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1
Bunzel, Cole. "Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab." Journal of Arabian Studies 6, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21534764.2016.1195124.
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Spivak, I. A. "The legend of ‘abd allah ibn ‘abd al-muttalib." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 6(72), no. 2 (2020): 174–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2020-6-2-174-202.
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The article is deals with analysis of the legend containing information about ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib, included in the text of the «The Life of the Prophet» by Ibn Ishaq and Ibn Hisham. Due to the absence of «reliable» chains of transmissions that preceding this information, it has to be to considered not as a historical source, but as a literary legend. This work allowed us to identify the connection in plot and ideas between the Quranic story of the sacrifice of Ibrahim and the analyzed legend. Based on the data obtained by comparing the details of the two legends, three groups of reasons of the discrepancies between them were identified. A conclusion is made about the functional purpose of the legend of Abd Allah ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib in the text of the «The Life of the Prophet». Both stories are based on an attempted sacrifice of a son, ending up with a «substitution sacrifice». Based on the data obtained from comparison of details of the two legends, three groups of reasons for discrepancy between them were singled out. The first groups unites the core historical aspects of the legend of ‘Abd Allah that could not be omitted or changed by the authors of the The Life of the Prophet. Existence of the second group is due to the prophetic status of Ibrahim and Ismail, while the pagans ‘Abd al-Muttalib and ‘Abd Allah do not possess it. The third group includes traces of external influences that might have effected creation of the literary version of life of ‘Abd Allah. For instance, mentioning «the light of ‘Abd Allah» and Amina ibn Vahb’s miraculous vision has no direct similarities in the Abrahamic traditions. In the author’s opinion, search for these similarity allows us to assume that the legend could have been influenced by the Zoroastrian tradition.
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Omer, Spahic. "The Dome of the Rock: An Analysis of Its Origins Kubah Sakhrah: Satu Analisis Asal-usulnya." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 12, no. 1 (May 29, 2015): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v12i1.466.
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AbstractThis paper challenges an old belief that the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem was built between 65/684 and 72/691 by the Umayyad caliph ‘Abd al-Malik Ibn Marwān. The paper is divided into two parts. The first part briefly examines the significance of the Rock (Øakhrah). Therein we have shown that the Rock has no special religious significance whatsoever. The second part tries to answer who exactly built the Dome of the Rock and when. The paper concludes that the likely truth is that the caliph ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwān was able to commence building the edifice only after crushing the insurgence of ‘Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr in 73/692. Such were the socio-political conditions in the Muslim state during the insurgency that the caliph’s actions could not transcend the planning and basic preparatory stages, at most. Whether the caliph ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwān was capable of completing the structure during his lifetime or not, remained a debatable point as well. The task of building one of the first and at the same time greatest masterpieces in Islamic architecture might have been completed by his son and successor, al-WalÊd ibn ‘Abd al-Malik. What follows is shedding more light on these aspects of the topic.Keywords: The Dome of the Rock, al-AqÎÉ Mosque, the Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwān, the Caliph al-WalÊd ibn ‘Abd al-Malik.AbstrakKajian ini mencabar kepercayaan lama bahawa Kubah Sakhrah di Yerusalem dibina antara 65/684 dan 72/691 oleh khalifah Umayyah 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan. Kajian ini dibahagikan kepada dua bahagian. Bahagian pertama menelitikan kepentingan Sakhrah. Dimana kami menunjukkan bahawa Sakhrah tidak mempunyai signifikan agama sekalipun. Bahagian kedua cuba menjawab dengan tepat siapa yang membina Kubah Sakhrah dan bila ia dibina. Kajian ini menyimpulkan bahawa kemungkinan besar khalifah 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan mampu bermula membina hanya selepas mengalahkan pemberontak daripada 'Abdullah b. al-Zubayr pada 73/692. Begitulah keadaan sosio-politik di negeri Islam semasa pemberontakan sehingga tindakan khalifah tidak dapat mengatasi perancangan dan peringkat persediaan asas. Sama ada Khalifah 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan mampu menyiapkan struktur semasa hayat beliau atau tidak, ia masih diperdebatkan. Tugas membina salah satu seni bina Islam yang pertama dan yang terunggul mungkin telah disiapkan oleh anak dan penggantinya, al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik. Berikutnya mencurahkan lebih banyak keterangan pada aspek topik ini.Kata Kunci: Kubah Sakhrah, Masjid al-Aqsa, khalifah ‘Abd al-Malik b. Marwan, khalifah al-Walid b. ‘Abd al-Malik.
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Walker, Hooky. "Michael Crawford. Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab." Asian Affairs 46, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 318–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2015.1037172.
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Vázquez, Miguel Ángel. "El collar único de Ibn Abd Rabbihi." Medieval Encounters 14, no. 1 (2007): 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138078507x254749.
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Ashari, Basry. "IJTIHÂD PERSPEKTIF MUHAMMAD IBN 'ABD AL-WAHHAB." AL-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial 2, no. 2 (September 28, 2019): 173–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.19105/al-lhkam.v2i2.2620.
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Perjumpaan antara dunia Muslim dan peradaban sejak abad ke-19 M membawa implikasi berupa ketersisihan hukum Islâm (syarî'ah) dari posisi sentralnya. Ketika dunia Muslim secara politis terlepas dari hegemoni Barat, persoalan yang muncul adalah bagaimana menformulasikan syarî'ah agar kompatibel dengan standar HAM universal. Dalam konteks inilah, An-Na'im menawarkan gagasan evolusi syarî'ah, sebuah upaya untuk merekonsiliasi ketegangan antara syarî'ah dan HAM universal. Dalam proyek ini, An-Na'im mula-mula membedakan secara kategoris antara syarî'ah historis (Madânîyah) dan syarî'ah moderen(Makkîyah). Menurutnya, syarî'ah historis sudah tidak relevan lagi untuk menjawab berbagai persoalan kontemporer. Karenanya, melalui teori naskh, ia harus ditangguhkan pemberlakuannya dan diganti dengan syarî'ah moderen yang dinilai dapat memenuhi kebutuhan kontemporer sesuai dengan standar HAM universal.
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Mat Idris, Mohd Faiz Hakimi bin, Ishak bin Suliaman, Ahmad Zahid bin Salleh, Sofyuddin bin Yusof, Abdillah Hisham bin Abdul Wahab, and Mohd A’Tarahim bin Mohd Razali. "Al-Asha‘irah: Faktor Perkembangan dan Metodologi Argumentasinya [Al-Asha'irah: Developmental Factors and Methodology of Argument]." Jurnal Islam dan Masyarakat Kontemporari 11 (October 1, 2015): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.37231/jimk.2015.11.3.141.
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This paper aims to trace the history of how al-Asha‘irah emerged, factors that contributed to its development, prominent figures in this stream, and the stream’s method of proving with dalil (reasoning based on analogy). This stream was founded by ‘Ali Ibn Isma‘il Ibn Ishaq Ibn Salim Ibn Isma‘il Ibn ‘Abd Allah Ibn Musa Ibn Bilal Ibn Abi Burdah Ibn Abi Musa al-Ash‘ari. The stream employed two methods of proving with dalil. They referred to naqli dalil, which refers to the Quran and hadith, and they employed sensible dalil to strenghten the reasoning obtained from the Quran and hadith.
Keywords: Al- Asha‘irah, methodology, school of thought.
