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Books on the topic 'Subaltern groups'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Gladney, Dru C. Dislocating China: Reflections on Muslims, minorities and other subaltern subjects. London: C. Hurst, 2004.

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2

Gladney, Dru C. Dislocating China: Reflections on Muslims, minorities, and other subaltern subjects. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004.

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3

Conscience subalterne, conscience identitaire: La voix des femmes assistées au sein des organisations féministes et communautaires. Ottawa: Presses de l'Université d'Ottawa, 2005.

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4

Ferreira, Maria Nazareth. Globalização e identidade cultural na América Latina: A cultura subalterna no contexto do neoliberalismo. São Paulo, SP: Centro Brasileiro de Estudos Latino-Americanos, 1995.

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5

Green, Marcus E., Antonio Gramsci, and Joseph Buttigieg. Subaltern Social Groups. Columbia University Press, 2019.

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6

Gramsci, Antonio. Subaltern Social Groups. Edited by Joseph A. Buttigieg and Marcus E. Green. Columbia University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/gram19038.

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7

Subaltern Social Groups: A Critical Edition of Prison Notebook 25. Columbia University Press, 2019.

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8

Gladney, Dru C. Dislocating China: Muslims, Minorities, and Other Subaltern Subjects. University Of Chicago Press, 2004.

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9

Gladney, Dru C. Dislocating China: Muslims, Minorities, and Other Subaltern Subjects. University Of Chicago Press, 2004.

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10

Gladney, Dru C. Dislocating China: Reflections on Muslims, Minorities, and Other Subaltern Subjects. Hurst & Co., 2004.

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11

Ferdinand, Peter. 12. Civil Society, Interest Groups, and the Media. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198704386.003.0013.

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This chapter focuses on the concept of civil society, along with interest groups and the media. It first provides a background on the evolution of civil society and interest groups before discussing corporatism. In particular, it examines the ways in which civil society responds to state actors and tries to manoeuvre them into cooperation. This is politics from below. The chapter proceeds by considering the notion of ‘infrapolitics’ and the emergence of a school of ‘subaltern’ studies. It also explores the role of the media in political life and the impact of new communication technologies such as the Internet and mobile phones on politics. Finally, it evaluates some of the challenges presented by new media to civil society.

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12

Vlassopoulos, Kostas. Marxism and Ancient History. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190649890.003.0009.

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In this chapter, Vlassopoulos explores how Marxist historiographies can be turned to productive use by contemporary historians. He argues that Marxist approaches bring four major elements that are particularly relevant for ancient history: history from below, a focus on large-scale historical change, a holistic approach to history, and metanarratives. Marxism was one of the major currents that brought history from below into ancient history, through a focus on slaves, women, and other subaltern groups. Much of this work, though, has focused on subaltern groups as passive objects of exploitation and domination and has taken the form of synchronic structural analysis, divorced from histoire événementielle. The big challenge ahead for both Marxism and ancient history is how to study subaltern groups as active agents of history and how to incorporate them into historical narrative.

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13

Greenwood, Emily. Pericles’ Utopia. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190649890.003.0003.

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In this chapter, Greenwood looks afresh at the genealogy of utopias and utopianism in Classical Greek political thought (traditionally seen as originating with Plato’s Republic). She identifies Thucydides’ Pericles as a utopian political thinker who offers a version of the imperial democratic polis as utopia and suggests that Pericles’ utopian vision was a provocation for Plato’s utopian thought. Greenwood argues that to conceive of Pericles as a utopian thinker is not to make his funeral oration—a vital text for Athenian civic ideology—less accessible for the history of Athenian democracy. Instead, invoking Antonio Gramsci’s notes on “indirect sources for the history of subaltern social groups” in Notebook 25, she entertains the idea that Periclean utopianism articulates the aspirations of the Athenian demos—with the ugly irony (seldom absent from utopias) that these aspirations depended on making other classes of people subaltern to their desires.

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14

González, Gabriela. “La Idea Mueve” (The Idea Moves Us). Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199914142.003.0008.

