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Journal articles on the topic 'Subaltern groups'
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Jagadale, Sujit Raghunathrao, Djavlonbek Kadirov, and Debojyoti Chakraborty. "Tackling the Subaltern Quandary." Journal of Macromarketing 38, no. 1 (December 3, 2017): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0276146717740680.
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The subaltern quandary refers to the failure of a fast-growing economy to improve the abysmal living conditions of marginalized groups. To gain a better insight into this issue, we investigate the subaltern group’s experiences of marketing systems in the context of neo-liberal reforms in rural India. The qualitative analysis of subaltern narratives shows that subaltern experiences are shaped by marketization processes that imbue market relations with new stylized meanings of dignity. Despite these meanings perpetuating limited and distorted constructions, subalterns use them, exemplified in their attempts to minimize their perceived dissimilarity to other marketing system actors, in order to gain access to predominant, albeit flawed, marketing systems. Thus, the status quo is rarely challenged. This research suggests that the subaltern quandary can only be resolved when market development initiatives take human worth as a main goal, while subalterns are empowered with market system creation, design and governance capabilities.
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Fauzana, Dina. "Forms of Discrimination on Subalternity Group in Navis’s Saraswati : Si Gadis Dalam Sunyi Shortstory." Journal Polingua : Scientific Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Education 9, no. 2 (October 30, 2020): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.30630/polingua.v9i2.146.
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This research is motivated by the colonial problem in the archipelago which still leaves a trail of oppression as well as the struggle of the natives to escape the impact of this ideology. The colonial trail that still lags behind creates an indigenous group that becomes a subaltern - an isolated, oppressed, and exiled group. In the postal colonial subaltern theory Gayatri Spivax stated that among the groups that were the most victims of colonialism were the subalterns. Relevant to the problem, this study aims to describe the forms of discrimination against subaltern groups, especially women who become subaltern groups, against colonial ideology. Data obtained from Saraswati : Gadis dalam Sunyi shortstory by A. A Navis that is analyzed qualitatively. Based on research data sources namely Saraswati : Gadis dalam Sunyi shortstory by A. A Navis. The results of this study indicate that the figure Saraswati became subaltern because she is marginalized, economically impoverished, labeled, and sexually abused.
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Lavanya, A., and M. R. Rashila. "Subalterns’ oppression in the Post Colonial Society of Aravind Adiga and Bina Shah." Shanlax International Journal of English 8, no. 3 (June 2, 2020): 71–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/english.v8i3.3164.
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The term ‘subaltern’ identifies and illustrates the man, the woman, and the public who is socially, politically, and purely outside of the hegemonic power organization. Nowadays, Subaltern concern has become so outstanding that it recurrently used in diverse disciplines such as history, psychology, sociology, anthropology, and literature. The notion of subaltern holds the groups that are marginalized, subjugated, and exploited based on social, cultural, spiritual, and biased grounds. The main purpose of this paper is to expose various themes such as oppression, marginalization, the subjugation of inferior people and working classes, gender discrimination, unnoticed women, deprived classes, racial and caste discrimination, etc. It is one of the subdivisions of post colonialism. In this paper, Aravind Adiga and Bina Shah illustrate subalterns through The White Tiger and Slum Child.
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Galastri, Leandro. "Social classes and subaltern groups: Theoretical distinction and political application." Capital & Class 42, no. 1 (February 14, 2017): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816817692122.
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The purpose of this article is to draw a theoretical distinction between the notions of ‘social classes’ and ‘subaltern groups’ as defined in The Prison Notebooks by Antonio Gramsci. This distinction will involve a brief discussion about the notions of ‘social classes’ evolved by other key authors in the area, apart from Gramsci himself, such as Marx, D. Bensaïd, E. P. Thompson and N. Poulantzas, who, on this question, have close affinities with the ideas of Gramsci. Finally, I seek to make suggestions about how this distinction can be applied, together with some critical observations on ‘Subaltern Studies’ and some final considerations with regard to this article as a whole.
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Oommen, T. K. "On the Structure of Subalternity and the Process of Subalternisation in India." Social Change 47, no. 3 (September 2017): 426–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085717712855.
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The concept of subalternity, originally formulated by the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, was amplified by a few Indian historians by juxtaposing the elitist nationalist historiography with subaltern historiography providing a bottom-up perspective. 1 This paper attempts to identify the structure of subaltern deprivations with special reference to India. The main sources of subalternisation in India are as follows: treating some groups/communities as outsiders to the polity (externalisation); assigning groups to the lowest rung of the social ladder (hierarchisation); denial of identity to some groups through a process of absorption (expansionism of the hegemonic group) and lastly, application of traditional norms of society to keep women in subordination (patriarchy). The groups/communities subjected to the process of subalternisation in contemporary India are dalits, adivasis, religious and linguistic minorities and women. Admittedly, the phenomenon of intersectionality creates a hierarchy among subaltern groups—some are cumulatively oppressed, based on several factors, while the oppression of others is anchored in one or two factors only.
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Webber, Sabra J. "Middle East Studies & Subaltern Studies." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 31, no. 1 (July 1997): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400034830.
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Despite the physical proximity of the birthplace of Subaltern Studies, South Asia, to the Middle East and despite the convergent, colliding histories of these two regions, scholars of the Middle East attend very little to the Subaltern Studies project or to the work of Subaltern Studies groups. Although certain stances of Fanon and Said, with their focus on cultural strategies of domination and resistance, have a currency in Middle Eastern studies, no literary theorist, folklorist, anthropologist, political scientist or historian in the field of Middle Eastern Studies, so far as I am aware, explicitly draws upon Subaltern Studies with any consistency as an organizing principle for his or her studies. It is the Latin Americanists (and to a lesser degree Africanists) who have been most eager to build on South Asian Subaltern Studies to respond to Latin American (or subsanaran African) circumstances. Perhaps it is time to take a closer look at what Subaltern Studies might contribute to Middle Eastern studies if we were to make a sustained effort to apply and critique that body of literature.
