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Journal articles on the topic 'Subaltern groups'

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1

Jagadale, Sujit Raghunathrao, Djavlonbek Kadirov, and Debojyoti Chakraborty. "Tackling the Subaltern Quandary." Journal of Macromarketing 38, no. 1 (2017): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0276146717740680.

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The subaltern quandary refers to the failure of a fast-growing economy to improve the abysmal living conditions of marginalized groups. To gain a better insight into this issue, we investigate the subaltern group’s experiences of marketing systems in the context of neo-liberal reforms in rural India. The qualitative analysis of subaltern narratives shows that subaltern experiences are shaped by marketization processes that imbue market relations with new stylized meanings of dignity. Despite these meanings perpetuating limited and distorted constructions, subalterns use them, exemplified in th
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Fauzana, Dina. "Forms of Discrimination on Subalternity Group in Navis’s Saraswati : Si Gadis Dalam Sunyi Shortstory." Journal Polingua : Scientific Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Education 9, no. 2 (2020): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.30630/polingua.v9i2.146.

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This research is motivated by the colonial problem in the archipelago which still leaves a trail of oppression as well as the struggle of the natives to escape the impact of this ideology. The colonial trail that still lags behind creates an indigenous group that becomes a subaltern - an isolated, oppressed, and exiled group. In the postal colonial subaltern theory Gayatri Spivax stated that among the groups that were the most victims of colonialism were the subalterns. Relevant to the problem, this study aims to describe the forms of discrimination against subaltern groups, especially women w
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Lavanya, A., and M. R. Rashila. "Subalterns’ oppression in the Post Colonial Society of Aravind Adiga and Bina Shah." Shanlax International Journal of English 8, no. 3 (2020): 71–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/english.v8i3.3164.

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The term ‘subaltern’ identifies and illustrates the man, the woman, and the public who is socially, politically, and purely outside of the hegemonic power organization. Nowadays, Subaltern concern has become so outstanding that it recurrently used in diverse disciplines such as history, psychology, sociology, anthropology, and literature. The notion of subaltern holds the groups that are marginalized, subjugated, and exploited based on social, cultural, spiritual, and biased grounds. The main purpose of this paper is to expose various themes such as oppression, marginalization, the subjugation
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Galastri, Leandro. "Social classes and subaltern groups: Theoretical distinction and political application." Capital & Class 42, no. 1 (2017): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816817692122.

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The purpose of this article is to draw a theoretical distinction between the notions of ‘social classes’ and ‘subaltern groups’ as defined in The Prison Notebooks by Antonio Gramsci. This distinction will involve a brief discussion about the notions of ‘social classes’ evolved by other key authors in the area, apart from Gramsci himself, such as Marx, D. Bensaïd, E. P. Thompson and N. Poulantzas, who, on this question, have close affinities with the ideas of Gramsci. Finally, I seek to make suggestions about how this distinction can be applied, together with some critical observations on ‘Suba
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Oommen, T. K. "On the Structure of Subalternity and the Process of Subalternisation in India." Social Change 47, no. 3 (2017): 426–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085717712855.

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The concept of subalternity, originally formulated by the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, was amplified by a few Indian historians by juxtaposing the elitist nationalist historiography with subaltern historiography providing a bottom-up perspective. 1 This paper attempts to identify the structure of subaltern deprivations with special reference to India. The main sources of subalternisation in India are as follows: treating some groups/communities as outsiders to the polity (externalisation); assigning groups to the lowest rung of the social ladder (hierarchisation); denial of identity to so
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Webber, Sabra J. "Middle East Studies & Subaltern Studies." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 31, no. 1 (1997): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400034830.

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Despite the physical proximity of the birthplace of Subaltern Studies, South Asia, to the Middle East and despite the convergent, colliding histories of these two regions, scholars of the Middle East attend very little to the Subaltern Studies project or to the work of Subaltern Studies groups. Although certain stances of Fanon and Said, with their focus on cultural strategies of domination and resistance, have a currency in Middle Eastern studies, no literary theorist, folklorist, anthropologist, political scientist or historian in the field of Middle Eastern Studies, so far as I am aware, ex
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Ciavolella, Riccardo. "Gramsci in and beyond resistances." Focaal 2018, no. 82 (2018): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2018.820104.

