Taymiyya's thinking on jihād and baghy. It aims to make an important contribution to the study of early Islamic political thought. It considers how the terms jihād and baghy have developed and been expanded from the structure established by the Qur'an and hadith. It also examines the relationship between jihād and baghy in Islamic law and reveals the pivotal role of the imām in politics. The main focus of this study is Ibn Taymiyya's thinking on jihād and the fatwās that resulted from it, using hitherto overlooked printed materials. It also seeks to explain why Ibn Taymiyya upheld jihād against the Mongols, the Franks and the heretic Shī'a. The thesis is divided into four chapters and structured as follows. The first chapter deals with the life of Ibn Taymiyya. This chapter moves beyond conventional biography to relate the story of Ibn Taymiyya's life to the main events that occurred during the Mongols' incursion. The second chapter identifies what Meccan and Medinan Qur'anic texts say about jihād, and examines whether jihād is a mechanism of self defense or an act of aggression; it also explains the relationship between jihād and the establishment of dār al-Islām, dār al-ḥarb and dār al-'ahd. The third chapter considers Ibn Taymiyya's view on jihād. The fourth chapter analyses Ibn Taymiyya's view on baghy, and aims to arrive at a clearer picture of the relationship between Ibn Taymiyya's concepts of jihād and baghy.
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Lala, Ismail. "The term Huwiyya in Muhyi al-Din ibn 'Arabi and 'Abd al-Razzaq al-Qashani's Sufi thought : analysis of ideas and methods." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4ae136ee-ee89-4649-a003-d2c78855f9e3.
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Huwiyya is a term that essentially denotes the non-manifest aspect of God, His essence. But in the works of Ibn 'Arabī and al-Qāshānī, this term has many different applications corresponding to the many different facets of God and the many different modalities of His interaction with the Cosmos. God is fundamentally non-manifest, unfathomable to a creation that is ontologically and epistemologically incapable of comprehending Him - upon this primary signification both Sufis agree. However, al-Qāshānī discreetly breaks ranks with his master when he emphasises God's connection to His creation more than His dissociation from it in the context of this term, and though this aspect is also present in Ibn 'Arabī's usage of the term, in al-Qāshānī it is far more prominent. Moreoever, his scientific style and analytic approach stand in stark contrast to that of his predecessor. Both are the result of a pedagogical concern that supercedes commentative fidelity. However, though it is undeniable that al-Qāshānī's style is far more didactic, it more than just that, it is the forging of a new worldview - one that is completely congruent with, but still subtly different from, that of Ibn 'Arabī. But in order to elucidate this, it is necessary to analyse relevant aspects of Ibn 'Arabī's thought. In attempting to excavate these and other nuances of difference, I have been influenced by the method of Toshihiko Izutsu in using a term, huwiyya, as a window in to the thought and cosmology of Ibn 'Arabī and al-Qāshānī. I have also been influenced by Ronald Nettler's approach in Sufi Metaphysics and Qur'ānic Prophets, where Ibn 'Arabi's thought is rigorously pursued to expose underlying assumptions and arguments. I have used these approaches in my own way, and towards my own interpretative analysis which compares the works of Ibn 'Arabī and al-Qāshāni. Furthermore, I have supplemented this type of analysis, which is primary source based (and appears as such in the works of both Izutsu and Nettler) with secondary material to provide a broader context of the rationale behind the differences in style and content between the master and his disciple.
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Rentz, George Facey William. "The birth of the Islamic Reform Movement in Saudi Arabia : Muhammad Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhāb (1703/4-1792) and the beginnings of Unitarian Empire in Arabia /." London : Arabian Pub, 2004. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0613/2006404563.html.
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Atlagh, Ridha. "Contribution à l'étude de la pensée mystique d'Ibn 'Arabî et son école à travers l'oeuvre de 'Abd al-Karîm al Jîlî." Paris, EPHE, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EPHE5004.
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Cette thèse est consacrée à l'étude de l'œuvre de 'Abd al-Karîm al-Jîlî et sa situation dans l'école akbarienne qui se réclame de l'enseignement mystique d'Ibn 'Arabî. Chapitre I: 'Abd al-Karîm al-Jîlî. Présentation de Jîlî. Chapitre II: Catalogue des manuscrits de l'œuvre de Jîlî. Chapitre III: La science des saints. Ce chapitre cherche, à travers l'œuvre de Jîlî et les écrits des soufis qui l'ont précédé à cerner la conception que les soufis ont de la science. Le soufisme se présente comme un mode de vie possédant une science se distinguant de celles des théologiens et des philosophes. Il étudie cette science en analysant ses concepts clés tels qu'ils sont développés dans leurs écrits. Il s'agit de relever les passages les plus importants concernant un point précis dans l'œuvre de Jîlî puis dans celle de ses prédécesseurs pour les traduire, les analyser et les commenter. Ces principaux thèmes caractérisant cette science, qu'ils nomment la science des saints, sont: le statut paradoxal de la science; l'acquisition de la science; la classification de la science des saints; la certitude; le cœur; la science des réalités: Zahir et Batin, Shari'a et Haqîqa, al-Tawhîd, Tanzîh et Tashbîh; la perplexité. A chacun de ses thèmes ou notions est consacré un sous-chapitre. Chapitre IV: La science de Dieu. Ce chapitre traite de la controverse que Jîlî a suscité au sein de l'école akbarienne à propos de la science divine. Ibn 'Arabî soutient la thèse selon laquelle la science de Dieu dépend de son objet, mais Jîlî la récuse pour en adopter l'antithe��se. Il expose les raisons qui ont poussé l'un et l'autre à soutenir sa thèse et de les situer dans l'histoire de la pensée musulmane. La question du rapport de la science à son objet a non seulement été débattue dans les trois disciplines, qui sont le Kalâm, la Falsafa et le Tasawwuf mais aussi il y a eu confrontation entre leurs différentes approches, fondées sur des préoccupations et des intérêts différents.
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Mounir, M'hammed. "Le rôle du "kâtib" dans la bonne marche du califat à travers l'oeuvre : "Risâla fî al-ṣaḥâba" de ̀abd Allâh ibn al-Muqaffa." Bordeaux 3, 2007. https://extranet.u-bordeaux-montaigne.fr/memoires/diffusion.php?nnt=2007BOR30004.