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Ciavolella, Riccardo. "Gramsci in and beyond resistances." Focaal 2018, no. 82 (December 1, 2018): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2018.820104.
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Stemming from a Gramscian approach, this article engages with the anthropological debate about subaltern groups’ forms of resistance by using the case of marginalized Fulani groups of pastoral and nomadic origins in northwest Benin. Their experiences seemingly confirm contemporary theories on resistance, which emphasize subaltern people’s capacities to tactically circumvent exploitation and exclusion and to handle contradictions between different “moral economies.” Nevertheless, one should question the impact of small-scale reactions that remain on the infrapolitical level and the emancipatory role that political theories give to tactical forms of resistance of dispersed subjectivities while refusing collective strategies. Grounding Gramscian theories in ethnography, this article wonders about the possibilities and limits of margins to turn into the scene of an “autonomous political initiative” of a subaltern group.
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Ramli, Abdul Jalil, and Sohaimi Abdul Aziz. "Nyai in Partriarchal and Colonial Society: A Subaltern Study of Nyai Ontosoroh in Pramoedya Ananta Toer's Bumi Manusia." Malay Literature 26, no. 2 (December 8, 2013): 185–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/ml.26(2)no4.
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The practice of nyai began in Indonesia in the 17th century when the Dutch colonizers began strengthening their foothold there. A nyai is none other than a concubine or a mistress to a foreigner, especially a European. The nyai were a group of women who were exploited during the Dutch occupation. To what extent was a nyai merely a sexual object to colonizers, and is associated with the use of force which was prevalent in the patriarchal Javanese society? Did the nyai voice their rights? Did the authorities care about their hardship? This essay shall analyse these issues using the approach of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s subaltern studies, which puts foward the concept of subaltern women as oppressed women without a voice. Although others could voice the problems on their behalf, this is not the voice of subaltern women themselves as the party that voices out their problems may have other interests. This analysis is of subaltern women in Pramoedya Ananta Toer’s novel This Earth of Mankind ( Bumi Manusia ). This study confirms that Nyai Ontosoroh is a subaltern woman in two types of society, i.e. patriarchal and colonial society. She is manipulated for the interests of men and for colonizers. Nyai Ontosoroh can be taken to be an example of the exploitation of women in a patriarchal society. Nyai Ontosoroh herself attempts to voice out her rights as a daughter and a mother. Patriarchal and colonial groups continually deny subaltern women like Nyai Ontosoroh their rights. Keywords: subaltern women, patriarchy, nyai , colonialism
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Place, Katie R., and Erica Ciszek. "Troubling Dialogue and Digital Media: A Subaltern Critique." Social Media + Society 7, no. 1 (January 2021): 205630512098444. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120984449.
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Over the past several decades, scholars have explored dialogue and digital media. While this scholarship has advanced strategic communication theory, it lacks a critical focus on how marginalized groups have been written out of these theories and practices. We bring a critical lens to dialogue, employing a subaltern critique to elevate the experiences and voices of members of an activist group working on behalf of low-income, minority women. Advancing theoretical and empirical work on dialogue and social media, our study approaches activist communication and dialogue through a co-optation orientation, to consider how advocacy groups are co-opted or erased through dialogic methods entailed in dominant discourses and how these groups exert agency and resistance. While social media may not always help activists penetrate the walls upheld by powerful social actors, they offer connective and transformative possibilities.
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Chandra, Kanchan, and Omar García-Ponce. "Why Ethnic Subaltern-Led Parties Crowd Out Armed Organizations: Explaining Maoist Violence in India." World Politics 71, no. 2 (March 11, 2019): 367–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711800028x.
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AbstractThis article asks why some Indian districts experience chronic Maoist violence while others do not. The answer helps to explain India’s Maoist civil war, which is the product of the accumulation of violence in a few districts, as well as to generate a new hypothesis about the causes of civil war more generally. The authors argue that, other things equal, the emergence of subaltern-led parties at the critical juncture before armed organizations enter crowds them out: the stronger the presence of subaltern-led political parties in a district at this juncture, the lower the likelihood of experiencing chronic armed violence subsequently. They develop their argument through field research and test its main prediction using an original, district-level data set on subaltern incorporation and Maoist violence in India between 1967 and 2008. The article contributes a new, party-based explanation to the literatures on both civil war and Maoist violence in India. It also introduces new district-level data on the Maoist movement and on the incorporation of subaltern ethnic groups by political parties in India.
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Chalcraft, John. "Question: What Are the Fruitful New Directions in Subaltern Studies, and How Can Those Working in Middle East Studies Most Productively Engage With Them?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 3 (August 2008): 376–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080963.
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More than twenty-five years ago, a small group of South Asianists challenged the bourgeois-nationalist and colonialist historiography of Indian nationalism. Based mostly in India and critical of “economistic” Marxism, they aimed to recover the occluded histories of what Antonio Gramsci calls “subaltern social groups” and to put into question the relations of power, subordination, and “inferior rank” more generally. The influence of subaltern studies quickly became international, inspiring research projects in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Latin America, and the Middle East.
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Belchior, Ygor Klain. "Pode o subalterno falar? O lugar dos afro-brasileiros no Ensino de História." Revista Educação e Emancipação 13, no. 2 (August 30, 2020): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2358-4319.v13n2p209-227.