Artikel ini bertujuan melakukan sorotan tentang sejarah kemunculan aliran al-Asha‘irah, faktor-faktor yang menyumbang kepada perkembangannya, tokoh-tokoh aliran ini serta metodologi pendalilannya. Aliran ini diasaskan oleh ‘Ali Ibn Isma‘il Ibn Ishaq Ibn Salim Ibn Isma‘il Ibn ‘Abd Allah Ibn Musa Ibn Bilal Ibn Abi Burdah Ibn Abi Musa al-Ash‘ari. Aliran ini menggunakan dua metodologi pendalilan iaitu dalil naqli dengan merujuk kepada al-Qur’an dan hadith, dan penggunaan dalil akal bagi memperkuatkan pendalilan yang diambil dari al-Qur’an dan hadit.
Kata kunci: Al- Asha‘irah, metodologi, aliran pemikiran, argumentasi
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Ibrahim, Zakyi. "Ibn Hazm’s Legal Contribution." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): i—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i3.1099.
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In profiling Ibn Hazm, the previous editorial shed some light on his genealogy,
early life and education, and breadth of knowledge. In this issue, I concentrate
only on his legal dimensions.
A Shot at a Political Career?
Ibn Hazm’s childhood of luxury ended abruptly when his family estate was
destroyed in 1013 and the family fled to Jativa. Like his father, Ibn Hazm’s
early career began in political arena. Sympathetic to the the Umayyads, he
was imprisoned after Sulayman’s overthrow in 1016.1A few years later, however,
Abd al-Rahman IV al-Murtada appointed Ibn Hazm his vizier, which
caused him to fight in the battle of Granada. In 1023, released after years in
jail, he returned to Cordoba and, in 1023, was again appointed vizier by Abd
al-Rahman V al-Mustazhir. Seven weeks later the caliph was murdered and
Ibn Hazm was again imprisoned. Upon his release, he became an academic
and withdrew from political and public life ...
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Nafi, Basheer. "A Teacher of Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhāb: Muhammad Hayāt al-Sindī and the Revival of Ashāb al-Hadīth's Methodology." Islamic Law and Society 13, no. 2 (2006): 208–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851906776917552.
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Muhaammad Hayāt al-Sindī, the most eminent hadīth scholar in the Hijazi city of Madina in the first half of the eighteenth century, was one of the teachers of the controversial Najdī reformist Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wah-hāb. Scholars of early modern Islamic thought disagree about al-Sindī's influence on Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhāb. In this article I present a brief study of the life and works of Hayāt al-Sindī, focusing on his approach to hadīth as a primary source of fiqh , his call for ijtihād , and his opposition to the legacy of the madhhab s and to the divisions caused by partisan adherence to the madhhab . Although he was influenced by the Hanbalī Ibn Taymiyya, Hayāt al-Sindī's outlook and methodology are closer to those of the classical ahl al-Hadīth . Like Hayāt al-Sindī, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhāb was critical of the established madhhabī system, disregarded the instruments of usūl al-fiqh , and appears to have been irreverent to the legacy of fiqh .
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Mangasing, Mansur. "MUHAMMAD IBN ‘ABD AL-WAHHÂB DAN GERAKAN WAHABI." HUNAFA: Jurnal Studia Islamika 5, no. 3 (December 15, 2008): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.24239/jsi.v5i3.181.319-328.
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Ghozi, Ghozi. "Wahdat al-Wujûd ‘Abd al-Karîm al-Jîlî." Teosofi: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam 3, no. 1 (October 7, 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/teosofi.2013.3.1.1-18.
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<p>This article discusses the Islamic misticism of ‘Abd al-Karîm al-Jîli which is known as<em> wahdat al-wujûd</em>. Al-Jîli is one of Ibn ‘Arabî’s thought interpreter and commentator. In this case, al-Jîli provided Ibn ‘Arabî doctrin of theosophy more shopisticated. His effort is to present Ibn ‘Arabî’s doctrin more acceptable upon the frame of sharî‘ah. In fact, he effort to present different angle of conception of <em>wahdat al-wujûd</em>. According to him <em>wahdat al-wujûd</em> must be seen in visioner and spiritual perspective. It is not be seen in philosophycal frame of thought as most of modern western perspective. It. In addition, <em>wahdat al-wujûd</em> doctrin is built on the holy experience which is based on sharî‘ah.</p>
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Safi, Louay. "Leadership and Subordination." American Journal of Islam and Society 12, no. 2 (July 1, 1995): 204–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v12i2.2387.
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Abu Ja'far al Man~ur, the founder of the 'Abbasid state, once posed aquestion to some of his confidants:Who is the hawk of Quraysh? They replied: The Commander ofthe Faithful (Amir al Mu'minin) who established the reign, quietedupheavals, and extinguished ordeals. He said: You havenot answered my question. They said: Is it Mu'awiyah? He said:No. They said: Is it 'Abd al Malik ibn Marwan? He said: No.They said: Who else, Commander of the Faithful? He said:'Abd al Ra}:iman ibn Mu'awiyah, who escaped by his cunningthe spearheads of the lances and the blades of the swords, travellingthe desert, and sailing the seas, until he entered an alienterritory. [There] he organized cities, mobilized armies, andreestablished his reign after it was completely lost, by goodmanagement and strong resolve. Mu'awiyah rose to his staturethrough the support of 'Umar and 'Uthman, whose backingallowed him to overcome difficulties; 'Abd al Malik, because ofprevious appointment; and the Commander of the Faithfulthrough the struggle of his kin and the solidarity of his partisans.But' Abd al Rab man did it alone, with the support of noneother than his own judgement, depending on no one but his ownresolve. (Ibn al Athir, 5: 182)Identifying leadership and determining its qualities and contributionsto collective life is an ancient concern of people. Abu Ja'far al Mansur, aneminent Muslim leader in his own right, raised the question in a peculiar ...
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Rui, Adailson José. "Abd al Rahman III." História Revista 25, no. 1 (September 17, 2020): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5216/hr.v25i1.63334.
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No presente artigo, tendo como fontes obras escritas, entre outros autores, por Ibn Hayan, séc. XI, e estudos recentes que tratam da história de al-Andalus, apresentamos o processo que culminou com a auto proclamação em 929 de Abd al Rahman III como califa. A partir desse ato, Córdoba passava a ser a sede do califado Omeya, dando continuidade a sua função de sede do poder iniciada no século VIII, com a implantação do emirado. Porém, a nova situação atribuída a ela em breve seria alterada, pois, uma cidade palatina foi construída – Medinat al Zahra - para ser a moradia do califa e abrigar o aparato governamental nomeado e conduzido por ele, reduzindo as intervenções e influências existentes em Córdoba.
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Damanhuri, Damanhuri. "THE HADITH OF RAJAB FASTING IN A SIMULTANEOUS RESERCH." Ar-Raniry, International Journal of Islamic Studies 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2016): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.20859/jar.v3i1.83.
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<div><p>The researched Hadith of Prophet Muhammad SAW about Rajab fasting was a narrated hadith of Ibn ‘Abbas booked by Muslim. In hadith above, there were some narrators/rawi such as Abu Bakr Ibn Aby Shaybah, Abd Allah Ibn Numair, Uthman Ibn Hakim al Ansari, Sa’id Ibn Jubayr and Abd Allah Ibn ‘Abbas. In his partial analyses, there were some conclusions that: 1. All of narrators that involved in Hadith <em>sanad </em>were qualified: 2. <em>Thiqa, </em>All the narrators met with another narrators as the teachers: 3. And the hadith matan was free from <em>shadh </em>aspect: 4. The hadith matan was free from <em>illat</em>. So it can be concluded that narrated hadiths of Anas Ibn Malik which were collected by Muslim were qualified (<em>sahih</em>). In simultaneous analyzes, found that that hadith had 4 (four) <em>tabi’ qasir. </em>Because all of the narrators who were narrated by Muslim were <em>thiqah </em>qualified and the sanad connectivity was also <em>muttasil, </em>so the present of 4 <em>tabi’ ´</em>hadiths couldn’t improve the quality of main hadith <em>sanad </em>or <em>mutaba’ </em>that had been <em>sahih </em>in quality. Later on, simultaneously, that hadith had 4 (four) <em>shahid ma’nawi </em>hadiths. Those hadiths were narrated by 4 (four) different friends, as: Sa’id Ibn Sa’id, Anas Ibn Malik, ‘Abd Allah Ibn ‘Umar, and Abi Dharr. So the hadith of Rajab fasting had been narrated by 5 (five) friends. Thus, quantitatively, those hadiths improved to be <em>mashhur (ahad mashhur) </em>because they were narrated by five friends.</p></div><strong>Keywords</strong>:
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Karim, M. Abdul. "MELAWAN KORUPSI (BIOGRAFI POLITIK UMAR IBN ABD AL-AZIZ)." Millah 7, no. 1 (August 3, 2007): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20885/millah.vol7.iss1.art10.