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Dans l’histoire arabo-musulmane, les secrétaires étaient des hommes de lettres versés dans le savoir de leur époque et pouvaient atteindre aux plus grands postes de l’Etat. Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ (720 – 756) est l’un des plus connus et des plus prestigieux de ces secrétaires. Grâce à ses traductions, il eut le mérite, avec ‘Abd al-amîd b. Yayâ, dit al-Kâtib, de poser les premiers jalons d’une prose raffinée caractérisant la culture de l’époque abbasside. L’épître d’Ibn al-Muqaffa‘, Risâla fî al-aâba, (Epître sur les compagnons du souverain), destinée au calife al-Manûr, est considérée comme un traité précurseur dans l’écriture politique. L’auteur y propose avec audace et franc-parler des solutions concrètes aux problèmes politico-économico-religieux qui se posaient alors, ne pressentant aucunement les problèmes qu’allaient lui occasionner ses écrits. Ainsi traite-t-il, dans cette épître, de la justice, de l’impôt foncier, de la religion, de l’éducation du peuple et d’autres sujets relatifs au bien-être des membres de la communauté. L'oeuvre de par sa primauté et son style soutenu, servit de modèle aux secrétaires postérieurs à Ibn al-Muqaffa̓In the Islamic-Arabic history, the secretaries were men of arts, knowledge holders at the time, capable of access to the highest state positions. Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ (720 - 756) was famous for being one of the most prestigious of these secretaries. Thanks to his translations, he had the merit alongside with ‘Abd al-amîd b. Yayâ called al-Kâtib, of setting up the foundations of a refined prose which characterized the then Abbasid’s culture. Ibn al-Muqaffa‘s works, Risâla fî al-aâba (epistle on the sovereign’s close collaborations), devoted to al-Manûr caliph, is considered as a precursor treaty in political writing. The author suggests audacious and outspoken solutions to these economic-political-religious problems in this work which were current at the time. He did not consider the trouble that his writings were to cause him. In this work, he deals with such issues as land taxation, justice, religion, public education and other subjects related to the community’s well being. The work, served as a model to the late secretaries given its impact and assisted style
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Benjamaa, Abdelbaqui. "Lisan al-Din ibn al-Khatib homme de lettres et historien /." Online version, 1992. http://dds.crl.edu/CRLdelivery.asp?tid=12274.
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Elshayyal, M. F. "A critical edition of volume II of Tarikh Al-Duwal Wa'l Muluk by Muhammad B. Abd Al-Rahim B. Ali Ibn Al-Furat." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.382923.
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Bouyerdene, Ahmed. "Débats et tractations autour de la captivité de l'émir Abd el-Kader en France (1848-1852) : un témoin privilégié : le Genevois protestant Charles Eynard." Strasbourg, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010STRA1010.
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Le 23 décembre 1847, après plus de quinze années de lutte, l’émir Abd el-Kader met fin au jihâd et se rend à l’armée française. Il signe un traité de reddition avec le général de Lamoricière, qui est ratifié par le duc d’Aumale. Ce traité, qui stipule un transfert en Orient, n’est finalement pas respecté par le gouvernement français. L’émir et une centaine de ses compagnons sont placés en captivité en France. D’abord placé au fort Lamalgue de Toulon (janvier à avril 1848), les prisonniers algériens sont ensuite transférés au château Henri IV de Pau (mai à novembre 1848) et enfin au château d’Amboise (novembre 1848 à décembre 1852). Durant cette épreuve difficile, l’émir ne renonce ni à ses principes ni à sa volonté de se rendre en exil en Orient. Alors que l’opinion publique est majoritairement opposée à la libération, le débat public tourne autour de la légalité ou non du maintien en captivité. Le sort fait à l’ancien adversaire n’en constitue pas moins une affaire d’État, que la crise politique qui secoue alors la France a reléguée au second plan. Quelques voix françaises et étrangères s’élèvent pour réclamer la libération de l’émir. Charles Eynard, citoyen genevois et protestant noue un contact étroit avec le chef algérien, dont il épouse la cause. Il est notamment à l’origine de la création d’un comité « abdelkadérien ». Depuis son élection à la tête du pays en décembre 1848, Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, songe à libérer l’« illustre captif ». Le 16 octobre 1852, au retour d’une tournée plébiscitaire, le futur empereur vient en personne à Amboise annoncer à l’émir sa libération. Après un passage par Paris et Lyon, le 21 décembre Abd el-Kader et une cinquantaine de compagnons embarquent pour la TurquieOn the 23rd december 1847, after more than fifteen years of struggle, the emir Abd el-Kader puts an end to the jihâd and surrenders to the french army. He signs a reddition treaty with the general de Lamoricière that will be ratified by the duke of Aumale. This treaty stipulates a transfer to the Orient that - however - never will be respected by the french government. The emir together with about hundred of his companions will remain emprisoned in France. First placed at Fort Lamalgue in Toulon (from january to april 1848), the algerians prisoners are transferred afterwards to the Château Henri IV in Pau (from may to november 1848) and finally to the Château of Amboise (from november 1848 to december 1852). During this hard trial, the emir would not renounce his principles nor his will to be exiled to the Orient. And even though the majority of the public opinion is opposed to liberation, the public debate turns around the legality or illegality of maintained captivity. The destiny given to the former ennemy constitutes nevertheless a State affair that the political crisis touching France at that very moment relegates to the second plan. Some french and foreign voices come up to claim the liberation of the emir. Charles Eynard, a genevan and protestant citizen, engages closer contact with the algerian chief and adopts his cause. He is more particularly the creator of an « abdelkaderian » committee. Of liberating the « illustrious captive ». On the 16th october 1852, on his way back from a electoral tour, the futur emperor himself goes to Amboise to announce his liberation to the emir. Passing briefly over in Paris and Lyon, Abd el-Kader and about fifty of his companions embark for Turkey on the 21st december
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Benyousfi, Benali. "Analyse du roman "Nihā̄yat al-ams" (La fin d'hier) de l'écrivain algérien Abd al-Hamid Banhaddūqa." Paris 3, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA03A001.
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Le principal de notre analyse vise à démonter le système formel de l'œuvre et son articulation interne en distinguant les différents niveaux et aspects qui le caractérisent en tant que telle. La décomposition et l'analyse du mécanisme structural de notre roman nous permettrons de décrire l'ossature du texte et de déceler l'originalité et la spécificité de chaque élément qui contribue à la construction de la structure du roman. Toutefois, un travail qui ne présente qu'une ossature rigide du discours et écarte totalement la thématique, aveuglant ainsi la substance du texte, ne fait que mutiler l'œuvre et appauvrir le fonctionnement du sens. L'élaboration d'une analyse cohérente qui rendrait compte à la fois du signifiant et du signifie s'avère donc indispensableAnalysis of the novel Nihayat al-ams "the end of yesterday" by Algerian writer A. Benhaddouga. The major part of our analysis aims to show the formal system of the work and its interior articulation by distinguishing between the different levels and aspects which characterise him. The decomposing and analysis of the structural mechanism of the novel allow us to describe the skeleton of the text and reveal the originality and specificity of each element which contributes to the construction of the structure of the novel. Nevertheless, a work which presents a rigid structure of style and sets aside the theme thus blinding the substance of the text mutilates the novel and impoverishes the meaning. The elaboration of a coherent analysis which would show the meaning and the signification is therefore indispensible
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Hilloowala, Yasmin 1969. "The history of the conquest of Egypt, being a partial translation of Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam's "Futuh Misr" and an analysis of this translation." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282810.