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O racismo tornou-se tema recorrente no cenário político brasileiro. Evocado tanto por políticos e militantes da esquerda e da direita, visa, de um lado, a conscientização da população a respeito da violência contra os afro-brasileiros e, por outro, promover o ódio contra esses grupos. Este artigo tem como meta realizar um balanço historiográfico acerca da temática dos subalternos no Ensino de História. Junto a esse objetivo, demonstramos como uma perspectiva educacional democrática e antirracista é uma poderosa ferramenta para dar voz aos indivíduos silenciados. A metodologia constou do balanço historiográfico sobre o local dos subalternos e dos silenciados no Ensino de História, junto às novas perspectivas da História da Historiografia – a de uma história dos subalternos – fruto das exigências dos movimentos sociais. Ao final, uma observação para o futuro: a perspectiva democrática do Ensino de História está em risco devido ao “Novo Ensino Médio”.Palavras-chave: Subalternos. Ensino de História. Políticas educacionais. História.Can the subaltern speak? The place of afro-Brazilians in history teachingABSTRACTRacism has become a recurring theme in the Brazilian political scene. Evoked by both left and right politicians and activists, it aims, on the one hand, to raise public awareness about the violence against Afro-Brazilians and, on the other, to promote hatred against these groups. This article aims to promote a historiographical debate about the subalterns in History Teaching. Along with this objective, we demonstrate how a democratic and anti-racist educational perspective is a powerful tool to give voice to silenced individuals. Our methodology consisted of the historiographic balance about the place of the subordinates and those silenced in History Teaching, together with the new perspectives of the History of Historiography - that of a history of the subordinates - as a result of the demands of social movements. In the end, an observation for the future: the democratic perspective of History Teaching is at risk due to the “Novo Ensino Médio”.Keywords: Subalterns. History Teaching. Educational policies. History.¿Puede el subalterno hablar? El lugar de los afrobrasileños en la enseñanza de historiaRESUMENEl racismo se ha convertido en un tema recurrente en la escena política brasileña. Evocado por políticos y activistas de izquierda y derecha, su objetivo es, por un lado, aumentar la conciencia pública sobre la violencia contra los afrobrasileños y, por otro, promover el odio contra estos grupos. Este artículo tiene como objetivo llevar a cabo una evaluación historiográfica del tema de los subalternos en la enseñanza de la historia. Junto con este objetivo, demostramos cómo una perspectiva educativa democrática y antirracista es una herramienta poderosa para dar voz a las personas silenciadas. Nuestra metodología consistió en el equilibrio historiográfico sobre la ubicación de los subordinados y los silenciados en la Enseñanza de la Historia, junto con las nuevas perspectivas de la Historia de la Historiografía, la de la historia de los subordinados, como resultado de las demandas de los movimientos sociales. Al final, una observación para el futuro: la perspectiva democrática de la enseñanza de la historia está en riesgo debido a la "Novo Ensino Médio".Palabras clave: Subalternos. Enseñanza De Historia. Políticas educativas. Historia.
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Low, U.-Wen. "Towards a Pentecostal, Postcolonial Reading of the New Testament." Journal of Pentecostal Theology 29, no. 2 (September 21, 2020): 229–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455251-02902004.
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Abstract Although both Pentecostalism and postcolonial thought seem to stand poles apart, they have a remarkable amount in common. Early Pentecostal revivals largely sprang from ‘subaltern groups’, people groups marginalized by colonial power and dominant groups. Bringing together Pentecostalism and postcolonial thought is a complex task, but one that promises to yield positive results. Exploring the text through the twin lenses of postcolonial thought and the distinctive Pentecostal emphasis on pneumatology results in a fresh hermeneutical perspective: that the Holy Spirit might be understood as a postcolonial agent of change that empowers those who have experienced the baptism of the Holy Spirit to resist dominant structures of oppression. The New Testament text can therefore be understood as a ‘hidden transcript’, a disguised work of resistance composed by subaltern groups against dominance and oppression. This article therefore seeks to explore the theoretical underpinnings of a ‘Pentecostal, postcolonial reading’ of the New Testament.
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de Faria Filho, Luciano Mendes, and Marcus Vinícius Fonseca. "Political culture, schooling and subaltern groups in the Brazilian Empire (1822–1850)." Paedagogica Historica 46, no. 4 (August 2010): 525–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00309230.2010.500822.
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Silva, Hugo Fanton Ribeiro da. "The “Heliópolis Case” and the political urban dispute in Brazil." Revista de Administração Pública 52, no. 6 (December 2018): 1073–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220170138.
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Abstract This article uses a case study to analyze the actions of ruling classes and social movement organizations in urban politics. The study observes these groups’ disputes and interactions with the state, and how different strategies, actions, and political projects of the subaltern classes have influenced the orientation of urban development. In a broad time-scale approach, the article discusses relations of hegemony, the process of institutionalization of movements, disputes in society and within the state, and the heterogeneity of the political projects that guide the subaltern classes.
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Green, Marcus, and Peter Ives. "Subalternity and Language: Overcoming the Fragmentation of Common Sense." Historical Materialism 17, no. 1 (2009): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920609x399191.
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AbstractThe topics of language and subaltern social groups appear throughout Antonio Gramsci's Prison Notebooks. Although Gramsci often associates the problem of political fragmentation among subaltern groups with issues concerning language and common sense, there are only a few notes where he explicitly connects his overlapping analyses of language and subalternity. We build on the few places in the literature on Gramsci that focus on how he relates common sense to the questions of language or subalternity. By explicitly tracing out these relations, we hope to bring into relief the direct connections between subalternity and language by showing how the concepts overlap with respect to Gramsci's analyses of common sense, intellectuals, philosophy, folklore, and hegemony. We argue that, for Gramsci, fragmentation of any social group's 'common sense', worldview and language is a political detriment, impeding effective political organisation to counter exploitation but that such fragmentation cannot be overcome by the imposition of a 'rational' or 'logical' worldview. Instead, what is required is a deep engagement with the fragments that make up subaltern historical, social, economic and political conditions. In our view, Gramsci provides an alternative both to the celebration of fragmentation fashionable in liberal multiculturalism and uncritical postmodernism, as well as other attempts of overcoming it through recourse to some external, transcendental or imposed worldview. This is fully in keeping with, and further elucidates Gramsci's understanding of the importance of effective 'democratic centralism' of the leadership of the party in relation to the rank and file and the popular masses.