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Stemming from a Gramscian approach, this article engages with the anthropological debate about subaltern groups’ forms of resistance by using the case of marginalized Fulani groups of pastoral and nomadic origins in northwest Benin. Their experiences seemingly confirm contemporary theories on resistance, which emphasize subaltern people’s capacities to tactically circumvent exploitation and exclusion and to handle contradictions between different “moral economies.” Nevertheless, one should question the impact of small-scale reactions that remain on the infrapolitical level and the emancipatory
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Ramli, Abdul Jalil, and Sohaimi Abdul Aziz. "Nyai in Partriarchal and Colonial Society: A Subaltern Study of Nyai Ontosoroh in Pramoedya Ananta Toer's Bumi Manusia." Malay Literature 26, no. 2 (2013): 185–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/ml.26(2)no4.

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The practice of nyai began in Indonesia in the 17th century when the Dutch colonizers began strengthening their foothold there. A nyai is none other than a concubine or a mistress to a foreigner, especially a European. The nyai were a group of women who were exploited during the Dutch occupation. To what extent was a nyai merely a sexual object to colonizers, and is associated with the use of force which was prevalent in the patriarchal Javanese society? Did the nyai voice their rights? Did the authorities care about their hardship? This essay shall analyse these issues using the approach of G
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Place, Katie R., and Erica Ciszek. "Troubling Dialogue and Digital Media: A Subaltern Critique." Social Media + Society 7, no. 1 (2021): 205630512098444. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120984449.

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Over the past several decades, scholars have explored dialogue and digital media. While this scholarship has advanced strategic communication theory, it lacks a critical focus on how marginalized groups have been written out of these theories and practices. We bring a critical lens to dialogue, employing a subaltern critique to elevate the experiences and voices of members of an activist group working on behalf of low-income, minority women. Advancing theoretical and empirical work on dialogue and social media, our study approaches activist communication and dialogue through a co-optation orie
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Chandra, Kanchan, and Omar García-Ponce. "Why Ethnic Subaltern-Led Parties Crowd Out Armed Organizations: Explaining Maoist Violence in India." World Politics 71, no. 2 (2019): 367–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711800028x.

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AbstractThis article asks why some Indian districts experience chronic Maoist violence while others do not. The answer helps to explain India’s Maoist civil war, which is the product of the accumulation of violence in a few districts, as well as to generate a new hypothesis about the causes of civil war more generally. The authors argue that, other things equal, the emergence of subaltern-led parties at the critical juncture before armed organizations enter crowds them out: the stronger the presence of subaltern-led political parties in a district at this juncture, the lower the likelihood of
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11

Chalcraft, John. "Question: What Are the Fruitful New Directions in Subaltern Studies, and How Can Those Working in Middle East Studies Most Productively Engage With Them?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 3 (2008): 376–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080963.

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More than twenty-five years ago, a small group of South Asianists challenged the bourgeois-nationalist and colonialist historiography of Indian nationalism. Based mostly in India and critical of “economistic” Marxism, they aimed to recover the occluded histories of what Antonio Gramsci calls “subaltern social groups” and to put into question the relations of power, subordination, and “inferior rank” more generally. The influence of subaltern studies quickly became international, inspiring research projects in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Latin America, and the Middle East.
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Belchior, Ygor Klain. "Pode o subalterno falar? O lugar dos afro-brasileiros no Ensino de História." Revista Educação e Emancipação 13, no. 2 (2020): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2358-4319.v13n2p209-227.