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This dissertation consists of two parts. Part one is a translation of the Egyptian history within the Futuh Misr wa Akhbaruha of Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam. The Futuh Misr, as I refer to it in this dissertation, is a ninth century history written by the Egyptian historian/legalist, Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam. Its pages encompass the history of pre-Islamic Egypt, as Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam saw it, the conquest of Egypt, North Africa and Spain. The section on Egypt, and even North Africa and Spain, is one of the oldest histories we have dealing with this conquest. The second half of this dissertation is an historical analysis of Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam's history on the conquest of Egypt. Although at first glance the Futuh Misr does not seem to yield much useful information, it is surprisingly deceptive, particularly the Egyptian section. I have examined this section and have analyzed the contents to see what they reveal about the history of that time. From the themes that emerge, it is obvious that Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam's Futuh Misr not only provides useful information about the Arab conquest of 640 CE, but gives modern scholars an incite into the mentality of the author and his time period, and thus adds to our understanding of the attitude of historians during the medieval period in the Islamic world.
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Thibon, Jean-Jacques. "Transmission, enseignement et apologie du soufisme dans l'oeuvre d'Abū A̕bd al-Rahman al-Sulamī (325/937-412/1021)." Aix-Marseille 1, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002AIX10034.
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Dans la deuxième moitié du 4e/10e siècle, l'oeuvre de Sulami se développe selon troix axes. Traditionniste, il collecte et organise selon les thèmes du soufisme l'enseignmeent des maîtres antérieurs. Maître spirituel accompli, il contribue à l'apologie du soufisme mais critique ses manifestations déviantes ou outrancières, afin de conforter sa place dans l'orthodoxie religieuse. Enfin, éducateur de disciples, il expose la Voie et la sainteté, recentrant les pratiques et les doctrines du soufisme sur la période fondatrice et l'expérience des maîtres. Contribuant à la codification des rapports entre maîtres et disciple, il prépare la venue de formes de spiritualité plus institutionnalisées.
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Kane, Mbaye Ahmad. "De l'Homme métaphysique dans l'œuvre de 'Abd al-Karîm al-Gîlî (m. 811/1409)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020STRAC007.
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Dans cette recherche, nous examinons la notion d’Homme métaphysique (al-insān al-kāmil) telle que formulée à travers l’œuvre du soufi et philosophe Abd al-Karīm al-Ğīlī (m. 811/1405). Il nous est apparu que ce dernier, dans tout ce qu’il offre comme richesse à la pensée soufie, n’a pas bénéficié d’un intérêt, en termes de travaux universitaires en langue française, à la hauteur de son importance. Ensuite, les rares études universitaires consacrées à « l’Homme accompli » ne le mentionnent que d’une manière secondaire, le reléguant au rang de simple disciple d’Ibn Arabi ou de vulgarisateur de sa philosophie. Ce qui nous semble réducteur et simpliste à bien des égards. Partant d’une analyse articulant l’ensemble de son œuvre (une trentaine d’ouvrages), et en adoptant une démarche contrastive avec les thèses de ses prédécesseurs, notre objectif est de démontrer que, même si les enseignements des précurseurs en la question ont trouvé écho chez lui, al-Ğīlī n’en demeure cependant pas moins celui par qui la notion fut systématisée, théorisée et conduite à la maturité que nous lui connaissons actuellement. Son approche est plus articulée et sa dialectique plus formelle. Il présente ainsi l’Homme métaphysique comme le microcosme synthèse de l’existence, le sens du cosmos et son esprit (ma‛nā al-kawn wa rūḥuhū) et l’isthme (al-barzaḫ) qui unifie les frontières entre créateur (al-ḥaqq) et créature (al-ḫalq). La démonstration de son statut au sein des existants ainsi que la fonction d’être archétypal qu’il occupe passe par trois notions explicatives que sont : l’unité de l’existence (waḥdat al-wuğūd), la théophanie (al-tağallī) et la Réalité muhammadienne (al-ḥaqīqa al-muḥammadiyya). Ces trois notions constituent, de ce fait, la trame de cette thèseIn this research, we examine the notion of Metaphysical Man (al-insān al-kāmil) as formulated through the work of the Sufi and philosopher Abd al-Karīm al-Ğīlī (m. 811/1405). It appeared to us that the latter, in everything that he offers as a richness to the Sufi thought, has not benefited from an interest, in terms of academic works in French language, commensurate with his importance. Secondly, the rare university studies dedicated to the "accomplished Man" only mention him in a secondary way, relegating him to the rank of a simple disciple of Ibn Arabi or a popularizer of his philosophy. This seems reductive and simplistic in many ways. Starting from an analysis articulating the whole of his work (about thirty works), and adopting a contrastive approach with the theses of his predecessors, our objective is to demonstrate that, even if the teachings of the precursors in the matter found an echo in him, al-Ğīlī nevertheless remains the one by whom the notion was systematized, theorized and brought to the maturity we know today. His approach is more articulate and his dialectic more formal. He thus presents the metaphysical Man as the synthesizing microcosm of existence, the meaning of the cosmos (ma‛nā al-kawn wa rūḥuhū) and the isthmus (al-barzaḫ) which unifies the boundaries between creator (al-ḥaqq) and creature (al-ḫalq). The demonstration of its status within the existing ones as well as the function of archetypal being that it occupies is based on three explanatory notions : the unity of existence (waḥdat al-wuğūd), the epiphany (al-tağallī) and the Muhammadian reality (al-ḥaqīqa al-muḥammadiyya). This triptych thus constitutes the framework of this thesis. en anglais
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Kuhn, Michael F. "Defending divine unity in the Muslim milieu : the Trinitarian and Christological formulations of Abū al-Faraj ‘Abd Allāh Ibn al-Ṭayyib and Iliyyā of Nisibis." Thesis, Middlesex University, 2017. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/21633/.
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This research examines two prominent theologians of the Assyrian Church of the East who responded to Islam’s perennial objections to the Christian Trinity and Christology. The theologians in question are Abū al-Faraj ʽAbd Allāh Ibn al-Ṭayyib (d. 1043/434) and Bishop Iliyyā of Nisibis (d. 1046/437). Both men were characterized by a remarkable literary production marking them out among the intellectual elite of their day as polymaths. The research discusses the two theologians as examples of Christian theological response in the Arab Muslim milieu. Ibn al-Ṭayyib, though recognized as an exegete, has not been noted for his contribution to Muslim-Christian discourse. The thesis identifies his response in his theological treatises. Though he did not engage with a specific dialogue partner nor even mention Islam explicitly, the questions he considered correspond unmistakably to the themes of the Muslim-Christian interface. The research features this implicit defence of divine unity in Ibn al-Ṭayyib’s theological formulations. Iliyyā of Nisibis, on the other hand, enjoyed a productive dialogue with the Shi’īte Vizier (Minister of State) of the Marwanid Dynasty (located in eastern Syria and Western Turkey today). The research highlights the ‘agnostic inquisitiveness’ of Abū al-Qāsim in tandem with the tawḥīd rhetoric of Iliyyā which occasioned one of the most promising examples of Muslim-Christian discourse of the medieval period known as The Sessions. Other works of Iliyyā are also considered. Both theologians dealt with critical questions posed by Muslim intellectuals concerning the Christian definition of divine unity in light of their Trinitarian and Christological formulations. The Christians claim divine unity (tawḥīd) as a correct descriptor of their view as they seek to secure the inclusion of their community in the fold of monotheism. Key questions include the definition of the Trinitarian hypostases and their relation to the divine essence (How can God be one and three?). The nature of the union of divinity and humanity in Christ is equally critical given that Muslims viewed the incarnation as an egregious example of shirk (associating the Creator with the created — polytheism). The two theologians borrowed from and developed the theological constructs of their predecessors as demonstrated by the thesis. Other topics include: the shaping of theological constructs by the Muslim milieu, lexical amendments due to Arabic and Islamic terminology, the duality of the hypostases in Christ proffered by the Church of the East (‘Nestorian’) and social and political implications of Christian adherence to divine unity. The research concludes with a discussion of implications of divine Trinitarian unity in today’s Arab Muslim world.