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Hurd, Madeleine. "Class, Masculinity, Manners, and Mores." Social Science History 24, no. 1 (2000): 75–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010087.
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The politics of public space are often conceptualized in terms of social geography. Scholars have shown how the crowd’s invasion of municipal spaces, the transgression of local ethnic boundaries, or the rituals of particular street festivals have structured political protest. Public space can also be discussed in more general terms. Space has always served as a means of pressuring state or local authority, an arena in which subaltern groups—women, workers, sansculottes— expressed and enforced their moral economies. By the nineteenth century, these immemorial uses of public space had undergone significant change. In many cases, riots and charivari were complemented by soldierly public marches, quiet meetings, and well-disciplined strikes.This respectable use of public space was linked to subaltern groups’ increasing exploitation of a new form of political authority: that of public opinion and public debate, the realm of the “bourgeois public sphere.”
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Dijkema, Claske. "“If You Can’t Hear Me, I Will Show You”: Insurgent Claims to Public Space in a Marginalized Social Housing Neighborhood in France." Space and Culture 22, no. 3 (September 11, 2018): 250–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331218794607.
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This article is concerned with public space as a place of contestation, of confrontation, and insurgency. It situates these everyday forms of confrontation in France’s postcolonial history, arguing that the occupation of communal spaces by groups of youths should be understood as part of a larger conflict about the place that those called “of immigrant origin” can occupy in French society. The article seeks to explain why youths involved in the unsanctioned use of space rely on means that are widely interpreted as uncivil or violent in order to make themselves visible and to be heard. It argues that these claims to space may be interpreted as subaltern claims to citizenship. As second-class citizens, they lack “a place” in society, as subalterns their discourse is not heard, so they seek alternative ways to exist. The neighborhood proves to be an eminent place to be somewhere and someone.
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Rajendran, Jayanthi. "Words Unspoken: A Testimonial Discourse of Bama’s Karukku: A Gratification of Self-reflection and Inner Strength of the Subaltern Women." Contemporary Voice of Dalit 12, no. 1 (February 6, 2020): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455328x19898418.
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If untouchability lives, humanity must die. —M.K. Gandhi In this present and current global research scenario, the theme of subaltern has become a household word in regular usage and also in various disciplines other than literature. Literature, on the other hand, represents life in relation to social reality. The word ‘subaltern’ has its origin in the German word which means ‘inferior rank’ or ‘secondary importance’. Julian Wolfreys defines subaltern as a concept: ‘It contains the groups that are marginalized, oppressed and exploited on the cultural, political, social and religious grounds’. Thus, subaltern literature reflects various themes such as oppression, marginalization, gender discrimination, subjugation of lower and working classes, disregarded women, neglected sections of society and deprived classes of the existing society. As De Boland rightly confesses, ‘literature is an expression of society’. Literature in itself embodies life and life is a social reality of society. A writer, who is a member of a society, is influenced by specific social status and receives some degree of social recognition and recompense. Though this may benefit them in one way: it obviously helps them bring to limelight the sufferings and difficult paths the downtrodden tread upon. Thus, this article focuses on the voice of the voiceless in bringing out their voices to be heard in the outer world. In Bama’s Karukku, she testifies her situation of life and narrates her feelings in this small writing. In a world where problems relating to human privileges have been under perilous focus, literary portrayals of the experiences of demoted groups have assimilated great implication. The modern stream in Dalit literature in India is a challenge to bring to prime the experiences of discrimination, inequality, violence, injustice and poverty of the Dalits.
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Roshni, Raghunandanan, and Dr Tessy Anthony C. "Anthropomorphic Insights: A study the subaltern hero with reference to Spirit: Stallion of the Cimarron." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 6, no. 10 (October 10, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v6i10.5108.
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Animal characters have fascinated viewers as well as readers in animated as well non-animated films and in fiction. This unfading interest in animal characters have inspired writers and film makers to use anthropomorphism as a tool for breathing life into flora and fauna. One could observe that films and fiction which are anthropomorphic in nature focus on relations between humans and animals as well as between weaker and stronger animals. A hegemonic relationship could be seen emerging among the characters thus making these perfect for post-colonial study. In post-colonialism the element of the ‘subaltern’ plays a major role. In all of these works the relationship between man and animals as well as stronger and weaker animals can be analysed through this aspect of ‘subalternity’ since the latter becomes the subaltern. While analysing a film or fiction of anthropomorphic nature as a subaltern text we cannot ignore Antonio Gramsci’s theory of the subaltern since he used this term for referring to all of those groups in society who were suppressed by the ruling class. DreamWorks Pictures’ Spirit: Stallion of the Cimarron narrates the story of an anthropomorphic wild stallion who saves his herd from being destroyed by the U.S Cavalry. Spirit witnesses two contradictory sides of humans in the form of the Colonel who commands the cavalry and a Lakota Native American, Little Creek, who has been kept in captivity at the cavalry. While the Colonel tries to suppress Spirit by breaking his inner ‘spirit’ and transforming him into a beast of burden Little Creek teaches him how to harness his unrestricted energy in order to discover his inner strength whereby which he breaks down the supremacy of the Colonel. Thus Spirit symbolises the subaltern hero who ends the oppressive reign of the Colonel and his cavalry upon his herd as well as the Lakota Native settlement.