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O racismo tornou-se tema recorrente no cenário político brasileiro. Evocado tanto por políticos e militantes da esquerda e da direita, visa, de um lado, a conscientização da população a respeito da violência contra os afro-brasileiros e, por outro, promover o ódio contra esses grupos. Este artigo tem como meta realizar um balanço historiográfico acerca da temática dos subalternos no Ensino de História. Junto a esse objetivo, demonstramos como uma perspectiva educacional democrática e antirracista é uma poderosa ferramenta para dar voz aos indivíduos silenciados. A metodologia constou do balanç
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Low, U.-Wen. "Towards a Pentecostal, Postcolonial Reading of the New Testament." Journal of Pentecostal Theology 29, no. 2 (2020): 229–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455251-02902004.

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Abstract Although both Pentecostalism and postcolonial thought seem to stand poles apart, they have a remarkable amount in common. Early Pentecostal revivals largely sprang from ‘subaltern groups’, people groups marginalized by colonial power and dominant groups. Bringing together Pentecostalism and postcolonial thought is a complex task, but one that promises to yield positive results. Exploring the text through the twin lenses of postcolonial thought and the distinctive Pentecostal emphasis on pneumatology results in a fresh hermeneutical perspective: that the Holy Spirit might be understood
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de Faria Filho, Luciano Mendes, and Marcus Vinícius Fonseca. "Political culture, schooling and subaltern groups in the Brazilian Empire (1822–1850)." Paedagogica Historica 46, no. 4 (2010): 525–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00309230.2010.500822.

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Silva, Hugo Fanton Ribeiro da. "The “Heliópolis Case” and the political urban dispute in Brazil." Revista de Administração Pública 52, no. 6 (2018): 1073–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220170138.

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Abstract This article uses a case study to analyze the actions of ruling classes and social movement organizations in urban politics. The study observes these groups’ disputes and interactions with the state, and how different strategies, actions, and political projects of the subaltern classes have influenced the orientation of urban development. In a broad time-scale approach, the article discusses relations of hegemony, the process of institutionalization of movements, disputes in society and within the state, and the heterogeneity of the political projects that guide the subaltern classes.
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Green, Marcus, and Peter Ives. "Subalternity and Language: Overcoming the Fragmentation of Common Sense." Historical Materialism 17, no. 1 (2009): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920609x399191.

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AbstractThe topics of language and subaltern social groups appear throughout Antonio Gramsci's Prison Notebooks. Although Gramsci often associates the problem of political fragmentation among subaltern groups with issues concerning language and common sense, there are only a few notes where he explicitly connects his overlapping analyses of language and subalternity. We build on the few places in the literature on Gramsci that focus on how he relates common sense to the questions of language or subalternity. By explicitly tracing out these relations, we hope to bring into relief the direct con
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Hurd, Madeleine. "Class, Masculinity, Manners, and Mores." Social Science History 24, no. 1 (2000): 75–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010087.

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The politics of public space are often conceptualized in terms of social geography. Scholars have shown how the crowd’s invasion of municipal spaces, the transgression of local ethnic boundaries, or the rituals of particular street festivals have structured political protest. Public space can also be discussed in more general terms. Space has always served as a means of pressuring state or local authority, an arena in which subaltern groups—women, workers, sansculottes— expressed and enforced their moral economies. By the nineteenth century, these immemorial uses of public space had undergone
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18

Dijkema, Claske. "“If You Can’t Hear Me, I Will Show You”: Insurgent Claims to Public Space in a Marginalized Social Housing Neighborhood in France." Space and Culture 22, no. 3 (2018): 250–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331218794607.

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This article is concerned with public space as a place of contestation, of confrontation, and insurgency. It situates these everyday forms of confrontation in France’s postcolonial history, arguing that the occupation of communal spaces by groups of youths should be understood as part of a larger conflict about the place that those called “of immigrant origin” can occupy in French society. The article seeks to explain why youths involved in the unsanctioned use of space rely on means that are widely interpreted as uncivil or violent in order to make themselves visible and to be heard. It argue
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Rajendran, Jayanthi. "Words Unspoken: A Testimonial Discourse of Bama’s Karukku: A Gratification of Self-reflection and Inner Strength of the Subaltern Women." Contemporary Voice of Dalit 12, no. 1 (2020): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455328x19898418.