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The concluding chapter explains how race had served defenders of slavery by providing them with an excuse to hold men and women in bondage. For their inhumane treatment of Africans during the Age of Enlightenment to be justified, their humanity needed to be ideologically stripped away—scientific racism served that purpose. Racist theories also kept other groups in subaltern positions. Mexicans with mestizo, mulatto, and Indian genealogies experienced racialization in the United States. Simply put, Americans, proud of their liberal political heritage and their democratic institutions, needed to see oppressed groups as somehow sub-human in order to reconcile their political beliefs with the nation’s less than egalitarian realities. It is for this reason that the politics of redemption practiced by Mexican immigrant and Mexican American activists merits attention.

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15

Banerjee, Arindam. Agrarian Crisis and Accumulation in Rural India. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792444.003.0005.

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This chapter focuses on the contentious issue of state-led land transfers and the role of law in mediating between corporate interests and the demands of groups dispossessed by “forcible” land acquisitions. Arguing, with Gramsci, that an important function of law-making is to participate in the organization of consent, the authors suggest that law-making in the context of land transfers in India aims to arrive at compromise equilibria between the interests of dominant and subaltern groups. From this position, the chapter scrutinizes the dialectic between grassroots-based “law-struggles” against dispossession and government law-making regulating land transfers, which eventually gave rise to the new Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement (LARR) Bill. While the authors acknowledge the progressive measures contained in the act, they also suggest that it may nonetheless, in the long run, facilitate the process of neoliberal social and economic restructuring in India.

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16

Hutchinson, Mark P. Glocalized and Indigenized Theologies in the Twentieth Century. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198702252.003.0009.

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This chapter points at the relocation of theology through the twentieth century out of universities and ‘public thought’ towards privatized and ‘dissenting’ spaces. These include anti-colonialist and proto-nationalist movements in East Africa, India, and Korea, whereby religion became one means by which subaltern groups maintained their identity over and against a ruling class. In other settings, such as in post-war Minjung theology in Korea, indigenized theology became a means of re-wiring the political discourse as the new nation emerged from war into settings requiring rapid industrialization and modernization. Such popular mobilizations from below are compared to elite, institutional attempts at change from above, and are analysed using the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu to tease out those factors which contribute to success in spreading out of the cultures and ‘moments’ of primary indigenization.

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17

Schwartz, Stuart B. The Historiography of Early Modern Brazil. Edited by Jose C. Moya. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195166217.013.0004.

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Scholarship on the early modern era in Brazil has been booming since the 1980s. This trend has been influenced theoretically by developments in the social sciences and by the cultural turn in history, by new information technologies of digitalization and the Internet, and by a series of centenaries that have generated institutional support for publications, conferences, and research. This article identifies a number of major themes and questions that have organized much of this historical production, notes the major writings that have moved the field in new directions, and discusses the shifts in emphasis in historical inquiry by concentrating on some of the works that have been seminal in the study of colonial Brazil. Five themes or trends are highlighted: the social history of the major groups within the colony (merchants, cane farmers and sugar barons, slaves, and the free population of color); a complementary cultural approach that has added attention to issues such as private life, public rituals, and subaltern agency; Afro-Brazilian life and culture; a surprisingly rich literature on the indigenous population; and studies of colonial governance.

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18

Heath, Deana. Colonial Terror. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192893932.001.0001.

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Focusing on India between the early nineteenth century and the First World War, Colonial Terror explores the centrality of the torture of Indian bodies to the law-preserving violence of colonial rule—of some of the ways in which, in other words, extraordinary violence was embedded in the ordinary operation of colonial states. Although enacted largely by Indians on Indian bodies, particularly by subaltern members of the police, the book argues that torture was facilitated, systematized, and ultimately sanctioned by first the East India Company and then the Raj because it benefitted the colonial regime, since rendering the police a source of terror played a key role in the construction and maintenance of state sovereignty. Drawing upon the work of both Giorgio Agamben and Michel Foucault, Colonial Terror contends, furthermore, that it is only possible to understand the terrorizing nature of the colonial police in India by viewing colonial India as a ‘regime of exception’ in which two different forms, or levels, of exceptionality were in operation, one wrought through the exclusion of particular groups or segments of the Indian population from the law and the other by ‘petty sovereigns’ in their enactment of illegal violence in the operation of the law. It was in such fertile ground, in which colonial subjects were both included within the domain of colonial law while also being abandoned by it, that torture was able to flourish.