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Elder, Glen, Jennifer Wolch, and Jody Emel. "Race, Place, and the Bounds of Humanity1." Society & Animals 6, no. 2 (1998): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853098x00140.
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AbstractThe idea of a human-animal divide as reflective of both differences in kind and in evolutionary progress, has retained its power to produce and maintain racial and other forms of cultural difference. During the colonial period, representations of similarity were used to link subaltern groups to animals and thereby racialize and dehumanize them. In the postcolonial present, however, animal practices of subdominant groups are typically used for this purpose. Using data on cultural conflicts surrounding animal practices collected from media sources, we show that such practices have become a key aspect of the human-animal boundary due to the radically changing time-space relations of postmodernity. Drawing on Spivak's notion of "wild practice, " we propose a radical democracy that includes animals as well as subaltern peoples, and argue for the rejection of dehumanization as a basis for cultural critique, given its role in perpetuating racialization and violence toward both human and non-human animals.
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Ruud, Arild Engelsen. "The Indian Hierarchy: Culture, Ideology and Consciousness in Bengali Village Politics." Modern Asian Studies 33, no. 3 (July 1999): 689–732. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x9900342x.
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The Subaltern studies project has been a major contribution towards rethinking the role of groups such as peasants, lower castes, labourers or women in forming the course of Indian history. The project has also brought the issues of culture, ideology and consciousness to the forefront of Indian history writing. Although the importance of non-elite action on the historical developments of the Indian independence movement has already been noted by more mainstream historians, the concertedness of the project has created a whole new situation in which the subalternist perspective has become a new paradigm for Indian history writing, indeed, the subalternist perspective has increasingly come to dominate the formation of perspectives and concepts. As Masselos points out, the Subaltern studies has become the establishment.
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Dhakal, Bharat Raj. "Can the Gandharvas Speak?: A Study of Gandharva Songs." Prithvi Academic Journal 4 (May 12, 2021): 84–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/paj.v4i0.37017.
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In the social context of Nepal, Gandharvas are regarded as Dalits, the people who are suppressed and silenced by the society. Such subaltern groups are thought to have no voice. They are considered ‘muted’ or ‘inarticulate’ without any agency, consciousness and power of resistance. However, breaking such boundaries, the present research aims at exploring the voices of Gandharvas expressed through their folk songs, which express their real subaltern condition and a sense of dissatisfaction towards the mechanism of society constructed and controlled by the elites. For this, some of the representative folk songs are taken and viewed from the perspective of subaltern voice, consciousness, resistance and agency developed by Antonio Gramsci, Ranjit Guha, Dipesh Chakrabarty, Partha Chatterjee and Gautam Bhadra. With the thorough analysis of their songs, it is inferred that although they are deprived of any rank and recognition in the mainstream Nepali society, they have clearly expressed their voices as well as manifested consciousness, reflecting their real life experiences marked by domination, marginalization and suppression. The manifestation of such consciousness and expression of inner voice is also used as an instrument to subvert the hegemony constructed by the complacent upper class of the society.
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Ponono, Mvuzo. "Considering the Marginalisation of Majority Groups: Injecting Subaltern Studies Insights into Normative Media Theory." Communicatio 45, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02500167.2018.1557724.
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Espiritu, Augusto. "Inter-Imperial Relations, the Pacific, and Asian American History." Pacific Historical Review 83, no. 2 (November 2012): 238–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2014.83.2.238.
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Despite the turn toward diasporic, transnational, global, and comparative perspectives, this article argues that historians of Asian America have largely neglected and need to reflect upon inter-imperial relations—the relations of cooperation, competition, and conflict between empires, including subaltern attempts at creating spaces for maneuver and agency between them. With a focus on the development of the United States as an empire, this article identifies the key inter-imperial relations over time that have shaped the Asian American experience. An awareness of inter-imperial relations helps scholars to account for the political dynamics, the multiple sources of power, and the challenges to existing hegemonies that have structured Asian American lives. An approach sensitive to inter-imperial relations opens up the possibility of recognizing, and comparing, the simultaneous subaltern struggles that cut across nations and immigrant groups.
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Hill, Christopher V. "Philosophy and Reality in Riparian South Asia: British Famine Policy and Migration in Colonial North India." Modern Asian Studies 25, no. 2 (May 1991): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010672.
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The assumption of the passive peasant in Indian history has been existent at least since the time of Max Weber, and continues to return, phoenix-like in its appearance, every few decades. Its importance, however, lies in the responses the generality spawns. Morris D. Morris refuted Max Weber's thesis, detailed in The Religions of India, in 1967, while Barrington Moore, Jr.'s Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy was aptly rebutted by Kathleen Gough in 1974. Since then, the concept of the rational peasant, particularly during colonial times, has undergone a metamorphosis. Various modes of peasant dynamics have been amply demonstrated in recent works, stepping into the realms of peasant rebellion, desertion, banditry, and the like. Of particular import, in terms of peasant consciousness, has been the rise of the ‘Subaltern School’ of study. Beginning with Ranajit Guha's seminal work, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India, and continuing with volumes of articles by a variety of authors, the Subaltern Studies group has attempted, in their own words, to offer an alternative to historical writing ‘that fails to acknowledge, far less interpret, the contributions made by the people on their own, that is independently of the elite.…’ These scholars thus use the term subaltern for those social groups which they believe have been ignored through the course of history.
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Silva, Kalinga Tudor. "Nationalism, Caste-blindness and the Continuing Problems of War-Displaced Panchamars in Post-war Jaffna Society." CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 1, no. 1 (February 14, 2020): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v1i1.145.