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If untouchability lives, humanity must die. —M.K. Gandhi In this present and current global research scenario, the theme of subaltern has become a household word in regular usage and also in various disciplines other than literature. Literature, on the other hand, represents life in relation to social reality. The word ‘subaltern’ has its origin in the German word which means ‘inferior rank’ or ‘secondary importance’. Julian Wolfreys defines subaltern as a concept: ‘It contains the groups that are marginalized, oppressed and exploited on the cultural, political, social and religious grounds’.
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Roshni, Raghunandanan, and Dr Tessy Anthony C. "Anthropomorphic Insights: A study the subaltern hero with reference to Spirit: Stallion of the Cimarron." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 6, no. 10 (2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v6i10.5108.

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Animal characters have fascinated viewers as well as readers in animated as well non-animated films and in fiction. This unfading interest in animal characters have inspired writers and film makers to use anthropomorphism as a tool for breathing life into flora and fauna. One could observe that films and fiction which are anthropomorphic in nature focus on relations between humans and animals as well as between weaker and stronger animals. A hegemonic relationship could be seen emerging among the characters thus making these perfect for post-colonial study. In post-colonialism the element of t
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Elder, Glen, Jennifer Wolch, and Jody Emel. "Race, Place, and the Bounds of Humanity1." Society & Animals 6, no. 2 (1998): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853098x00140.

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AbstractThe idea of a human-animal divide as reflective of both differences in kind and in evolutionary progress, has retained its power to produce and maintain racial and other forms of cultural difference. During the colonial period, representations of similarity were used to link subaltern groups to animals and thereby racialize and dehumanize them. In the postcolonial present, however, animal practices of subdominant groups are typically used for this purpose. Using data on cultural conflicts surrounding animal practices collected from media sources, we show that such practices have become
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Ruud, Arild Engelsen. "The Indian Hierarchy: Culture, Ideology and Consciousness in Bengali Village Politics." Modern Asian Studies 33, no. 3 (1999): 689–732. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x9900342x.

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The Subaltern studies project has been a major contribution towards rethinking the role of groups such as peasants, lower castes, labourers or women in forming the course of Indian history. The project has also brought the issues of culture, ideology and consciousness to the forefront of Indian history writing. Although the importance of non-elite action on the historical developments of the Indian independence movement has already been noted by more mainstream historians, the concertedness of the project has created a whole new situation in which the subalternist perspective has become a new
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Dhakal, Bharat Raj. "Can the Gandharvas Speak?: A Study of Gandharva Songs." Prithvi Academic Journal 4 (May 12, 2021): 84–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/paj.v4i0.37017.

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In the social context of Nepal, Gandharvas are regarded as Dalits, the people who are suppressed and silenced by the society. Such subaltern groups are thought to have no voice. They are considered ‘muted’ or ‘inarticulate’ without any agency, consciousness and power of resistance. However, breaking such boundaries, the present research aims at exploring the voices of Gandharvas expressed through their folk songs, which express their real subaltern condition and a sense of dissatisfaction towards the mechanism of society constructed and controlled by the elites. For this, some of the represent
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Ponono, Mvuzo. "Considering the Marginalisation of Majority Groups: Injecting Subaltern Studies Insights into Normative Media Theory." Communicatio 45, no. 1 (2019): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02500167.2018.1557724.

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Espiritu, Augusto. "Inter-Imperial Relations, the Pacific, and Asian American History." Pacific Historical Review 83, no. 2 (2012): 238–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2014.83.2.238.

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Despite the turn toward diasporic, transnational, global, and comparative perspectives, this article argues that historians of Asian America have largely neglected and need to reflect upon inter-imperial relations—the relations of cooperation, competition, and conflict between empires, including subaltern attempts at creating spaces for maneuver and agency between them. With a focus on the development of the United States as an empire, this article identifies the key inter-imperial relations over time that have shaped the Asian American experience. An awareness of inter-imperial relations help
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Hill, Christopher V. "Philosophy and Reality in Riparian South Asia: British Famine Policy and Migration in Colonial North India." Modern Asian Studies 25, no. 2 (1991): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010672.