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Zaouache, Kahina. "Constructions littéraires et idéologiques autour de la figure de l’émir Abd el-Kader (1808-1883) : une individualité complexe." Thesis, Université Clermont Auvergne (2017-2020), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018CLFAL008.
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À travers cette recherche, nous avons tenté d’élucider la complexité de la vie de l’émir Abd el-Kader. Pour ce faire, nous avons choisi d’étudier un certain nombre de productions littéraires, iconographique et historiques en lien avec cette figure centrale de l’histoire de la colonisation et de l’indépendance de l’Algérie. L’intérêt principal de ce travail intitulé : Constructions littéraires et idéologiques autour de la figure de l’émir Abd el-Kader : Une individualité complexe à l’épreuve de la modernité, au-delà de l’aspect biographique, réside dans l’argumentation élaborée depuis le comparatisme et l’imagologie. La méthodologie choisie découle de la nécessité de croiser les regards et les points de vue, afin de faire ressortir la vie de l’émir comme le symptôme d’un malaise et du refus d’une parole pleine, afin de rendre compte de la difficulté de l’écriture de l’histoire. Ainsi certains aspects de la vie de l’émir, tels que son séjour forcé en France de 1847 à 1852, tout comme son adhésion à la franc-maçonnerie sont des faits purement occultés dans l’Algérie officielle. C’est ici que la complexité de l’individualité de l’émir résiste au moule idéologique dans lequel on veut l’enfermer, et cela des deux côtés de la MéditerranéeThis research undertaking represents an attempt to shed light on the life of Emir Abd al-Qādir in all its complexity. In order to do so, we chose to study various literary, pictorial and historical productions linked to this key figure in the history of colonisation and of the independence of Algeria. The main interest of this work, entitled Literary and Ideological Constructions around the Figure of Emir Abd al-Qādir, lies in lines of argumentation drawn from comparativism and imagology. The chosen methodology derives from the need to confront outlooks and points of view, so as to study the Emir’s life as a symptom of malaise and refusal to engage in comprehensive discourse, and thereby bear witness to the difficulty of writing history. Thus, some aspects of the Emir’s life, such as his enforced stay in France between 1847 and 1852, as well as his membership of the Freemasons, are wholly suppressed in official Algeria. It is at this point that Abd el Kader resists the ideological mould in which he has been imprisoned, and this on both sides of the Mediterranean
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Chouiref, Boukabrine Tayeb. "Soufisme et Hadith dans l'oeuvre du traditionniste et mystique égyptien Abd al-Ra'uf al-Munawi (m. 1031/1622)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STRAC005.
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L'œuvre écrite de ʽAbd al-Raʼūf al-Munāwī (m. 1031/1622) est l'une des plus riches et des plus importantes du XIe/XVIIe siècle, en langue arabe. Il s'intéressa à toutes les sciences islamiques de son époque qu'il maîtrisa de façon exceptionnelle. À ce titre, il incarne parfaitement l'idéal d'encyclopédisme et de polygraphie que l'Égypte ottomane a hérité de son époque mamelouke. L'œuvre de Munāwī n'est toutefois pas dénuée d'originalité. Tout en étant l'héritier de nombreux savants marqués par le soufisme, notre auteur a su proposer des vues en nette rupture avec le consensus. C'est le cas, notamment, de la façon dont il aborde la falsafa, l'alchimie et la science des lettres. Ce faisant, il est amené à tenter une réhabilitation d'Ibn Sīnā et d'Abū l-ʽAbbās al-Būnī. Enfin et surtout, les écrits de Munāwī constituent une excellente illustration de la convergence du soufisme et du Hadith qui fut amorcée durant la période mamelouke et s'amplifia sous les premiers Ottomans, notamment avec Suyūṭī et Šaʽrānī. Reprenant la tradition de l'herméneutique soufie du Hadith (Tirmiḏī, Kalābāḏī, Qūnawī, etc.), Munāwī l'enrichit d'apports importants comme ceux de Ġazālī et d'Ibn ʽArabī. Il donne ainsi à cette tradition une ampleur rarement égaléeThe works of ʽAbd al-Raʼūf al-Munāwī (d. 1031/1622) are one of the richest and most important of the 11th/17th century, in Arabic. He developed an interest in all Islamic sciences of his time, which he mastered exceptionally well. As such, he embodies the ideal of encyclopedism and prolificness as Egypt inherited from its Mamluk era. Munāwī's works are not lacking in originality. He was heir of many scholars marked by Sufism, and at the same time, our author was able to present views radically different from the conventional ones. This is actually the case when he speaks about falsafa, alchemy and the science of letters. In doing so, he had to defend Ibn Sīnā and Abū l-ʽAbbās al-Būnī. Finally and most importantly, Munāwī writings are an excellent illustration of the convergence of Sufism and Hadith, which was initiated during the Mamluk era and then amplified under the first Ottomans, especially by Suyūṭī and Šaʽrānī. Resuming the tradition of Sufi Hermeneutic of Hadith (Tirmiḏī, Kalābāḏī, Qūnawī, etc.), Munāwī enriches it with contributions from major authors like Ġazālī and Ibn ʽArabī. Thus, he gave this tradition an eminence hardly ever reached
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Ghediri, Nour El Houda. "Le discours critique chez Ibn Qutayba dans Adab al-kâtib." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BOR30004.