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This article tries to unpack why subaltern caste groups in Jaffna society have failed to end their displacement and move out of the IDP camps many years after the end of war between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Using both quantitative and qualitative data from the affected communities the paper argues that the interplay among ethnicity, caste and social class and ethnic-biases and caste-blindness of state policies and Sinhala and Tamil politics largely informed by rival nationalist perspectives are among the underlying causes of the prolonged IDP problem in the Jaffna Peninsula. In search of an appropriate solution to the intractable IDP problem in post-war Sri Lanka, the paper calls for increased participation of subaltern caste groups in political decision making and policy dialogues, release of land in high security zones for affected IDPs wherever possible and provision of adequate incentives for remaining IDPs to move to alternative locations arranged by the state in consultation with the IDPs and members of neighbouring communities where the IDPs cannot possibly go back to their original sites.
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BANDYOPADHYAY, RITAJYOTI. "Institutionalizing Informality: The hawkers’ question in post-colonial Calcutta." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 2 (July 29, 2015): 675–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1400064x.
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AbstractThe history of mass political formation in post-colonial metropolitan India has generally been narrated through the optic of ‘competitive electoral mobilization’ of the ‘poor’. How then are we to explain cases of successful mobilization in the terrain of ‘political society’ when some population groups are yet to, or just beginning to, constitute themselves as ‘vote bank’ communities? This article invites us to look into the organizational dimensions of subaltern politics in contemporary urban India. It also prompts us to re-examine the relation between law and subaltern politics. In this light, the article presents some of the major findings of a larger historical anthropology project on the organized mobilization of footpath hawkers in Calcutta since the 1970s. It examines the ways in which the hawkers have acquired and aggregated crucial resources to sustain prolonged anti-eviction movements. In this connection, this article makes a critique of the Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014.
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Eppley, Karen, and Patrick Shannon. "Practice-Based Evidence." Literacy Research: Theory, Method, and Practice 66, no. 1 (July 26, 2017): 389–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2381336917719685.
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We have two goals for this article: to question the efficacy of evidence-based practice as the foundation of reading education policy and to propose practice-based evidence as a viable, more socially just alternative. In order to reach these goals, we describe the limits of reading policies of the last half century and argue for the possibilities of policies aimed at more equitable distribution of academic literacies among all social groups, recognition of subaltern groups’ literacies, and representation of the local in regional and global decision making.
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Ratuva, Steven. "Social work in the Pacific: The humble and unrefined views of a non-social worker." Aotearoa New Zealand Social Work 30, no. 4 (June 17, 2019): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.11157/anzswj-vol30iss4id605.
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I once worked in a university where sociology and social work were part of the same department, which I headed. I observed how social work, more than most “disciplines,” was readily responsive, quickly adaptive and empowering with the potential to be readapted and aligned to suit different socio-cultural contexts. From the vantage point of a non-social worker, this makes it resilient and relevant in a fast-changing world where conflict, wealth accumulation and the creation of expanding subaltern classes take place simultaneously. As peripheral “participants” in the process of corporate, technological and cultural globalisation, Pacific Island countries (PICs), often see themselves increasingly subaltern in the global economic and political power game as manifested in increasing poverty, social dislocation, debt, crime and other social problems.A growing capacity for responsiveness, adaptation and empowerment requires a critical approach to understanding the complexities of social dynamics and impact on human wellbeing. Social work crosses the arbitrary boundaries between sociology, anthropology, psychology, development studies, conflict/peace studies, education and health and this trans-disciplinary approach makes it well positioned to address issues such as inequality, poverty, alienation and marginalisation which are common amongst subaltern groups, including those in the Pacific (Sherif Sherif, 2017). Social work also has the potential to bridge the gap between theory and practice in what Marxian scholars refer to as “praxis” (Freenberg, 2014). Its strength is also in keeping human wellbeing as the central focus in its analysis.
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Astren, Fred. "The Gibeonite Gambit." Journal of Medieval Worlds 1, no. 2 (June 2019): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jmw.2019.120002.
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Embedded in the literature of Muslims, Christians, and Jews are historicized narratives that purport to rationalize and contextualize the place of minority and sectarian groups in medieval Islamic society. Among these are those that, at first reading, tell the story of an intentional fictionalizing of history on the part of a minority group with the intent to deceive Muslim authorities and thereby gain advantage. A prototype for this narrative strategy is observed in the Book of Joshua, wherein the “pagan” Gibeonites employ a ruse to secure recognition and protection from the conquering monotheistic Israelites, who had been commanded by God to exterminate pagans. Three case studies (on the Sabians of Ḥarrān, Karaite Jews, and Khaybarī Jews) reveal that similar stories in medieval Islam are often the result of co-production, a phenomenon which constitutes a kind of cultural negotiation between the dominant culture and a sub-culture; between rulers and subject peoples, between Muslims and non-Muslims, and even between competing subaltern groups. Reshaped narratives about the caliph al-Ma‘mūn, the Prophet Muḥammad, or other key figures offered narrativized permission for the dominant Muslim religion and culture to tolerate the existence of groups whose theologies or practices challenged Muslim assumptions of collectivity, and correspondingly, might or might not be otherwise deemed unacceptable. These narratives also provided subalterns a kind of myth of origin for their place in Islamic society. What is at stake in these complex interweavings of memory, history, and literary construction are the rights and duties of the subordinate groups.
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Dhakal, Sedunath. "Interface between Subalternity and Sexuality in Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things." KMC Research Journal 3, no. 3 (June 13, 2019): 135–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/kmcrj.v3i3.35720.