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19

Rocklin, Alexander. The Regulation of Religion and the Making of Hinduism in Colonial Trinidad. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469648712.001.0001.

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How can religious freedom be granted to people who do not have a religion? While Indian indentured workers in colonial Trinidad practiced cherished rituals, "Hinduism" was not a widespread category in India at the time. On this Caribbean island, people of South Asian descent and African descent came together-under the watchful eyes of the British rulers-to walk on hot coals for fierce goddesses, summon spirits of the dead, or honor Muslim martyrs, practices that challenged colonial norms for religion and race. Drawing deeply on colonial archives, Alexander Rocklin examines the role of the category of religion in the regulation of the lives of Indian laborers struggling for autonomy. Gradually, Indians learned to narrate the origins, similarities, and differences among their fellows' cosmological views, and to define Hindus, Muslims, and Christians as distinct groups. Their goal in doing this work of subaltern comparative religion, as Rocklin puts it, was to avoid criminalization and to have their rituals authorized as legitimate religion-they wanted nothing less than to gain access to the British promise of religious freedom. With the indenture system's end, the culmination of this politics of recognition was the gradual transformation of Hindus' rituals and the reorganization of their lives-they fabricated a "world religion" called Hinduism.

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20

Fracchia, Carmen. 'Black but Human'. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198767978.001.0001.

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The African presence in imperial Spain, of between 10-15 per cent of the population, was due to the institutionalization of the transatlantic slave trade that brought between seven- to eight hundred thousand Africans as slaves to Spain and Portugal. If we add those slaves born in these European territories and the three to four hundred thousand Moor, Berber and Turk slaves, there were approximately two million slaves living in the Iberian Peninsula during this period. The Afro-Hispanic proverb ‘Black but Human’ that provides part of the book’s title, serves as a lens through which to explore the ways in which certain visual representations of slavery both embody and reproduce hegemonic visions of subaltern groups, and at the same time provide material for critical and emancipatory practices by Afro-Hispanic slaves and ex-slaves themselves. It thus allows us to generate critical insights into the articulations of slave subjectivity by exploring the links between visual regimes and the early modern Spanish and New World discourses on slavery and human diversity. My book provides a complex new reading of neglected moments of artistic production in Hapsburg Spain establishing their importance as relays of power and resistance. We could claim that the ‘Black but Human’ topos encodes the multilayered processes through which a black emancipatory subject emerges and a ‘black nation’ forges a collective resistance, and the ways in which these moments are articulated visually by a range of artists. Thus, this proverb is the main thread of the six chapters of this book.

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21

Labrador, Roderick N. “The Center is not just for Filipinos, but for all of Hawai‘i nei”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038808.003.0005.

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This chapter argues that the Filipino Community Center represents a “class project” that not only reveals a repertoire of Filipino identities but also an active confrontation with the group's ethnoracially assigned identity and its political, economic, and social consequences. It analyzes the grand opening ceremonies of the Filipino Community Center and suggests that as a middle class project (with the Filipino Chamber of Commerce a central stakeholder), it emphasizes self-help entrepreneurship and the elevation of business-related “ethnic heroes” as part of the never-ending pursuit of the “American Dream” in a “Land of Immigrants.” The chapter investigates several interrelated issues, namely how those in the middle class shape subjectivity in a community that has been defined and defined itself as impoverished and subaltern, and the various ways Filipinos think about and perform class (via the images, symbols, and ideologies they use) to construct competing visions of “Filipino.”

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22

Holcomb, Lawrence E. Black and Crazy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190458997.003.0004.

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The lawless, antinomian black male is an image cultivated in North American media since the last quarter of the nineteenth century. This version of the “bad guy” black man represents a response to the futility of black male achievement of dominant white social norms. By focusing on the aftershocks of the Black Codes, this chapter shows how particular social circumstances were ripe for the production of anti-heroes. Incapable of appealing to societal institutions, black male attempts to protect his person, his family, or his property against violation could result in his death. In a world where the established laws were rigged against them, this particular subaltern group began to revere the lawless. Faced with the impossibility of normative achievement, some African American men fulfilled the “black” stereotype prescribed by white culture. In doing so, the men became “crazy” in both a psychological and sociological sense.

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