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Lors de son apparition autour de l’année 236H/850 Adab al-kâtib était une œuvre unique en son genre, jugé comme l’un des ouvrages incontournables en matière de philologie arabe. Écrit par Ibn Qutayba, l’un des plus érudits des philologues, non pas de l’époque abbasside uniquement, mais aussi de toute l’Histoire de la littérature arabe, ce dernier n’hésite pas à soulever un défi de taille. En effet, sa tentation à mettre en place des paramètres destinés à la critique de la prose, à l’instar de la poésie, a tout particulièrement attiré notre attention, de même que le procédé qu’il a suivi pour parvenir à ses fins. Dans ce présent travail, notre souci sera alors centré sur les raisons l’ayant poussé à élaborer un tel projet, sur les spécificités de son discours critique, jugé souvent strict et rigoureux, sur sa propre méthode dans la critique de la prose, et sur le degré de réussite d’un tel essai. S’agit-il d’une théorie fondée sur une base solide ? Et où se manifeste l’innovation dans l’approche critique de cet auteur ? Seule une étude approfondie de l’œuvre de cet écrivain, en particulier, et du patrimoine arabe en lien avec lui, en général, peut nous indiquer la voie qui nous permettra de nous approcher de notre objectifOn its appearance around the year 236H/850, Adab al-kâtib was a unique piece of work and was considered as one of the essential artworks in Arabic philology. Written by Ibn Qutayba, one of the most learned philologists, not only from the Abbasid Era, but also from the whole history of Arabic literature, he does not hesitate to pose a significant challenge. His temptation to set up parameters for criticism of prose, such as poetry, attracted our attention, as did the process he followed to achieve its aim. In this work, our interest will then be centered on the reasons which led him to elaborate such a project, on the specificities of his critical discourse, often judged strict and rigorous, on his own method in the criticism of prose, and on the degree of success of such a trial. Is it a theory based on a strong basis? And where does the innovation in the critical approach of this author manifest itself? Only an in-depth study of the work of this writer, particularly, and the Arab heritage in relation with it, generally, can indicate the path that will enable us to approach our goal
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Benkhmas, Omar. "Procédés et fonctions de l'ironie à travers la Risalat at-tawabi' wa z-zawabi' "Épître des subordonnés et des génies" d'Ibn Shuhayd al-Andalusi." Paris 4, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA040273.
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Le but de cette thèse est de dégager les procédés de l'ironie à travers une épître de l'époque omeyyade. Elle est constituée d'une introduction globale présentant le cadre historique et les démarches techniques, ainsi que les buts et les motifs de cette composition. Dans le premier chapitre, nous nous sommes proposé de réunir par un dépouillement aussi minutieux que possible les plus grands nombres d'indications d'ordre général ou personnel que nous avons pu tirer concernant la biographie d'Ibn Shuhayd et de son œuvre. Le deuxième chapitre est une technique suivie qui nous a aidé à dégager les procédés d'ironie en précisant leurs fonctionnements et leurs effets sur les cibles. Nous avons aussi désigné l'auteur en tant qu'ironique ; ainsi que les dimensions de cette ironie dans le domaine littéraire andalou. Quant au dernier chapitre, c'est un essai ou l'auteur a métamorphosé ses adversaires afin de les déshonorer et mépriser leur capacité culturelle. Tout cela pour objet de faire renaitre un auteur touché par la chute de la dynastie Amiride et par le mépris de ses adversaires, un écrivain qui représente en bien des points de vue, un précurseur de problème littéraire, critique et rhétoriqueThe object of this thesis is to expose the methods of irony through an epistle of the time of Omayyad. It is constituted of general introduction that presents the historical field and the technical approach as well as the aims of the selection. In the first chapter, we have proposed to assemble a great number of indications that are personal or general concerning the biography of Ibn Shuhayd and his work. The second chapter is a technical proceding, which has helped us to recognize irony and its effects on those who are being ironized. We have also designated the author as an ironist and his links. And the proportions of this irony in the field of Andalusian literature. As for the last chapter is concerned it is a test where the author metamorphosed his opponents in order to dishonor and to scorn their cultural capacity. Hence, this is the aim of the revival of an author who has been hurt by the collapse of the Amiride's dynasty, and the scorns of his opponents, a writer who represents points of view, a precursor of literature, critics and rhetorical problems
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Goudie, Kenneth Alexander. "The reinvention of jihād in twelfth-century al-Shām." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/12019.
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This thesis examines the reinvention of jihād ideology in twelfth‑century al‑Shām. In modern scholarship there is a tendency to speak of a revival of jihād in the twelfth century, but discussion of this revival has been dominated by study of the practice of jihād rather than of the ideology of jihād. This thesis addresses this imbalance by studying two twelfth‑century Damascene works: the Kitāb al‑jihād (Book of Jihād) of ʿAlī b. Ṭāhir al‑Sulamī (d. 500/1106), and the al‑Arbaʿūn ḥadīthan fī al‑ḥathth ʿala al‑jihād (Forty Hadiths for Inciting Jihād) of Abū al‑Qāsim Ibn ʿAsākir (d. 571/1176). Through discussion of these texts, this thesis sheds light on twelfth‑century perceptions of jihād by asking what their authors meant when they referred to jihād, and how their perceptions of jihād related to the broader Islamic discourse on jihād. A holistic approach is taken to these works; they are discussed not only in the context of the 'master narrative' of jihād, wherein juristic sources have been privileged over other non‑legal genres and corpora, but also in the context of the Sufi discourse of jihād al‑nafs, and the earliest traditions on jihād which thrived from the eighth century onwards on the Muslim‑Byzantine frontier. This thesis argues that both al‑Sulamī and Ibn ʿAsākir integrated elements from these different traditions of jihād in order to create models of jihād suited to their own political contexts, and that it is only in the context of a more nuanced appreciation of jihād ideology that their attempts can be properly understood. At the same time, this thesis argues against the model of the 'counter‑crusade', which holds that the revival of jihād began in earnest only in the middle of the twelfth century, by stressing that there was no delay between the arrival of the Franks and attempts to modify jihād ideology.
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Al-Uwisheq, Abdullah. "A critical edition and a study of the commentary on the Qur'anic reading of Nafi' "Sharh al-Durar al-Lawami'" by Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Malik al-Minturi (d 834/1431)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1988. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29312/.
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The Thesis aims at presenting a critical edition of "Sharh al-Durar al-Lawami'" by the Andalusian scholar al-Minturi (834/1431), and also at studying the Qur'anic Reading of Nafi'. The Thesis falls into two parts. Part One, an introductory survey, consists of four Chapters. Chapter I deals with al-Minturi's life and times, firstly a brief account of the political and literary environment of the Nasrid Kingdom of Granada is given, than al-Minturi's life and works are discussed. Chapter II studies Nafi''s Reading, its introduction to Andalusia and its spread there, examining in particular how and why it became the dominant Reading in that region. Chapter III discusses the "Durar" as the standard text for the study of Nafi''s Reading, and how it rapidly attracted great interest among the students of Qir'aat of different places and ages. Al-Minturi's commentary is a very important product of that interest, tor it is a well-researched and documented work. Chapter IV is devoted to explaining the method of editing the text, the layout of the text, the apparatus criticus, and the scope of the commentary notes. Part Two consists of the edited text, in which al-Minturi presents a thorough account of Nafi''s Reading and its major characteristics. The author furnished his book with an Appendix dealing with phonetic classification and points of articulation. The Thesis is in two volumes, and for convenience of handling, part of the Arabic text is included in Volume One, whereas the rest of the text together with the commentary notes are incorporated in Volume Two.