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The assumption of the passive peasant in Indian history has been existent at least since the time of Max Weber, and continues to return, phoenix-like in its appearance, every few decades. Its importance, however, lies in the responses the generality spawns. Morris D. Morris refuted Max Weber's thesis, detailed in The Religions of India, in 1967, while Barrington Moore, Jr.'s Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy was aptly rebutted by Kathleen Gough in 1974. Since then, the concept of the rational peasant, particularly during colonial times, has undergone a metamorphosis. Various modes o
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Silva, Kalinga Tudor. "Nationalism, Caste-blindness and the Continuing Problems of War-Displaced Panchamars in Post-war Jaffna Society." CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 1, no. 1 (2020): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v1i1.145.

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This article tries to unpack why subaltern caste groups in Jaffna society have failed to end their displacement and move out of the IDP camps many years after the end of war between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Using both quantitative and qualitative data from the affected communities the paper argues that the interplay among ethnicity, caste and social class and ethnic-biases and caste-blindness of state policies and Sinhala and Tamil politics largely informed by rival nationalist perspectives are among the underlying causes of the prolonged IDP
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BANDYOPADHYAY, RITAJYOTI. "Institutionalizing Informality: The hawkers’ question in post-colonial Calcutta." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 2 (2015): 675–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1400064x.

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AbstractThe history of mass political formation in post-colonial metropolitan India has generally been narrated through the optic of ‘competitive electoral mobilization’ of the ‘poor’. How then are we to explain cases of successful mobilization in the terrain of ‘political society’ when some population groups are yet to, or just beginning to, constitute themselves as ‘vote bank’ communities? This article invites us to look into the organizational dimensions of subaltern politics in contemporary urban India. It also prompts us to re-examine the relation between law and subaltern politics. In th
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Eppley, Karen, and Patrick Shannon. "Practice-Based Evidence." Literacy Research: Theory, Method, and Practice 66, no. 1 (2017): 389–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2381336917719685.

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We have two goals for this article: to question the efficacy of evidence-based practice as the foundation of reading education policy and to propose practice-based evidence as a viable, more socially just alternative. In order to reach these goals, we describe the limits of reading policies of the last half century and argue for the possibilities of policies aimed at more equitable distribution of academic literacies among all social groups, recognition of subaltern groups’ literacies, and representation of the local in regional and global decision making.
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Ratuva, Steven. "Social work in the Pacific: The humble and unrefined views of a non-social worker." Aotearoa New Zealand Social Work 30, no. 4 (2019): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.11157/anzswj-vol30iss4id605.

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I once worked in a university where sociology and social work were part of the same department, which I headed. I observed how social work, more than most “disciplines,” was readily responsive, quickly adaptive and empowering with the potential to be readapted and aligned to suit different socio-cultural contexts. From the vantage point of a non-social worker, this makes it resilient and relevant in a fast-changing world where conflict, wealth accumulation and the creation of expanding subaltern classes take place simultaneously. As peripheral “participants” in the process of corporate, techno
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Astren, Fred. "The Gibeonite Gambit." Journal of Medieval Worlds 1, no. 2 (2019): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jmw.2019.120002.

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Embedded in the literature of Muslims, Christians, and Jews are historicized narratives that purport to rationalize and contextualize the place of minority and sectarian groups in medieval Islamic society. Among these are those that, at first reading, tell the story of an intentional fictionalizing of history on the part of a minority group with the intent to deceive Muslim authorities and thereby gain advantage. A prototype for this narrative strategy is observed in the Book of Joshua, wherein the “pagan” Gibeonites employ a ruse to secure recognition and protection from the conquering monoth
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Dhakal, Sedunath. "Interface between Subalternity and Sexuality in Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things." KMC Research Journal 3, no. 3 (2019): 135–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/kmcrj.v3i3.35720.