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Zulkayandri, Zulkayandri. "KONSEP IHSAN ‘IZZ AL-DIN IBN ABD AL-SALAM." Al-Fikra : Jurnal Ilmiah Keislaman 4, no. 1 (July 28, 2017): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24014/af.v4i1.3750.
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Arjomand, Said Amir. "‘Abd Allah Ibn Al‐Muqaffa’ and the ‘Abbasid revolution." Iranian Studies 27, no. 1-4 (January 1994): 9–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210869408701818.
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Hakiki, Kiki Muhamad. "Insan Kamil dalam Perspektif Syaikh Abd al-Karim al-Jili." Wawasan: Jurnal Ilmiah Agama dan Sosial Budaya 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2018): 175–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jw.v3i2.2287.
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The study of Insan Kamil (the perfect man) is one of the important themes in the world of Sufism. One of the evidence that could be peculiarly noted is the written books of Sufism. Of those books that specifically concern into this theme is Abd al-Karim al-Jili with his prominent work Al-Insan Al-Kamil fi Ma'rifat al-Awakhir wa al-Awa'il. In his text, the outlook of Insan Kamil is different from the other studies, such as in the works of Ibn 'Arabi, Al-Hallaj, Al-Suhrawardi, and At-Tirmidhi. Although Al-Jili is not a pioneer of the study of Insan Kamil, his concept, which is different from its predecessors, is more comprehensive. As a comparative study of predecessor notion, the work of Ibn 'Arabi is taken as an example of Al-Jili modification. Based on the simple and brief readings, it can be found that the concept of Insan Kamil initiated by al-Jili is a theological notion, and Insan Kamil initiated by Ibn 'Arabi philosophical patterned.
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El Cheikh, Nadia Maria. "IN SEARCH FOR THE IDEAL SPOUSE." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 45, no. 2 (2002): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852002760247104.
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AbstractThis paper discusses the material related to marriage in two adab anthologies, namely the 'Uyūn al-akhbār of Ibn Qutayba and al- 'Iqd al-farīd of Ibn Abd Rabbih. The first part discusses the particular caveats and concerns when dealing with such compilations. The second part details the findings relating to marriage and the attributes of the "ideal spouse." Cet article examine les données relatives au mariage contenues dans deux anthologies d'adab du monde musulman médiéval: le 'Uyūn al-akhbār d'Ibn Qutayba et le al- 'Iqd al-farīd d'Ibn 'Abd Rabbih. La première partie traite des normes qui régissent ce type de sources mais également des limites de leur exploitation. La seconde partie présente en détail les descriptions de mariages et les attributs du conjoint idéal.
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S, Saepullah. "Eksistensi Literatur Fiqh(Sisi Pelestarian dan Perkembangannya)." MUAMALATUNA 11, no. 1 (September 22, 2020): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.37035/mua.v11i1.3321.
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Spesifik dalam literature fiqh yang membahas tentang dinamika pemikiran hukum Islam, banyak buku-buknya yang telah ditulis para imam besar-khususnya imam munjtahid yang 4 (empat) yaitu: Abu Hanifah, Al-Syafi’i, Malik Ibn Anas dan Ibn Hambal. Selanjutnya, diteruskan dan dikembangkan oleh para murid-muridnya. Dengan aneka dilektika metodologi yang disajikan, semua itu menjadi pembelajaran berharga bagi kita. Berikutnya, supaya tidak terjadi pengkultuasan madzhab dan membuka cakrawala khazanah pemikiran dan analisis, para ulama mengahdirkan karya ilmiah yang membahas tentang aneka pendapat madzhab yang mereka rangkum dan tuangkan dalam buku khusus yang dikemudian hari popular dengan sebutan buku Fiqh Perbandinagn (Fiqh al-Muqorrin). Buku Rahmatu al-Ummah, karya Abu Abdillah Muhammad Ibn Abd al-Rahman, atau buku Al-Fiqh 'Ală Madzăhabil Arba'ah, karya Abd al- Rahman Ibn Muhammad ‘Audh al-Jaziri (w.1360 misalnya, keduanya merepresntasikan, bahwa terjadinya ragam pendapat adalah sebagai rahmat untuk memudahkan kita menjatuhkan pilihan. Selanjutnya yang menarik, di kalangan mereka (para ulama fiqh khususnya) ada tradisi syrah. Syarah atau tasyrih (komentar) adalah sebuah usaha untuk menjelaskan karya ulama lain, yang dinilai olehnya (komentator -syărih) adanya kekurang jelasan. Dengan cara demikian, memudahkan bagi kita untuk mengetahui, memahami dan mengakulisasikannya.Kata kunci: literatur fiqh, mazhab, syarh
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Muniz, Jéssica Targino, Giselle Costa De Sousa, and Gabriela Lucheze De Oliveira. "RESOLUÇÃO GEOMÉTRICA PARA EQUAÇÕES QUADRÁTICAS NA VISÃO DE ABD AL-HAMID IBN TURK (SÉCULO IX)." Boletim Cearense de Educação e História da Matemática 7, no. 20 (July 12, 2020): 277–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.30938/bocehm.v7i20.2821.
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O presente trabalho trata da apresentação de um exemplar da álgebra geométrica desenvolvida na civilização islâmica medieval, com foco na resolução geométrica de equações quadráticas por Abd Al-Hamid Ibn Turk, matemático islâmico que viveu no século IX. Inicialmente é feita a contextualização da época em relação à ciência, especificamente a matemática desenvolvida do período, para então abordamos um caso particular do método proposto por Turk para solução desse tipo de equação, ou seja, o tipo , sendo que o estudioso a desenvolve geometricamente, a partir da enunciação retórica dos passos para construção de uma figura geométrica que representa a equação anteriormente mencionada. Essa equação, no entanto, possui D < 0, e os estudiosos islâmicos daquela época não lidavam com números negativos. Mostraremos como Turk lidou com essa situação usando recursos geométricos. O nome de Abd Al-Hamid Ibn Turk foi encontrado inicialmente no livro de Boyer (1974), relacionado ao nome de Al-Khwarizmi e ao estudo de equações quadráticas. Posteriormente foi buscado um aprofundamento sobre a vida e os trabalhos desenvolvidos por esse árabe em trabalhos acadêmicos da área, tendo em vista que os outros livros pesquisados não tratam sobre ele. Desta varredura obtivemos que o principal trabalho acerca de Turk é de Sayili (1962), intitulado Logical Necessities in Mixed Equations by ‘Abd al Hamid ibn Turk and the Algebra of His Time, em português, Necessidades Lógicas em Equações Mistas: ‘Abd al Hamid ibn Turk e a Álgebra do Seu Tempo. Dessa forma, tal documento consiste em nossa principal referência. Destaca-se que os resultados que serão apresentados neste artigo fazem parte de uma pesquisa para uma dissertação de mestrado profissional que está sendo desenvolvida no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ensino de Ciências Naturais e Matemática (PPGECNM), vinculado à Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN). Esse projeto visa a integração entre a História da Matemática (HM) e as Tecnologias Digitais de Informação e Comunicação (TDIC) por meio da Investigação Matemática (IM) para o ensino de Álgebra Geométrica no Ensino Superior, notadamente, na licenciatura em matemática.