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Le, Bihan Le Roux Anne-Valérie. "Le statut de la femme dans l'islam wahhabi face aux appels à la réforme." Paris, INALCO, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010INAL0022.
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Chiabotti, Francesco. "Entre soufisme et savoir islamique : l'oeuvre de ῾Abd al-Karīm al-Qushayrī (376-465 / 986-1072)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AIXM3096.
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La présente étude veut représenter un essai de synthèse des aspects les plus remarquables de la production littéraire et du rôle dans l'histoire du soufisme du maître soufi et théologien khorassanien Abū l-Qāsim ῾Abd al-Karīm b. Hawāzin al-Qushayrī (376-465/ 986-1072). Trois axes principaux sont développés : la vie de Qushayrī et la dynamique de diffusion de son oeuvre, l'analyse du corpus qushayrien (étude des manuscrits et état de l'édition), les aspects les plus remarquables de sa doctrine. L'idée principale qui guide ce travail est la saisie de la relation qu'on aperçoit, dans l'oeuvre de Qushayrī, entre le soufisme et les différents savoirs islamiques. Quelle est la véritable nature de cet « effet miroir » que Qushayrī opère entre le savoir exotérique et la connaissance ésotérique propre au soufisme ? Dans quelle mesure Qushayrī innove et dans quelle mesure peut-on le considérer comme un « transmetteur fidèle » d'un patrimoine à la fois spirituel et savant dont il se veut l'héritier ? Après la redéfinition de la relation soufisme-savoir, notre deuxième objectif est de jeter une nouvelle lumière sur «Qushayrī le maître», un maître que les sources plus anciennes appellent ustādh imām, savant et religieux à la fois. Par delà le souci normatif qui traverse l'oeuvre qushayrienne, n'en demeure pas moins un appel au voyage et au dépassement vers la connaissance de Dieu. Comme le dit le maître soufi Dhū l-Nūn l'Egyptien d'après la Risāla de Qushayrī, « tout ce que tu peux concevoir dans ton imagination, Dieu est différent de cela »This dissertation is the first monograph on the life and work of the immensely influential Nishapuri Sufi and theologian ʿAbd al-Karīm b. Hawāzim al-Qushayrī (376-465/986-1072). On the basis of unpublished manuscripts and textual marginalia (isnāds, ijāzas and colophons) as well as recently published critical editions, the present study has three primary research nodes: 1) Qushayrī's formation as a thinker and the dynamics that made for the successful diffusion of his work; 2) the Qushayrian corpus (a survey of extant manuscripts, editions and secondary scholarship); and 3) the most important aspects of Qushayrī's project. A number of important questions will be pursued, including: How should we understand the interplay between exoteric and esoteric knowledge that pervades Qushayrī's writings? To what extent does Qushayrī redefine the spiritual and scholarly traditions he inherited, and how does he conceive of his role as transmitter? Finally, this study addresses the role of Qushayrī as a spiritual master. Questioning previous assumptions as to the ways in which Qushayrī's spiritual influence was propagated, I demonstrate that Qushayrī emerged as a charismatic spiritual master in his own lifetime, directly establishing a Sufi-scholarly tradition that our sources term Qushayriyya
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Gobillot, Geneviève. "La pensée d'Al-Hakīm Al-Tirmi_dī : Abū Abd Allāh Muhammad ibn Alī, m.318/930 : ou : De la "Profondeur des choses" : présentation du teste arabe de Gawr al-umūr, traduction et étude complète de la vie et de la pensée de l'auteur." Lyon 3, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989LYO31007.
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Al-hakim al-tirmidi (abu abd allah muhammad ibn ali, m. 318 930), mystique musulman du troisieme siecle de l'hegire, est presente dans la premiere partie de cette etude dans la contexte historique et geographique du hurasan de son epoque. Cette introduction est accompagnee d'une etude de la vie de l'auteur et de la bibliographie complete de ses oeuvres, avec les references des bibliotheques ou se trouvent les manuscrits. Cette premiere partie contient egalement l'etablissement du texte arabe de "la profondeur des choses", au moyen de deux manuscrits, ainsi que sa traduction. La deuxieme partie traite de l'experience spirituelle de tirmidi s'appuyant sur l'amour reciproque entre dieu et l'homme et de sa description des voies de l'election divine. La troisieme partie expose les relations entre une anthropologie spirituelle tres developpee chez cet auteur et l'accession a la connaissance des realites spirituelles. La quatrieme partie traite de la maniere dont l'homme realise sa vie spirituelle a travers ses attitudes psychologiques, l'utilisation qu'il fait du langage et sa pratique religieuse. La cinquieme partie traite de la question de la transmission de certains themes pythagoriciens et neoplatoniciens a quelques milieux spirituels musulmans hurasaniens par l'intermediaire du judaisme et du christianisme (en particulier l'origenisme). Enfin, 140 pages d'annexes contiennent a la fois des traductions de textes complets de tirmidi, et celles de traditions islamiques et de textes d'autres auteurs ayant traite les memes sujets (en particulier la legende d'adam et d'iblis et la demonologie)Al-hakim al-tirmidi (abu abd allah muhammad ibn ali, m. 318 930), a muslim mystical writer of the third century of the hegira is presented in the first part of this study in the historical and geographical background of the hurasan of his time. This introduction also includes a study of the author's life and the complete bibliography of his works, with the data of the libraries where the manuscripts are to be found. In this first part, we can also find the arabic text of "the depth of everything" established from two manuscripts, and its translation. The second part deals with tirmidi's spiritual experience based upon mutual love between god and man and his description of the ways of divine election. The third part presents the connection between a spiritual anthropology much developed by the writer and the access to the knowledge of spiritual realities. The fourth part deals with the way man accompishes his spiritual life through his psychological attitudes, the use wich he makes of language, and his religious practice. The fifth part deals with the question of the transmission of some pythagorician and neoplatonician themes to some hurasanian muslim spiritual groups through judaism and chistianity (particularly origenism). Finally, 140 pages of appendices contain translations of some tirmidi's complete texts, those of some islamic traditions and those of texts by other writers having dealt with the same subjects. .
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Zychowicz-Coghill, Edward. "Conquests of Egypt : making history in 'Abbāsid Egypt." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b8e6cacb-ffd5-48d3-94c6-c06448a337dd.