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There is an interface between subalternity and sexuality in Arundhati Roy’s ‘The God of Small Things’. This article attempts to describe that sexuality has been stood as a form of protest and resistance against all forms of discrimination and prejudices against subaltern groups. The central characters of the novel, Velutha, and Ammu’s copulation with each other is implicitly an attempt to break the artificial and arbitrary walls constructed between the so called elite class and the subaltern groups. Thus, the sexuality can be discussed as a means of liberation from the chain of subalternity. H
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Gupte, Jaideep, and Syeda Jenifa Zahan. "Silent cities, silenced histories: subaltern experiences of everyday urban violence during COVID-19." Journal of the British Academy 9s3 (2021): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/jba/009s3.139.

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The public health containment measures in response to COVID-19 have precipitated a significant epistemic and ontological shift in �bottom-up� and �action-oriented� approaches in development studies research. �Lockdown� necessitates physical and social distancing between research subject and researcher, raising legitimate concerns around the extent to which �distanced� action-research can be inclusive and address citizens� lack of agency. Top-down regimes to control urban spaces through lockdown in India have not stemmed the experience of violence in public spaces: some have dramatically intens
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Acciari, Louisa. "Decolonising Labour, Reclaiming Subaltern Epistemologies: Brazilian Domestic Workers and the International Struggle for Labour Rights." Contexto Internacional 41, no. 1 (2019): 39–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2019410100003.

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Abstract This study explores the labour rights discourse produced by Brazilian domestic workers. It shows that the 2015 Brazilian legislation which extended labour rights to domestic workers was not simply a ‘boomerang effect’ of ILO Convention 189 on decent work for domestic workers, or a case of the ‘vernacularisation’ of global rights. Indeed, domestic workers have agitated for equal labour rights since 1936, and articulated the specific rights contained in the new legislation decades before their institutional recognition. Therefore, rather than being an instance of the translation of pre-
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Sum, Ngai-Ling. "A cultural political economy of crisis recovery: (trans-)national imaginaries of ‘BRIC’ and subaltern groups in China." Economy and Society 42, no. 4 (2013): 543–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085147.2012.760348.

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Gunew, Sneja. "Inflexões subalternas nos cosmopolitismos vernaculares." Aletria: Revista de Estudos de Literatura 19, no. 1 (2009): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2317-2096.19.1.21-42.

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Resumo: O conceito sobre o termo relativamentre novo, “cosmopolitismos vernaculares”, identifica as responsabilidades e os contextos globais ao mesmo tempo que reconhece que eles estão sempre enraizados e enredados em interesses locais, os quais incluem os grupos minoritários que competem dentro da nação. Este artigo examina o termo “europeu” com o objetivo de desnudar os debates revisionistas sobre o cosmopolitismo, especialmente em relação aos “cosmopolitismos vernaculares” que funcionam como uma maneira de incluir os “cosmopolitismos subalternos” por meio da desagregação do cosmopolitismo,
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Anagnostopoulos, Aris. "From ‘Tourkopolis’ to ‘Metropolis’: Transforming Urban Boundaries in Late Nineteenth-Century Iraklio (Candia), Crete." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 61, no. 4 (2018): 693–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341461.

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AbstractThis article examines the case of Iraklio, Crete, on its passage from the Ottoman regime to the Autonomous Cretan Polity in 1898, to interrogate current categories of ethnic boundaries used in historical and social research. It proposes an ‘archaeological’ method of investigating such boundaries in space. It conceives of the city as a field of interaction between the predominant religious groups of Muslim and Christian, and the way these groups have been represented in historical research and public memory. It also shows how understandings of ethnic boundaries were fashioned by colonia
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MacLeod, Alan. "Chavista ‘thugs’ vs. opposition ‘civil society’: western media on Venezuela." Race & Class 60, no. 4 (2019): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818823639.