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Syahid, Abd, Syamsiah Nur, Moh Sain, M. Ilyas, and Kamaruddin Kamaruddin. "Pendampingan Pengajian Kitab Sairu Al-Salikin Bab tentang I’tiqad (Keyakinan) bagi Jamaah Masjid Al-Mushlihat Kecamatan Tembilahan." ABDIMASY: Jurnal Pengabdian dan Pemberdayaan Masyarakat 1, no. 2 (December 26, 2020): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.46963/ams.v1i2.259.
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Sairu Al-Salikin, the book defines as the footsteps of the Salik (seekers) in worshiping the God of the universe. It is one of the classic books by a great scholar of the 18th-century archipelago in Indonesia, precisely from Palembang written by Sheikh Abdus Shamad Ibn Abd Al -Rahman Ibn Abd Al-Jalil Al-Palimbani Al-Jawi known as Sheikh Abdus Shamad Al-Palimbani. The book consists of four chapters and discusses the science of monotheism, fiqh, and mysticism. This Malay-translation book is from the Ihya Ulumuddin; a very famous book by Al-Imam Al-Ghazali. While the discussion in this study was the Essence of Allah SWT and all His Attributes both the Nature of Salabiah, the Nature of Tanziah and the Nature of Wujudiyah the Nature of Tsubutiyah and His Af’al.
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Mutawali, Mutawali. "‘Irfānī Epistemology: Revealing the Inner Meaning of the Qur’anic Verses in the Classical Interpretation." Ulumuna 20, no. 2 (December 29, 2016): 353–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v20i2.887.
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Irfānī epistemology is one of the Islamic philosophical paradigms for understanding religious texts including the Qur'ānic texts. It maintains that the source of knowledge is intuition that puts emphasis on spiritual cultivation, not text or reason. Although this epistemology is criticized, it has been introduced Muslim scholars since the end of 4th and the beginning of 5th-century hijra as shown by Abū ‘Abd al-Raḥmān Sullāmī, Abū al-Ḥusayn Nūrī, Abū Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj and Ibn ‘Aṭā’ Allāh through their work Ḥaqā’iq al-Tafsīr. ‘Abd al-Karīm bin Hawazan Qushayrī, Ibn Sīnā, Ibn ‘Arabī, and Ṣadr al-Dīn Qunāwī, just to mention some, are the next generation of Muslim scholars who are concerned with it. This study examines the construction and the development of ‘irfānī epistemology as it is seen from the work of those scholars. It argues that ‘irfānī epistemology constitutes one important and fundamental Islamic episteme that serves to complete the other types of episteme, such as burhānī and bayānī.
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v20i2.887
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Gadamska-Serafin, Renata. "„Ten sam jest Bóg”. Norwid – Abd el-Kader - Ibn ‘Arabi." Studia Norwidiana 34 (2016): 21–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sn.2016.34-2.
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Gadamska-Serafin, Renata. "‘Ten sam jest Bóg’. Norwid – Abd el-Kader – Ibn ‘Arabi." Studia Norwidiana 34 English Version (2016): 23–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sn.2016.34-2en.
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Hanafi, Muhammad. "Konsep Pendidikan Islam Ibn Thufail." AS-SABIQUN 1, no. 2 (October 31, 2019): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.36088/assabiqun.v1i2.353.
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In this postmodern era, an era of technological sophistication is the culmination, Islamic education always has its own appeal to continue to be studied more deeply and comprehensively. It is interesting to know, that Islamic education in particular is the brainchild of Islamic scientists, both Western and Eastern. One of them is Ibn Thufail, an Andalusian (Spanish) thinker and philosopher of Islam. His full name is Abu Bakr Muhammad Ibn ‘Abd al-Malik Ibn Muhammad Ibn Muhammad Ibn Thufail al-Qaisyi al-Andalusi. The concept of Ibn Thufail's education is related to the problem of sources and methods of acquiring knowledge. Related to Ibn Thufail's source of knowledge divides into two, namely human sources (physics) and divine sources (metaphysics). Whereas the method of acquiring knowledge that was conceived was a method based on ratio, senses and intuition or soul.
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عبد العالي, باي زكوب, and سوهيرين محمد صوليحين. "الإمام المصلح عبد الحميد بن باديس: حياته وجهوده التربوية Reformer Imam Abdal-hamid ibn Badis: His Life and Educational Reforms." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 12, no. 1 (May 29, 2015): 105–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v12i1.463.
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الملخّصيعدّ عبد الحميد بن باديس أحد العلماء الجزائريين المبرزين بالإصلاح الاجتماعي والدّيني والسّياسي والتربوي، عاش خمسين سنة في القرن العشرين الميلادي، حيث كانت ولادته سنة 1889م، وكانت وفاته سنة 1940م، ولقد فرض الواقع الجزائري إبّان فترة الاحتلال الفرنسي الذي كان يسعى إلى طمس ثوابت الأمّة الجزائرية، وخرق تاريخها، وهُويّتها، وثقافتها، ووحدتها الدينيّة، واللّغوية على ابن باديس أن يسلك نهج التربية والتعليم، قاصداً بذلك مواجهة الاحتلال الفرنسي الغاشم من خلال عدّة جبهات ومجالات كمثل مجال الصحافة، ومجال التربية والتعليم، ومجال الجمعيات، ومجال السياسة وغير ذلك، يهدف هذا البحث إلى إبراز دور عبد الحميد بن باديس في النّهوض بالأمّة الجزائريّة نحو تربيّة أفضل، وحياة أسعد، فيبدأ أوّلاً وبشكل موجز، بالتعرّف على الفترة الصعبة التي عايشها ابن باديس والمتمثلة في فترة الاحتلال الفرنسي الغاشم، وآثاره السلبية على الصعيد السياسي والاقتصادي والاجتماعي والثقافي والديني الجزائري وقتذاك، ثم يقوم ثانياً بتسليط الضّوء على حياة ابن باديس وتكوينه العلمي ورحلاته الداخلية وأسفاره الخارجية؛ ثم يسعى ثالثاً وبتعمّق، التعرّف على أعمال ابن باديس الاجتماعيّة وجهوده التربويّة التي أخذت حظّاً وافراً من حياته اليومية، والتي تركّزت على منبرين رئيسين، هما: منبر الصّحافة، ومنبر التربيّة والتعليم.الكلمات المفتاحيّة: الإمام عبد الحميد بن باديس، الاحتلال الفرنسي، التربية، الجزائر، الإصلاح. AbstractImÉm ‘Abd al-×amÊd ibn BÉdÊs is an Algerian scientist, and eminent social, religious, political and educational reformer. He lived fifty years in the twentieth century. He was born in 1889 and died in 1940, and lived during the French occupation that attempted to distort and undermine the foundations of the Algerian nation by destroying its history, identity, culture, and religious and linguistic unity. Ibn BÉdÊs pursued an educational approach to face the brutal French occupation on several fronts, including journalism, education, civil associations, politics, etc. This paper highlights the role of ‘Abd al-×amÊd ibn BÉdÊs in the advancement of the Algerian nation toward better education and a happier life. The paper begins with a brief canvas of the difficult times in which Ibn BÉdÊs lived, and the negative effects of the brutal French occupation from political, economic, social, cultural and religious angles, besides highlighting the life of Ibn BÉdÊs, his education and his local and international travels. The focus of this research is an in-depth examination of Ibn BÉdÊs’ social and educational efforts that consumed much of his daily routine: journalism, and education.Keywords: ImÉm ‘Abd al-×amÊd ibn BÉdÊs, the French Occupation, Education, Algeria, Reform.