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This dissertation is a study of the Futūḥ Miṣr (Conquest of Egypt) of Ibn 'Abd al-Ḥakam (d. 257/871), the earliest extant Arabic history of Egypt. Its primary aim is not to assess whether its information is 'authentic' - i.e. corresponding to an objective historical reality - though my findings are of relevance for those engaged in debates over authenticity. My goal instead is to explore the ideas about the past which are conveyed by this particular conglomeration of historical information and to propose methods through which we can expose and analyse different layers and types of authorial activity within a multi-vocal text like Futūḥ Miṣr. Ultimately, I use this analysis as the basis of a case study suggesting how we might more effectively historicise the generation and transmission of historical ideas in the early Islamic period. Part I of the thesis consists of three chapters which explore Futūḥ Miṣr as a whole, literary text which can be understood as an instantiation of the historical worldview of its composer. Part II of the thesis contains three chapters which each illuminate features of Ibn 'Abd al-Ḥakam's historical practice which are important prerequisites for the stratigraphic reading of Futūḥ Miṣr performed in Part III. Part III of the thesis uses the understanding of Ibn 'Abd al-Ḥakam's authorial techniques developed in Part II to expose the earlier packages of historical information which underpin Futūḥ Miṣr. These final three chapters demonstrate how Ibn 'Abd al-Ḥakam reinvested these pre-existing narratives with meaning at a micro-level - by interjecting commentary and accounts from other sources - and at a macro-level - by integrating them into the larger narrative structure of Futūḥ Miṣr. In sum, this thesis is the first systematic study of the sources, structure, and authorship of an early Arabic history, which both tests and expands our current understanding of the dynamics of early Islamic historical writing, and sheds light on numerous aspects of the changing uses of the past among the Muslim scholars of Umayyad and 'Abbāsid Egypt.
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Woerner-Powell, Tom. "Another road to Damascus : an integrative approach to ʻAbd al-Qādir al-Jazā'irī." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669735.
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Amara, Nordine. "Faire la France en Algérie : émigration algérienne, mésusages du nom et conflits de nationalités dans le monde : de la chute d'Alger aux années 1930." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H002.
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Le 5 juillet 1830, Husayn dey signe une reddition. Alger tombe aux mains de la puissance conquérante, et, mécaniquement, les Algériens sont dits français. Cette automaticité de la nationalité tire sa force d'un principe général du droit des gens : l'État annexant attribue sa nationalité aux sujets dont l'État annexé disparaît en tant que sujet de droit international. Cette mécanique du droit est aussi une charge narrative toute contenue dans cet énoncé : les Algériens sont français. Or, pour impérative que soit la formule, d'un strict point de vue juridique, elle n'en demeure pas moins un raccourci historique que je me propose d'examiner. L'examen de la question de la nationalité des Algériens fixés à l'étranger, principalement dans l'empire ottoman, restitue au moment 1830 son caractère premier : son indétermination. Ce déplacement de la pensée dans la migration pose la colonie comme un arbitraire narratif, cet après-coup écrasant ce moment d'indéterminations. Réinscrire les conflits de nationalité dans leurs dimensions internationales donne à voir tout ce que le droit de la nationalité a de pragmatique dans l'essai de définition de l'Algérien, sujet français. Nous interrogeons le droit et ses récits comme opérateur d'une transaction historique, et, partant tentons de mesurer l'incidence du droit sur nos historiographies. L'examen attentif de suppliques en nationalité permet alors de raconter une autre histoire, déduite non plus des énoncés élémentaires du droit mais du droit en action et en contexteOn July 5th, 1830, Dey Husayn surrendered. Alger fell to the hands of the conquering power and, mechanically, Algerian were said to be French. This automatic granting of nationality emanated from a general principle of the law: the annexing State grants its nationality to the subjects whose State disappears as an object of international law. Such mechanics of the law also held a narrative power expressed in this statement: Algerians were French. No matter how imperious the formula was legally, it nevertheless accomplished a historical leap that I offer to re-explore. Examining the question of the nationality of Algerians established abroad, principally in the Ottoman Empire, renders to the moment of 1830 its initial dimension: that of indetermination. The intellectual displacement created by studying migration reveals the colony as a narrative arbitrary, an after-the-fact that crushes the moment of indeterminations. Reexploring conflicts of nationality in their international dimensions reveals the pragmatic aspect of the law on nationality when it comes to defining the Algerian as a French subject. This work questions the law and its narratives as the operator of a historical transaction and it aims to explore the impact of the law on our historiographies. The careful examination of petitions for nationality allows to tell another story, a story no longer produced from elementary statements of the law, but from the law in action and in context
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Boulassel, Lamri. "Historique de la compilation du Coran et de ses lectures à partir des sources et des théories actuelles." Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LYSE3025.
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Le but du présent travail est de confronter un certain nombre de données relatives à l’histoire de la compilation du texte coranique provenant des sources disponibles les plus anciennes aux principaux critères de lecture de la compilation traditionnelle reconnue comme étant le texte fondateur de l’Islam, à savoir le codex ou muṣḥaf de ‘Uṯmān (troisième calife, de 644 à 656), appelé par ce dernier : muṣḥaf al-Ĝāmi ̒ (ouvrage de consensus). Après le décès du prophète, les compagnons avaient conservé leurs maṣāḥif (livres). Parmi eux on trouve ‘Abd Allah ’Ibn Mas‘ῡd (650/29), un fidèle qui avait la réputation de ne jamais quitter le Prophète. Or, l’examen du muṣḥaf de ce célèbre compagnon nous a montré que ce dernier ne comportait pas les cent quatorze (114) sourates inscrites dans le codex fondateur de ‘Uṯmān. Dans ce muṣḥaf nous avons trouvé que non seulement il manquait les trois sourates mentionnées par l’ensemble de la tradition, il manquait d’autres sourates.Dans la perspective de cette confrontation, nous avons mené dans la seconde partie une réflexion sur le sens des mots et les connotations de chaque terme. Est-ce que le Coran comporte des mots synonymiques ? Faut-il chercher à comprendre le texte coranique simplement d’un point de vue rhétorique et terminologique, ou bien faut-il prendre également en compte le contexte de la révélation? Certain passage coranique nous semble, par fois difficile à comprendre du fait du contexte de la révélation, mais les spécialistes de l’exégèse nous renvoie à l’abrogé et l’abrogeant pour dissiper cette difficulté. D’ailleurs, est ce qu’il existe réellement l’abrogé et l’abrogeant dans le texte coranique ? Cette question nous intéresse beaucoup du fait qu’un verset possède t-il une valeur juridique (ḥukm) ou bien reste caduque du fait de la perte de cette valeur par l’intervention d’un autre verset plus récentThe purpose of the present work is to confront a number of data relating to the history of the compilation of the Koranic text from the oldest available sources to the main reading criteria of the traditional compilation recognized as the founding text of Islam. , namely the codex or muṣḥaf of 'Uṯmān (third caliph, from 644 to 656), called by the latter: muṣḥaf al-Ĝāmi ̒ (work of consensus). After the death of the prophet, the companions had kept their maṣāḥif (books). Among them is 'Abd Allah' Ibn Mas'ῡd (650/29), a devotee who had the reputation of never leaving the Prophet. However, the examination of the muṣḥaf of this famous companion showed us that it did not include the one hundred and fourteen (114) suras listed in the founding codex of 'Uṯmān. In this muṣḥaf we found that not only did the three suras mentioned by the whole tradition. In the perspective of this confrontation between elements of history of the text and study of its contents, we conducted in the second part of this work a reflection on the meaning of the words and the connotations of each term. Does the Qur'an contain synonymic words? Should we seek to understand the Qur'anic text simply from a rhetorical and terminological point of view, or must we also take into account the context of the revelation? Certain Koranic passages seems to us, sometimes difficult to understand because of the context of the revelation, but the experts of the exegesis returns to the repealed and repealing it to dissipate this difficulty. Besides, is there really the abrogated and abrogating it in the Qur'anic text? This question is of great interest to us because a verse has a legal value (ḥukm) or is obsolete because of the loss of that value by the intervention of another more recent verse
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Abid, Hiba. "Les Dalā’il al-Khayrāt d’al-Jazūlī (m. 869/1465) : la tradition manuscrite d’un livre de prières soufi au Maghreb du Xe/XVIe au XIIIe/XIXe siècles." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PSLEP008.