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Since the election of Hugo Chavez in 1998, Venezuela has undergone a period of intense racial and class conflict, as a multiethnic subaltern coalition has begun to assert itself politically against a previously hegemonic and inordinately dominant white elite. Scholars have highlighted the local media’s racial and class snobbery when covering social movements and civil society, attempting to split the country into two groups: ‘underclass mobs’ and ‘respectable’ civil society. This article, which analyses media coverage at crucial points of conflict – 1998/9, 2002, 2013 and 2014 – finds that wes
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Dellios, Alexandra. "Migration Parks and Monuments to Multiculturalism." Public Historian 42, no. 2 (2020): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2020.42.2.7.

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In this article, I “read against the grain” of a monument to post-WWII immigration and migrant communities. I am concerned with how such monuments, locally situated, might be used in more progressive and transformative histories, ones that harbor the potential to challenge existing public and collective memories of postwar migration and multiculturalism that occur on a national stage and within the ambit of Australia’s heritage industry. This is a study in how discursively marginalized migrant groups, with subaltern narratives about mobility and settlement, claim space for alternative historie
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Velazco, Salvador. "(Des)colonialidad del poder en 13 pueblos en defensa del agua, el aire y la tierra." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 5, no. 9 (2018): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2017.249.

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This article analyzes Francesco Taboada’s 13 pueblos en defensa del agua, el aire y la tierra documentary (2008) from the perspective of the “coloniality of power.” This concept, in accordance with Walter Mignolo, refers to the subordination of the knowledge and culture of subaltern and excluded groups that is a feature of Western modernity. Taboada highlights the epic struggle of the 13 Villages in the State of Morelos Movement to defend not only natural resources (water, land, forests) but also the full rights of indigeous communities. This film is an obligatory reference for documenting ind
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Gusejnova, Dina. "Changes of status in states of political uncertainty: Towards a theory of derecognition." European Journal of Social Theory 22, no. 2 (2018): 272–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431018779265.

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This article critically examines existing versions of recognition theory in the light of several empirical case studies of twentieth-century political ruptures after the First World War. It notes that the prevalent theoretical focus on the enfranchisement of previously subaltern groups cannot account for the empirical significance of negative processes, such as the disenfranchisement of former elites and the decline of previously hegemonic values, which are typical for conditions of political uncertainty. To conceptualize such examples, an expansion of the existing vocabulary of recognition th
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Sandoval Forero, Eduardo Andrés, and José Javier Capera Figueroa. "Dilemmas and advances in post-conflict in Colombia: a look from the subaltern perspective of peace (s) in the territories." Telos Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinarios en Ciencias Sociales 22, no. 2 (2020): 387–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.36390/telos222.10.

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The emergence of building a popular culture, based on the ethical-political imperative that links the demands, needs and struggles of those below, constitutes an aspect that configures the dynamics of re-existence of social groups in their different realities. On reflection of this is the peace process signed between the Farc-Ep guerrilla group / party and the Colombian government. Thus, the objective of the following article is to conduct a theoretical-conceptual discussion about the dilemmas and advances that coexist in the Colombian post-conflict, from a subaltern perspective of peace (ces)
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Susser, Ida. "Commentary." Focaal 2019, no. 83 (2019): 62–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2019.830106.

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This afterword discusses the analysis of “austerity” and globalization and the possible parallels between a history of structural adjustment policies in the Global South combined with further cuts in social funding of recent years with the experience of “austerity” in Europe following the 2008 economic crisis. Questions with respect to the ways in which uneven development and the history of colonialism might complicate the experience in the Global South despite parallel governing strategies are raised. In addition, I suggest the consideration of scale in terms of the implementation of global v
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Nilsen, Alf Gunvald. "India’s Turn to Rights-Based Legislation (2004–2014): A Critical Review of the Literature." Social Change 48, no. 4 (2018): 653–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085718800861.

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This article surveys the academic literature on rights-based legislation and critically discusses key findings and arguments that emerge from this literature. I conduct this survey and discussion in light of a wider understanding of the political economy of Indian democracy as resilient but limited in terms of substantial forms of redistribution and recognition in favour of subaltern groups. This contradiction has arguably become especially pronounced in the context of neoliberalisation, where, despite the active participation of the poor in electoral democracy, socioeconomic inequality has re
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Luebke, David M. "Symbols, Serfdom, and Peasant Factions: A Response to Hermann Rebel." Central European History 34, no. 3 (2001): 357–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691610152959163.