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إبراهيم, حسن أحمد. "الشيخ والشاه مقارنة أوليَّة في الإرث الفكري لمحمد بن عبد الوهاب وولي الله الدِّهلوي The Sheikh and Shah Preliminary Comparison of the Intellectual Legacy of Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Al-WahhÉb and WalÊ Allah DehlawÊ." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 13, no. 1 (July 19, 2016): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v13i1.532.
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الملخّصتحاول هذه الدراسة، التي أحسب أنها الأولى من نوعها، أن تقدم مقارنة تحليلية للإرث الفكري للشيخين محمد عبد الوهاب (1703-1791م) في الجزيرة العربية وشاه ولي الله الدهلوي (1703-1761م) في شبه القارة الهندية في إطار واقعهما البيئي. وتخلص إلى أن لفظ "الوهابية الهندية"، الذي ابتدعه بعض المستشرقين لوصف حركة الإصلاح الإسلامي في الهند، والذي يوحي بأن رائدها الدِّهلوي كان مجرد نسخة مطابقة لمعاصره ابن عبد الوهاب، مصطلح غير دقيق، بل لعله خاطئ كليًّا. وذلك لأن دراسة الإرث الفكري لهذين العملاقين تبين بأنهما أسسا في عصر ما قبل الهجمة الإستعمارية على بلاد المسلمين مدرستين متباينتين من حيث التوجه والمحتوى.الكلمات المفتاحية: محمد عبد الوهاب، شاه ولي الله، الإرث الفكري، التجديد الإسلامي. Abstract This is the first study to provide an analytical comparison of the intellectual legacy of two great scholars Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-WahhÉb (1703-1791) in the Arabian Peninsula and Shah WalÊ Allah DehlawÊ (1703-1761) in the Indian sub-continent in the context of their respective environments. It concludes that the term “Indian Wahhabism”, which was coined by some Orientalists to describe the movement for Islamic reform in India, suggesting that Sheikh DehlawÊ was just a duplicate of contemporary Ibn ‘Abd al-WahhÉb, is not only inaccurate but completely incorrect. The study of the intellectual legacy of these two luminaries reveals that they both founded, prior to the pre-colonial attack on the Muslim world, two schools different in terms of orientation and content..Keywords: Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-WahhÉb, ShÉh WalÊ Allah DehlawÊ, Intellectual Heritage, Islamic Revival.
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Zaker Mohammad, Reza, and Farangis Darvishi. "Изучение концепта Рийада в исламском мистицизме, основанное на мистических текстах." Islamology 6, no. 1 (May 18, 2013): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24848/islmlg.06.1.04.
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This article is devoted to the concept of riyada (abstention from sleep and, food and carnal desires for restraint of carnal soul (nafs)). Riyada is connected with psychosomatic practice. This concept is the first step for gaining of cognition of God (ma‘rifa). Thus riyada attracted the attention of followers of practical and theoretical Sufism. This article examines this concept on the basis of renowned texts of Arabic and Iranian mystics: Abu Talib al-Makki, ‘Abd Allah al-Ansari, Ibn ‘Arabi, Sana’i, ‘Abd al-Ramhan Jami, Muhsin Fayz Kashani.
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Traboulsi, Samer. "AN EARLY REFUTATION OF MUHAMMAD IBN 'ABD AL-WAHHĀB'S REFORMIST VIEWS." Die Welt des Islams 42, no. 3 (2002): 373–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700600260435038.
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Kurniawan, Ade Fakih. "Konsep Tajalli ‘Abd al-Lāh Ibn ‘Abd al-Qahhār al-Bantanī dan Posisinya dalam Diskursus Wujūdiyyah di Nusantara." Ulumuna 17, no. 2 (December 31, 2013): 275–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v17i2.163.
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This article aims to examine the wujūdiyyah teaching of ‘Abd al-Lāh bin ‘Abd al-Qahhār al-Bantanī in his Mashāhid al-Nāsik fī Maqāmāt al-Sālik. Although he was a great ulama in the period of Sultan Abū al-Naṣr ‘Ārif Shifā’ Zayn al-‘Āshiqīn—the ruler of Banten Sultanate in the eighteenth century—his name was rarely mentioned in the history of Banten. The Sultan asked him to write a book on wujūdiyyah that especially deals with tajalliyāt. The polemics over wujūdiyyah in Banten is different from those of Aceh. In Banten, there is no information whether the Sultan banned or considered the adherents of wujūdiyyah teaching as infidel (unbeliever). Regarding tajalliyāt, al-Bantani explains it in relation to the tajallī phases of God over the realm that he divides into four: ‘ālam ilāhī, ‘ālam jabarūt, ‘ālam malakūt and ‘ālam nāsūt. His concept about these worlds is different from al-Burhanpurī’s Martabat Tujuh and from those of H{amzah Fanṣūrī, al-Jīlī as well as Ibn ‘Arabī.
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Ostafin, Barbara. "Władca idealny według „Księgi o władzy”, pierwszej części Kitāb al-ciqd al-farīd Ibn cAbd Rabbiha." Studia Litteraria 16, no. 1 (2021): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843933st.21.002.13382.
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Celem niniejszego artykułu jest rzucenie nowego światła na rolę postaci męskich w średniowiecznej literaturze arabskiej. Koncentruje się on na przedstawieniu modelu władcy, który pojawia się w andaluzyjskiej literaturze adabowej – w Al-cIqd al-farīd, dziele Ibn cAbd Rabbiha. . Opis uprawnień, przywilejów, zadań i obowiązków władcy znajduje się w pierwszym rozdziale pracy, która jest typowym przykładem literatury parenetycznej i w której zarysowano specyficzne wzorce zachowań związane z zajmowanym stanowiskiem. Przedstawiając wzorowego władcę, Ibn c Abd Rabbih skorzystał z tych samych źródeł, które były znane na Wschodzie, i wybrał te, które jego zdaniem składały się na wizerunek doskonałego władcy. Opisane w jego dziele fundamentalne cechy władcy wskazują na to, że w średniowieczu istniały pewne uniwersalne atrybuty dynasty. The Perfect Ruler According to the „Book of the Sovereign Power”, Chapter One of the Kitāb al-cIqd al-Farīd by Ibn cAbd Rabbih The purpose of this paper is to shed some new light on the role of the male character in medieval Arabic literature. It focuses on the model of the ruler which features in Andalusian adab literature in Al-cIqd al-Farīd, a work of Ibn cAbd Rabbih. The description of the ruler’s powers, privileges, tasks, and duties are included in the first chapter of the work, which is a typical example of paraenetic literature outlining specific patterns of conduct related to one’s position. Presenting the model ruler, Ibn c Abd Rabbih used the same sources that were known in the East and selected those that, in his opinion, made up the image of a perfect ruler. The fundamental features of the ruler described in his work indicate that there were some universal attributes of the dynast in the Middle Ages.
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Rofiq, Ahmad Choirul. "Ideologi Politik Khawarij Ibadiyah Dan Sistem Monarki Dinasti Rustamiyah." Al-Tahrir: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 16, no. 2 (November 9, 2016): 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/al-tahrir.v16i2.480.