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Les Dalā’il al-Khayrāt forment un recueil de prières en l’honneur du Prophète Muhammad, composé par le mystique marocain Muḥammad b. Sulaymān al-Jazūlī (m. 869/1465) vers le milieu du IXe/XVe siècle. Peu de temps après son apparition au Maroc, le texte s’est répandu au reste du Maghreb avant de connaître un large succès en Orient, plus particulièrement en Turquie. Souvent comparé au Coran en raison de l’ampleur de sa diffusion, le bréviaire semble avoir été pareillement porté en très haute estime à en juger par le soin avec lequel on le copiait et le décorait. Aussi, il revêt la singulière particularité d’être le seul texte religieux possédant des illustrations dans lesquelles est représentée, sous une forme stylisée, la chambre funéraire du Prophète à Médine. Cette étude propose donc de retracer l’élaboration de la tradition manuscrite d’un bréviaire à succès et son évolution depuis le début Xe/XVIe jusqu’à la fin du XIIIe/XIXe siècle. Pour cela, elle se concentre spécifiquement sur la région de l’Afrique du Nord où a débuté la diffusion du livre. En soumettant un corpus d’exemplaires maghrébins inédits à un examen codicologique et à l’étude de leurs décors, cette recherche définit les traits qui signalent la confection de ces ouvrages. A travers l’analyse iconographique et stylistique des peintures, nous sommes en mesure de comprendre la place de l’image sacrée au Maghreb et les liens qu’elle entretient avec l’imagerie orientale des lieux saints du Ḥijāz. Enfin, à la lumière de cette approche multidisciplinaire, confrontée à l’exploitation des sources textuelles, nous parvenons à saisir l’importance que revêt la dévotion au Prophète au Maghreb à l’époque pré-moderneThe Dalā’il al-Khayrāt is a prayer book dedicated to the Prophet Muhammad. Written by the Moroccan Sufi Muḥammad b. Sulaymān al-Jazūlī (m. 869/1465) in mid-15th century, it spread to the Islamic West far into South-East Asia and became one of the most successful religious books after the Qur’an. Often compared to the Qur’an because of its extraordinary success, the book seems to have been held in high regard judging by the careful manner in which it was copied and decorated. Moreover, it has the distinctive feature to be the only religious book that contains illustrations. This study proposes to retrace the formation/elaboration of the manuscript tradition of a successful prayer book and its development from the beginning of the 10th/16th century until the end of the 13th/19th century. In order to do so, the study focuses on the region of the Maghrib where the circulation of the book originated. By submitting a corpus of unpublished manuscripts to a codicological analysis and the examination of their decoration, this investigation will define the features that single out the production of these books. Through the iconographical and stylistic study of the paintings, we are able to understand the value of sacred images in North Africa and their relationship to the imagery of pilgrimage places in the Mashriq. Finally, in light of this interdisciplinary approach along with the exploitation of written sources, we succeed in understanding the importance of the devotion of the Prophet in North Africa during the pre-modern period
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Raymond, Hélène. "Formes, fonctions et enjeux de l’amitié, en Orient musulman, aux IVe/Xe et Ve/XIe siècles." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040150.
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A l’instar de la philia dans l’Antiquité grecque, l’amitié en Orient musulman aux IVe/Xe et Ve/XIe siècles ne se réduit pas à la relation affective de personne à personne que nous voyons en elle aujourd’hui. Elle déborde le strict domaine de l’intimité pour dire la vie en communauté et renvoyer à une exigence de fraternité humaine généralisée. Elle participe ainsi à la constitution de groupes sociaux comme celui des raffinés à l’intérieur de l’espace aulique chez al-Waššā’, elle préside, d’après al-Sulamī, au compagnonnage spirituel des disciples rassemblés autour du maître soufi, elle concourt encore à la formation, à la cohésion et au maintien, en une totalité unifiée, du groupe des Iḫwān al-Ṣafā’, dont les membres sont déjà réunis par leur adhésion à une doctrine philosophique originale. La capacité unificatrice qu’elle recèle et les valeurs morales qu’elle promeut l’érigent, selon al-Tawḥīdī et Miskawayh, en un idéal sur lequel se régler pour ourdir la toile sociale et remédier à l’insociabilité et aux divisions qui marquent l’Empire oriental musulman à l’époque ici considérée. Dans une optique religieuse, chez al-Ġazālī, sa pratique particulière comme amitié en Dieu, orientée vers le transcendant, tend à vider le cœur de l’homme de la présence du moi pour laisser place au Très-Haut, elle contribue alors à l’élaboration d’une éthique véritablement musulmane et permet de redonner vie religieuse effective à la communauté musulmane (umma). L’amitié entre l’homme de lettres et l’homme de pouvoir, prônée par al-Tawḥīdī, peut en outre jouer un rôle politique, en ce qu’elle modifie les rapports traditionnels entre le conseiller et le princeSimilar to the philia in Greek antiquity, friendship in the Muslim Orient, during the 4th/10th and the 5th/11th centuries, cannot be reduced to the emotional relationship between people which we see nowadays. It extends beyond the strict domain of intimacy to signify life in the community, and leads to a demand for generalized human brotherhood. It thus contributes, for al-Waššā’, to the setting up of social groups such as that of the refined ones inside the princely court; it presides, according to al-Sulamī, over the spiritual fellowship of the disciples gathered around the Sufi master; it also contributes to the forming, cohesion and maintenance, in a wholly unified organization, of the Iḫwān al-Ṣafā’ group, whose members are already united through their allegiance to an original philosophical doctrine. The unifying capacity it holds and the moral values it promotes establish it, according to al-Tawḥīdī and Miskawayh, as an ideal to look up to so as to weave the social framework and address the unsociability and divisions that characterize the era of the Eastern Muslim Empire we are studying here. Within a religious perspective, in al-Ġazālī, its particular practice as love in God, oriented towards the transcendent, tends to empty man’s heart of the ego to make place for the Most High. It then contributes to the elaboration of a truly Muslim ethic and enables to revitalize the religious life of the Muslim community (umma). The friendship between the man of letters and the man of power, advocated by al-Tawḥīdī, can, moreover, play a political role, in so far as it modifies the traditional relationship between the counsellor and the prince