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The main fault that Hermann Rebel finds with the practitioners of “symbolic actionism” is a tendency to naturalize systems of power and cultural domination and to treat subaltern groups as if they were unable to examine their position in them critically. This tendency in turn causes symbolic actionists to misrecognize self-interested maneuvers within existing systems of domination as counterhegemonic symbolic manipulations. The overall effect of symbolic-actionist analysis, therefore, is to “downplay the degradation and terror experienced by victims of exploitation and persecution.” Rebel's vi
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Harris, Keith. "‘Roots’?: the relationship between the global and the local within the Extreme Metal scene." Popular Music 19, no. 1 (2000): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000000052.

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Music's ‘malleability’ (Taylor 1997) has always facilitated its export and import from one location to another. Indeed, such processes are central to the creation and dissemination of new musical forms. Yet in our contemporary globalised world, such processes occur ever more extensively and rapidly giving rise to new forms of appropriation and syncretism. Record companies from the developed world find new audiences in the developing world (Laing 1986). Musicians from the West appropriate non-Western music, sometimes collaboratively (Feld 1994; Taylor 1997). Non-Western musicians and musicians
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Kalashnikov, Antony. "A Contribution to Rupert Taylor’s Critique of Consociationalism in Northern Ireland." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 3, no. 1 (2013): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora19040.

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Political scientists John McGarry and Brendan O’Leary’s liberal consociational model argues that a power-sharing political settlement can be effective in resolving ethnic conflict. Political scientist Rupert Taylor, by contrast, argues against McGarry and O’Leary’s model, claiming that the liberal consociational arrangement does not address the underlying sectarianism which binds ethnic communities into two reified groups, reinforcing the subordination both between and within them. Specifically in terms of Northern Ireland, Taylor cites socio-economic deprivation as an instance of sectarianism
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Ruiz, Stevie, and Long Bui. "Unearthing Racial Histories of Sexology in the Global South." Ethnic Studies Review 43, no. 1 (2020): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2020.43.1.96.

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Race, war, and geography remain unmarked domains within the historiography of sexuality. This article analyzes the work of Joseph M. Carrier, a seminal figure who helped develop the study of homosexuality. In this article, we examine the ways Carrier incorporated studies of various populations from the Global South, from Vietnamese refugees to Mexican MSM (men who have sex with men). In his attempt to collect knowledge about subaltern groups—first as a RAND Corporation researcher and later as an anthropologist and epidemiologist—Carrier shows us that the genealogy of homosexuality studies is n
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Savage, Roger W. H. "Fragile Identities, Capable Selves." Études Ricoeuriennes / Ricoeur Studies 4, no. 2 (2014): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/errs.2013.196.

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The spotlight that Martha Nussbaum turns on the plight of women in developing nations brings the disproportion between human capabilities and the opportunities to exercise them sharply into focus. Social prejudices, economic discrimination, and deep-seated traditions and attitudes all harbor the seeds of systemic injustices within governing policies and institutions. The refusal on the part of a dominant class to recognize the rights and claims of subaltern individuals and groups has both symbolic and material consequences. The power that one group exercises over another brings the refusal to
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Maskovsky, Jeff. "Anti-social security." Focaal 2019, no. 84 (2019): 120–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2019.840110.

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Gavin Smith’s (2014) Intellectuals and (Counter-) Politics is a tour de force. It calls for anthropology to attend more carefully to the history of moves by the dominant capitalist blocs to enhance the conditions for their own reproduction and to the ways in which different subordinated and subaltern groups respond to these moves. This is, of course, a well-established line of inquiry. Yet, in Intellectuals, Smith breathes new life into an intellectual project that has been sidelined in recent years, as other preoccupations take hold in the discipline of anthropology and beyond. Smith rethinks
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