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Abstract: The Ibadites were the Kharijite followers of ‘Abd Alla>h ibn Iba>d} al-Tami>mi>. This sect was recognized as the most moderate of the Kharijites. Because of their moderation, they established their political power under the leadership of ‘Abd al-Rah}ma>n ibn Rustam, the Persian. The Rustamids (160-296 AH / 776-909 AD) were monarchic dynasty. The succession was limited to the descendants of ‘Abd al-Rah}ma>n ibn Rustam. This policy related to government succession was incompatible with the Ibadite doctrine, i.e. everyone who had certain criteria could be selected to be a leader of Muslims, without privilege of particular lineage or ethnicity. According to behavioral approach, this political history shows that many political factors caused such Rustamid succession. The first, the comparison between the population of the Persians and the Berbers. The Berber population was larger than the Persian population and therefore the Berbers could remove the Persian ruler easily if he had broken the Islamic law. The second, the influence of Islamic governments around the Rustamids that performed the monarchic system. The third, the people of the Nafu>sah who had great influence on the Rustamid policy.الملخص: إن الإباضية فرقة من الخوارج. والإباضيون أتباع عبد الله بن الإباض التميمي. واعتبرت هذه الفرقة أكثر فرقة اعتدالا من الفرق الخارجية الأخرى، فاستطاع الإباضيون إقامة الدولة الإباضية بسبب اعتدالهم تحت قيادة عبد الرحمن بن رستم الفارسي. إن سياسة الدولةالرستميةالمتعلقة بتغيّر الحكومة تبنى على مبدأ الوراثة. وهذه السياسة لا تتفق مع النظام الإباضي الذي يقرر أن الحكومة حق لأي مسلم لديه شروط معيّنة ليكون أمير المسلمين بدون تفضيل على أشرف الأنساب أو القبائل الخاصة. بعد التحليل بالطريقة السلوكية، هذا التاريخ السياسي يبين لنا أن هناك عدة العوامل السياسية الدافعة إلى الحكومة الوراثة في عهد الدولة الرستمية. أولا، المقارنة بين عدد السكان الفارسيين والبرابر. إن الفارسيين أكثر عددا من البرابر فيسهل على البرابر انقلاب حكومة الرستميين الفارسيين اذا كان أمير المؤمنين منتهك نظام الإسلام. ثانيا، تأثير الدول المجاورة المبنية على مبدأ الوراثة. ثالثا، قوة تأثير القبيلة النفوسية على عدة السياسات الرستمية.Abstrak: Iba>d}iyyah adalah sekte Khawarij yang dipimpin ‘Abd Alla>h ibn Iba>d} al-Tami>mi>. Kelompok ini dinilai sebagai kelompok paling moderat dibandingkan kelompok-kelompok Khawarij lainnya. Berkat sikap moderasi inilah, maka Iba>d}iyyah berhasil mewujudkan kekuasaaan politik pada era Dinasti Rustamiyyah di bawah pimpinan ‘Abd al-Rah}ma>n ibn Rustam. Dalam bidang politik, pemerintahan Rustamiyyah (160-296 M / 776-909 H) ternyata menerapkan sistem monarki yang bertolak belakang dengan doktrin Iba>d}iyyah sendiri. Setelah dilakukan analisis dengan pendekatan behavioral, kajian sejarah politik ini menemukan adanya beberapa motif yang melatarbelakangi kebijakan suksesi kepemimpinan Rustamiyyah tersebut. Pada dasarnya, kepentingan politis telah mendorong Rustamiyyah untuk mengabaikan idealisme doktrin Iba>d}iyyah. Faktor-faktor itu ialah perbandingan jumlah populasi penduduk dari Persia yang lebih sedikit daripada penduduk Berber sehingga penggulingan pemimpin yang menyeleweng dari hukum Islam lebih mudah dilakukan, pengaruh dari tradisi pemerintahan Islam di sekitarnya pada saat itu yang cenderung menerapkan suksesi kekuasaan secara turun temurun, dan pengaruh kuat masyarakat Nafu>sah terhadap pemerintahan Rustamiyyah dalam berbagai kebijakan politik.
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Fuess, Albercht. "Déplacer une ville au temps des Mamelouks: le cas de Tripoli." Chronos 19 (April 11, 2019): 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v19i0.459.
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Il n'existe aucune œuvre d'un historien mamelouk consacrée exclusivement à la ville de Tripoli. Par contre, on trouve d'abondantes informations sur cette ville du temps des Mamelouks dans les œuvres générales des historiographes contemporains, comme Ibn Kathir (mort en 1373), al-Maqrizî (mort en 1442), Ibn Taghrîbirdî (mort en 1470), Ibn Iyâs (mort en 1524) et Ibn Tûlûn (mort en 1546)2. Dans ces écrits, Tripoli occupe une place plus importante que beaucoup de villes syriennes, car la ville représente une des rares fondations mameloukes et avait fonction de capitale provinciale. Partant, de nombreuses recherches scientifiques ont été effectuées sur cette ville, particulièrement par des historiens libanais, comme par exemple 'Umar 'Abd al-Salâm Tadmurî (1981) et Eliyâs al-Qattàr (1998), qui ont livré les grandes lignes de l'histoire sociopolitiques de cette ville et de sa province à cette époque.
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EL-BIZRI, NADER. "IN DEFENCE OF THE SOVEREIGNTY OF PHILOSOPHY: AL-BAGHDĀDĪ'S CRITIQUE OF IBN AL-HAYTHAM'S GEOMETRISATION OF PLACE." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 17, no. 1 (February 12, 2007): 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423907000367.
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This paper investigates the objections that were raised by the philosopher ‘Abd al-Laṭīf al-Baghdādī (d. ca. 1231 CE) against al-Ḥasan ibn al-Haytham’s (Alhazen; d. after 1041 CE) geometrisation of place. In this line of enquiry, I contrast the philosophical propositions that were advanced by al-Baghdādī in his tract: Fī al-Radd ‘alā Ibn al-Haytham fī al-makān (A refutation of Ibn al-Haytham’s place), with the geometrical demonstrations that Ibn al-Haytham presented in his groundbreaking treatise: Qawl fī al-Makān (Discourse on place). In examining the particulars of al-Baghdādī’s fragile defence of Aristotle’s definition of topos as delineated in Book IV of the Physics, which was rejected on mathematical grounds by Ibn al-Haytham, a special attention is also given to highlighting the systemic distinctions between the entities that are studied within the speculative physical doctrines of common sense and immediate experience, and the postulated ‘objects’ of scientific and mathematical research.
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Kigar, Samuel. "Arguing the Archive: ??h? ?Abd al-Ra?m?n, Mu?ammad ??bid al-J?bir?, and the Future of Islamic Thought." Comparative Islamic Studies 11, no. 1 (September 6, 2017): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.30824.
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This article analyzes an argument between the Moroccan philosophers, Taha ?Abd al-Ra?m?n (b. 1944) and Mu?ammad ??bid al-J?bir? (1936 – 2010). In the 1990s, ?Abd al-Ra?m?n claimed that al-J?bir? had misread Islamic intellectual history by failing to grasp its connection to the Arab-Muslim community. After showing that the differences between ?Abd al-Ra?m?n and al-J?bir? cannot be reduced to differences in European philosophy, this article proposes that a theory of the archive better conceptualizes their differences than MacIntyre’s notion of “tradition,” a common theoretical posture in Islamic studies. The archive, as elaborated by Jacques Derrida (to whom these thinkers are also compared), emphasizes the importance of difference, or an encounter with alterity, and repetition to Muslim intellectual history. The significance of these themes is demonstrated by showing how ?Abd al-Ra?m?n and al-J?bir? read the debate between Matt? ibn Y?n?s (d. 940) and Ab? al-?asan al-S?r?f? (d. 979) on grammar and logic.
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Mayevs’ka, L. B. "The role of extremist organizations in the formation of negative ideas about Islam." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 31-32 (November 9, 2004): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2004.31-32.1546.