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There is an interface between subalternity and sexuality in Arundhati Roy’s ‘The God of Small Things’. This article attempts to describe that sexuality has been stood as a form of protest and resistance against all forms of discrimination and prejudices against subaltern groups. The central characters of the novel, Velutha, and Ammu’s copulation with each other is implicitly an attempt to break the artificial and arbitrary walls constructed between the so called elite class and the subaltern groups. Thus, the sexuality can be discussed as a means of liberation from the chain of subalternity. However, the attempt was averted when the protesters (Velutha and Ammu) confront the mechanical society. The act of copulation exposed the subalternity of Velutha and sexuality of Ammu. Both Ammu and Velutha cross the social boundary. So called marriage system and love laws both have been transgressed upon. It is due to the sexual act, the so called authentic laws and systems have been broken, all things dismissed, impossible become possible. Such instinct is uncontrollable. This article analyses that in the matter of sex, so called touchable and untouchable, master and servant, so called higher class and lower caste all become equal; there remains no boundary at all; as it has been presented in Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things.
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Gupte, Jaideep, and Syeda Jenifa Zahan. "Silent cities, silenced histories: subaltern experiences of everyday urban violence during COVID-19." Journal of the British Academy 9s3 (2021): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/jba/009s3.139.
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The public health containment measures in response to COVID-19 have precipitated a significant epistemic and ontological shift in �bottom-up� and �action-oriented� approaches in development studies research. �Lockdown� necessitates physical and social distancing between research subject and researcher, raising legitimate concerns around the extent to which �distanced� action-research can be inclusive and address citizens� lack of agency. Top-down regimes to control urban spaces through lockdown in India have not stemmed the experience of violence in public spaces: some have dramatically intensified, while others have changed in unexpected ways. Drawing on our experiences of researching the silent histories of violence and memorialisation of past violence in urban India over the past three decades, we argue that the experience of subaltern groups during the pandemic is not an aberration from their sustained experiences of everyday violence predating the pandemic. Exceptionalising the experiences of violence during the pandemic silences past histories and disenfranchises long struggles for rights in the city. At the same time, we argue that research practices employed to interpret the experience of urban violence during lockdown in India need to engage the changing nature of infrastructural regimes, as they seek to control urban spaces, and as subaltern groups continue to mobilise and advocate, in new ways.
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Acciari, Louisa. "Decolonising Labour, Reclaiming Subaltern Epistemologies: Brazilian Domestic Workers and the International Struggle for Labour Rights." Contexto Internacional 41, no. 1 (April 2019): 39–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2019410100003.
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Abstract This study explores the labour rights discourse produced by Brazilian domestic workers. It shows that the 2015 Brazilian legislation which extended labour rights to domestic workers was not simply a ‘boomerang effect’ of ILO Convention 189 on decent work for domestic workers, or a case of the ‘vernacularisation’ of global rights. Indeed, domestic workers have agitated for equal labour rights since 1936, and articulated the specific rights contained in the new legislation decades before their institutional recognition. Therefore, rather than being an instance of the translation of pre-existing global frameworks at the local level, the case of domestic workers demonstrates the ability of subaltern groups to transnationalise their demands, suggesting that the global South should not be conceived only as a place of rights reception, but also as a place of rights production. In this context, I trace the genealogy of the labour rights discourse as imagined and mobilised by domestic workers in Brazil, and examine the ways in which they have travelled between their subaltern location, the Brazilian state and the international agenda about ‘decent work.’
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Sum, Ngai-Ling. "A cultural political economy of crisis recovery: (trans-)national imaginaries of ‘BRIC’ and subaltern groups in China." Economy and Society 42, no. 4 (June 27, 2013): 543–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085147.2012.760348.
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Gunew, Sneja. "Inflexões subalternas nos cosmopolitismos vernaculares." Aletria: Revista de Estudos de Literatura 19, no. 1 (January 31, 2009): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2317-2096.19.1.21-42.
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Resumo: O conceito sobre o termo relativamentre novo, “cosmopolitismos vernaculares”, identifica as responsabilidades e os contextos globais ao mesmo tempo que reconhece que eles estão sempre enraizados e enredados em interesses locais, os quais incluem os grupos minoritários que competem dentro da nação. Este artigo examina o termo “europeu” com o objetivo de desnudar os debates revisionistas sobre o cosmopolitismo, especialmente em relação aos “cosmopolitismos vernaculares” que funcionam como uma maneira de incluir os “cosmopolitismos subalternos” por meio da desagregação do cosmopolitismo, num movimento análogo à noção de “processo democrático agnóstico” de Stuart Hall. O paradoxo da frase acima reflete o movimento duplo desses debates: no termo cunhado por Homi Bhabha o “doméstico” ou “nativo” vernacular está sempre em uma relação dialógica com a “ação a distância” do cosmopolitismo global. Exploro essa dinâmica ao focalizar os significados discrepantes de “europeu” e dos termos a ele associados. Neste artigo, meu argumento central é: os termos “oeste” e “europeu” devem ser desconstruídos para que não possam mais ser invocados, nos debates pós-coloniais, como incontestáveis categorias heurísticas como, por exemplo, o “oeste e o resto.” Os novos debates sobre cosmopolitismo abrem caminho para se reconhecer, como estados-nação e como parte da União Europeia, a heterogeneidade cultural de tais entidades geopolíticas. Reconhecer o cosmopolitismo dos grupos subalternos facilita esse empreendimento e ajuda a restabelecer uma perspectiva “planetária.”Palavras-chave: cosmopolitismo; diáspora; Austrália.Abstract: The concept of the relatively new term “vernacular cosmopolitanisms” acknowledges global contexts and responsibilities at the same time that it recognizes that these are always rooted in and permeated by local concerns that include competing minority groups within the nation. This paper examines the term “European” as a way to unpack revisionist debates in cosmopolitanism –specifically, in relation to “vernacular cosmopolitanisms”, which is a way of including “subaltern cosmopolitanisms” by disaggregating cosmopolitanism in ways that echo Stuart Hall’s notion of an “agnostic democratic process.” The paradox of the phrase reflects the double movement of these debates: in Homi Bhabha’s coinage of the term, the vernacular “native” or “domestic” is always in a dialogic relation with the global- cosmopolitan “action at a distance.” I explore this dynamic by focusing on the discrepant meanings of “European” and associated terms. My central argument in this paper is that “European” and the “West” are terms that need to be deconstructed so that they can no longer be invoked as self-evidently heuristic categories in post-colonial debates, for example, the “West and the rest.” The new cosmopolitan debates provide avenues for recognizing the cultural heterogeneity of such geo-political entities as nation-states and the European Union. Recognizing the cosmopolitanism of subaltern groups facilitates this enterprise and helps to reinstate a “planetary” perspective.Keywords: cosmopolitisme; diáspora; Australia.