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In the last decade, the activities of various extremist organizations have intensified, which use religious slogans to achieve political goals, sometimes even deliberately distorting the basic tenets of religion. Researchers argue that such organizations put forward some position and then, in order for it to gain weight in the eyes of Muslims, reinforce it with a distorted interpretation of the ayat from the Qur'an or the sayings of the Prophet Muhammad. This is most characteristic of supporters of the extremist trend of Wahhabism. Even during the life of the founder of the current, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, theologians of the Muslim holy city of Mecca issued a fatwa (religious conclusion) about the Wahhabis' retreat from the faith because of their beliefs. This conclusion was made by Islamic scholars in connection with the fact that many of the provisions of the teachings of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab contradict Islamic doctrine; Wahhabis also unprovenly accuse Muslims of unbelief, which leads accusers of unbelief. This principle follows from the words of the Prophet Muhammad and is well known among Muslims.
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Ibrahim, Hassan Ahmed. "Shaykh Muhammad ibn a 'Abd al-Wahhāb and Shāh Walī Allāh: A Preliminary Comparison of Some Aspects of their Lifes and Careers." Asian Journal of Social Science 34, no. 1 (2006): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853106776150126.
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AbstractShaykh Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Wahhāb (1703–1791) and Shāh Walī Allāh (1703–1762) were, indeed, the two key Mujaddis in the entire eighteenth-century Muslim world. Many scholarly and amateurish works were produced in English, Arabic, Urdu and other languages on their substantial achievements, but I am not aware of any independent comparative study of their careers and thought. This paper is, however, just a preliminary attempt to construct such a comparison and contrast through studying some aspects of their colourful lives and intellectual legacies. The discourse contests, in particular, the neologism "Indian Wahhābism", which had been coined by some orientalists to designate the Indian Islamic reformist movement, because, to say the least, it implicitly, but without justification, condemned it as a carbon copy of Wahhābism, and its vanguard, Shāh Walī Allāh, as a replica of his contemporary Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Wahhāb. The discourse suggests that the Shaykh and the Shāh founded and spearheaded distinct, but largely dissimilar, systems and schools of thought in the pre-modernist era that have had far-reaching impacts on subsequent Islamic reformist movements worldwide.
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Lorenzo Cuesta, José Antonio. "El wahabismo. La religión como elemento legitimador del poder político en Arabia Saudí, 1744–1932." Investigaciones Históricas. Época Moderna y Contemporánea, no. 38 (November 26, 2018): 349–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24197/ihemc.38.2018.349-376.
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La religión, más concretamente la corriente renovadora del clérigo sunnita Muhammad Ibn Abd al-Wahhab, desempeñó un papel de primer orden en la configuración del Estado saudí entre los siglos XVIII y XX. La alianza establecida entre los Al Saud y Abd al- Wahhab permitió alcanzar a esta dinastía la legitimidad necesaria para unificar a las diferentes tribus que poblaban Arabia Central en el siglo XVIII. Gracias a la unión íntima entre religión y política, la doctrina wahabí logró la exclusividad del adoctrinamiento religioso de la población del Nayd, y los Al Saud el liderazgo político en el objetivo de constituir un Estado unificado en la Península arábiga.
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Marsham, A., and C. F. Robinson. "The safe-conduct for the Abbasid ‘Abd Allāh b. ‘Alī (d. 764)." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 70, no. 2 (June 2007): 247–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x07000420.
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AbstractIn his Ta’rīkh al-Mawṣil, al-Azdī (d. 945) records the safe-conduct (amān) said to have been written for the surrender of the Abbasid ‘Abd Allāh b. ‘Alī (d. 764) to his nephew, the caliph al-Manṣūr. This text has been overlooked in discussions of early Abbasid history and in studies of the work of Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ (d. c. 756), who is widely credited with its production. This article presents an annotated translation of the amān and considers its transmission, authenticity, attribution and significance. Parallels with epigraphic, documentary and literary sources suggest that it was indeed originally composed in the early Abbasid period and that it conforms to developing conventions for amāns. Thus, it is important evidence for political theory and practice in the mid-eighth-century caliphate. Furthermore, it probably substantially reflects the agreement between the caliph and his uncle and may indeed be the work of Ibn al-Muqaffa‘.
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FORCADA, MIQUEL. "IBN BĀJJA AND THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE SCIENCES IN AL-ANDALUS." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 16, no. 2 (August 10, 2006): 287–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423906000336.
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Coinciding with the scientific flourishing of the 5th / 11th century, which was favoured by the cultural policy of the Andalusī kingdoms ( mulūk al-tawā'if ), Abū ‘ Umar ibn ‘ Abd al-Barr, Ibn Hazm and Sā‘ id al-Andalusī all dealt with the classification of the sciences in many works that are already known. Ibn Bājja began his career at the end of this period. In his glosses to al-Fārābī’s commentary to the Isagoge he wrote a text on this subject that has not yet been analysed. The present paper studies Ibn Bājja's classification in connection with his predecessors and with the scientific and philosophical background of Andalusī culture. In their classifications of the sciences, all these authors express and stress important factors of the evolution of Andalusī science and thought, such as the dialectic between religious and rational sciences and the importance of the scientific method derived from Aristotle's logic. Sā‘ id al-Andalusī and Ibn Bājja ( and, to a lesser extent, Ibn Hazm ) show the profound influence exerted by al-Fārābī’s works, particularly the Ihsā' al-‘ ulūm. Thus, Ibn Bājja foreshadows the evolution of sciences in the next century and the movement headed by Ibn Rushd, Ibn Tufayl and others, characterized by the search for concordance with the postulates set forth by philosophical disciplines.
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Zemmali, Ameur. "Imam Al-Awzai and his humanitarian ideas (707-774)." International Review of the Red Cross 30, no. 275 (April 1990): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400075355.
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Mention of Abd-ar-Rahman Al-Awzai (707-774), the Imam of the people of Syria, is found in many ancient Arabic texts such as Ibn an-Nadim's al-Fihrist and Ibn Abi Hatem ar-Razi's al-Jorh wa at Taâdil. More recent texts include the work on Al-Awzai by Dr. Sobhi Mahmassani on Al-Awzai (Beirut, 1978). This article gives a brief account of Al-Awzai's life and several of his ideas on the relationship between those who govern and those who are governed, and especially his contribution to the branch of learning of the siyar or the law of war.
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Husti, Ilyas. "MENGGALI AKAR KEILMUWAN HADIS YANG TRANSFORMATIF LIBERATIF." Al-Fikra : Jurnal Ilmiah Keislaman 2, no. 1 (July 26, 2017): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24014/af.v2i1.3704.
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Hadis sebagai perkataan, perbuatan, pernyataan (taqrir) dan hal ihwal Nabi Muhammad SAW, yang kini terhimpun dalam berbagai kitab hadis, merupakan sumber ajaran Islam yang kedua setelah al-Qur’an. Pada masa Nabi SAW, periwayatan hadis lebih banyak berlangsung secara lisan ketimbang tulisan. Hal itu memang logis karena apa yang disebut sebagai hadis Nabi tidak selalu terjadi di hadapan sahabat Nabi yang pandai menulis, di samping itu jumlah sahabat yang pandai menulis relatif tidak banyak. Ide penulisan hadis Nabi secara tertulis untuk pertama kalinya dikemukakan Khalifah Umar ibn al-Khattab ( w.23 H/644 M). Ide itu tidak dilaksanakan Umar karena khawatir, umat Islam terganggu perhatian mereka dalam mempelajari al-Qur’an. Kebijaksanaan Umar ini dapat dimengerti, karena pada masanya daerah kekuasaan Islam semakin meluas dan hal itu membawa akibat jumlah orang yang baru memeluk Islam makin bertambah banyak. Kepala negara yang secara resmi memerintahkan penghimpunan hadis Nabi ialah Khalifah Umar ibn Abd al-Aziz ( w. 101 H/720 M). Perintah ini antara lain ditujukan kepada Abu Bakr ibn Muhammad ibn ‘Ammar ibn Hazm (w. 117 H/ 735 M), gubernur Madinah, dan Muhammad ibn Muslim ibn Syihab al-Zuhri ( w. 124 H/ 742 M), seorang ulama di Hijaz dan Syam.
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Seniff, Dennis P., and Jose Manuel Fradejas Rueda. "Muhammad Ibn 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar al-Bayzar (Moamin). Libro de los animales que cazan (Kitab al-Yawarih)." Hispanic Review 57, no. 2 (1989): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/473497.
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Arifin, Zaenal. "Kritik Sanad Hadis (Studi Sunan Ibnu Majah, Kitab Az-Zuhud)." Hikmah: Journal of Islamic Studies 14, no. 2 (November 15, 2018): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.47466/hikmah.v14i2.118.
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There are three elements of the validity of the method in determining the authenticity of a Hadith: it’s connection by isnad, credibility of the narrator, syużūż and ‘illah. The focus of the study in this article is to examine the isnad hadith narrated by Ibn Majah through companions ‘Abd ar-Rahman (Abu Hurayrah) found in Sunan Ibn Majah, Kitab al-Zuhud, hadith number 4102. it’s done by takhreej of hadith and i’tibar, it recorded by researchers the quality of the narrators and its connectioned, and the possibility of checking by syużūż and ‘illah.
Finally seen that entire hadith is created by śiqat and its isnaad muttaşil (connected) from the Prophet Muhammad to the last creature and Ibn Majah as mukharrij al-hadith, and not found the presence of syużūż or ‘illah, so that have the best quality that can enter the category of hadith is hasan li ghairih.
Keywords: Isnad Criticism, Hadith, Kitab al-Zuhud
There are three elements of the validity of the method in determining the authenticity of a Hadith: it’s connection by isnad, credibility of the narrator, syużūż and ‘illah. The focus of the study in this article is to examine the isnad hadith narrated by Ibn Majah through companions ‘Abd ar-Rahman (Abu Hurayrah) found in Sunan Ibn Majah, Kitab al-Zuhud, hadith number 4102. it’s done by takhreej of hadith and i’tibar, it recorded by researchers the quality of the narrators and its connectioned, and the possibility of checking by syużūż and ‘illah.
Finally seen that entire hadith is created by śiqat and its isnaad muttaşil (connected) from the Prophet Muhammad to the last creature and Ibn Majah as mukharrij al-hadith, and not found the presence of syużūż or ‘illah, so that have the best quality that can enter the category of hadith is hasan li ghairih.
Keywords: Isnad Criticism, Hadith, Kitab al-Zuhud
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Sanni, Amidu Olalekan. "The Unique Necklace Volume I. Al-'Iqd al-Farīd (Ibn 'Abd Rabbih)." Die Welt des Islams 49, no. 1 (2009): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006008x313880.
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Nowogórski, Przemysław. "Fundacja sanktuarium Kubbat As-Sachra wyrazem pobożności lub polityki kalifa ABD AL-MALIKA IBN MARWANA." Saeculum Christianum 24 (September 10, 2018): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2017.24.3.
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At the end of the seventh century Caliph Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan built the sanctuary Qubbat as-Sachra on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem. It is difficult to explain the reasons for this foundation. Perhaps he wanted to make it a place of hajj. During this time, Mecca was under the occupation of the anti-caliph Ibn Zubair. Another reason could be the desire to commemorate the night journey of the Prophet Muhammad. Available written sources do not clearly explain any of these hypotheses. The location, architecture and decoration suggest that the Caliph built a magnificent monument to the power and glory of Islam.
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Mallet, Dominique. "Qui enseigne qui? (Lectures du Ḥayy b. Yaqẓān d'Ibn Ṭufayl)." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 8, no. 2 (September 1998): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423900002514.
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The author investigates the different readings of Ibn ṬufayPs epistle, Ḥayy b. Yaqẓan. Following a suggestion by L. Gauthier, who simply asked that the epistle should be read as a whole, the author adds Ṣalāḥ ‘Abd al- ḥabūr's reworking of the tale as a children's story to L. Gauthier's list of partial readings. The author juxtaposes Ṣalāḥ ‘Abd al- ḥabūr's reading, which does justice only to what Asāl taught Ḥayy, to G. Hourani's reading, which succeeds in reflecting only what Ḥayy taught Asāl. This impasse in the readings of Ḥayy b. Yaqẓān reveals what is missing, namely an understanding of the tale which fundamentally conforms to several of Alfarabi's teachings, though not to L. Gauthier's interpretation.
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Zemmali, Ameur. "Algunas ideas humanitarias del imam Al-Awzai." Revista Internacional de la Cruz Roja 15, no. 98 (April 1990): 126–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0250569x00013388.
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Son muchas las obras árabes antiguas en las que se menciona al imam de los pueblos de Siria, Abd Al-Rahmán Al-Awzai, como al-fihrist de Ibn An-Nadim y al-Jorh wa at-taâdil de Ibn Abi Hatem Ar-Razi. Entre las obras más recientes, cabe señalar la del doctor Sobhi Mahmassani, dedicada a Al-Awzai (Beirut, 1978). En este breve articulo resumimos la vida de Al-Awzai y algunas de sus ideas en cuanto a la relación entre gobernantes y gobernados, y reservaremos un lugar especial a la aportación con que enriqueció la disciplina de los siyar, es decir, el derecho de la guerra.
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Arifah, Dzurrotul. "HADIS “KEUTAMAAN MENYAMPAIKAN SABDA NABI”: TINJAUAN TEORI COMMON LINK G.H.A. JUYNBOLL." Jurnal Living Hadis 4, no. 2 (October 25, 2019): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/livinghadis.2019.1928.
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Para orientalis –termasuk G.H.A. Juynboll- memiliki pandangan berbeda dengan ulama muslim mengenai asal-usul dan otentisitas hadis. Ulama muslim berpendapat bahwa hadis yang terdapat dalam kitab kanonik merupakan otentik dari Nabi, terlebih jika berstatus mutawattir. Sedangkan Juynboll berpendapat bahwa tidak semua hadis dalam kitab kanonik merupakan otentik dari Nabi, dan ke-mutawattir-an sebuah hadis tidak menjamin bahwa hadis tersebut benar-benar berasal dari Nabi. Penelitian ini menguji hadis “Keutamaan Menyampaikan Sabda Nabi” yang dinilai mutawattir dan otentik dari Nabi oleh mayoritas ulama muslim sertamerupakan salah satu sumber legitimasi umat Islam bahwa penyebaran hadis sudah digalakkan sejak masa Nabi. Kegelisahan penulis adalah, apakah hadis ini akan bernilai sama jika diteliti menggunakan teori common link G.H.A. Juynboll atau tidak. Dari hasil penelitian, penulis menemukan common link tertua (the real common link) dari hadis “Keutamaan Menyampaikan Sabda Nabi” yaitu ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Mas‘ud (w. 79 H), seorang tabi’in senior yang berasal dari Kufah. Dengan demikian, penelitian hadis “Keutamaan Menyampaikan Sabda Nabi” menggunakan teori common link menghasilkan kesimpulan berbeda dengan pendapat ulama muslim dari segi otentisitasnya. Selain itu, penelitian ini juga ditujukan untuk memberi gambaran langkah-langkah aplikasi teori common link G.H.A. Juynboll terhadap sebuah hadis.