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Anagnostopoulos, Aris. "From ‘Tourkopolis’ to ‘Metropolis’: Transforming Urban Boundaries in Late Nineteenth-Century Iraklio (Candia), Crete." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 61, no. 4 (May 24, 2018): 693–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341461.
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AbstractThis article examines the case of Iraklio, Crete, on its passage from the Ottoman regime to the Autonomous Cretan Polity in 1898, to interrogate current categories of ethnic boundaries used in historical and social research. It proposes an ‘archaeological’ method of investigating such boundaries in space. It conceives of the city as a field of interaction between the predominant religious groups of Muslim and Christian, and the way these groups have been represented in historical research and public memory. It also shows how understandings of ethnic boundaries were fashioned by colonial, especially British, sanitary and civic planning projects. Finally, it demonstrates how subaltern Muslim spaces, gendered places and ‘dangerous’ neighbourhoods were transformed into paradigmatic cases for understanding spatial segregation in cultural terms.
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MacLeod, Alan. "Chavista ‘thugs’ vs. opposition ‘civil society’: western media on Venezuela." Race & Class 60, no. 4 (January 25, 2019): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818823639.
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Since the election of Hugo Chavez in 1998, Venezuela has undergone a period of intense racial and class conflict, as a multiethnic subaltern coalition has begun to assert itself politically against a previously hegemonic and inordinately dominant white elite. Scholars have highlighted the local media’s racial and class snobbery when covering social movements and civil society, attempting to split the country into two groups: ‘underclass mobs’ and ‘respectable’ civil society. This article, which analyses media coverage at crucial points of conflict – 1998/9, 2002, 2013 and 2014 – finds that western media have overwhelmingly matched the local media, portraying only the largely dark-skinned working-class chavista groups as vicious ‘mobs’, ‘hordes’ and ‘thugs’, while representing the white, upper-class opposition as ‘civil society’.
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Dellios, Alexandra. "Migration Parks and Monuments to Multiculturalism." Public Historian 42, no. 2 (May 2020): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2020.42.2.7.
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In this article, I “read against the grain” of a monument to post-WWII immigration and migrant communities. I am concerned with how such monuments, locally situated, might be used in more progressive and transformative histories, ones that harbor the potential to challenge existing public and collective memories of postwar migration and multiculturalism that occur on a national stage and within the ambit of Australia’s heritage industry. This is a study in how discursively marginalized migrant groups, with subaltern narratives about mobility and settlement, claim space for alternative histories in the context of a restrictive official heritage.
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Velazco, Salvador. "(Des)colonialidad del poder en 13 pueblos en defensa del agua, el aire y la tierra." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 5, no. 9 (January 5, 2018): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2017.249.
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This article analyzes Francesco Taboada’s 13 pueblos en defensa del agua, el aire y la tierra documentary (2008) from the perspective of the “coloniality of power.” This concept, in accordance with Walter Mignolo, refers to the subordination of the knowledge and culture of subaltern and excluded groups that is a feature of Western modernity. Taboada highlights the epic struggle of the 13 Villages in the State of Morelos Movement to defend not only natural resources (water, land, forests) but also the full rights of indigeous communities. This film is an obligatory reference for documenting indigeneous people’s movements and the social struggles that are being waged in today’s neoliberal Mexico.
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Gusejnova, Dina. "Changes of status in states of political uncertainty: Towards a theory of derecognition." European Journal of Social Theory 22, no. 2 (July 18, 2018): 272–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431018779265.
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This article critically examines existing versions of recognition theory in the light of several empirical case studies of twentieth-century political ruptures after the First World War. It notes that the prevalent theoretical focus on the enfranchisement of previously subaltern groups cannot account for the empirical significance of negative processes, such as the disenfranchisement of former elites and the decline of previously hegemonic values, which are typical for conditions of political uncertainty. To conceptualize such examples, an expansion of the existing vocabulary of recognition theory is necessary. The article proposes ways to develop a theory of derecognition which might be used to guide empirical research on informal practices of political change.
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Sandoval Forero, Eduardo Andrés, and José Javier Capera Figueroa. "Dilemmas and advances in post-conflict in Colombia: a look from the subaltern perspective of peace (s) in the territories." Telos Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinarios en Ciencias Sociales 22, no. 2 (May 5, 2020): 387–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.36390/telos222.10.
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The emergence of building a popular culture, based on the ethical-political imperative that links the demands, needs and struggles of those below, constitutes an aspect that configures the dynamics of re-existence of social groups in their different realities. On reflection of this is the peace process signed between the Farc-Ep guerrilla group / party and the Colombian government. Thus, the objective of the following article is to conduct a theoretical-conceptual discussion about the dilemmas and advances that coexist in the Colombian post-conflict, from a subaltern perspective of peace (ces) in the territories, taking into account the proposals theoreticians of peace scholars like Alonso (2013); Márquez Fernández, Á. (2018a) , who consider the need to question from a critical perspective the dynamics of peace (s), created in the territories. The methodology used was collaborative research and critical discourse analysis (Sandoval, 2016a), which starts from generating an intersubjective and horizontal dialogue between the researcher and the social groups. The fundamental conclusion of the investigation was the need to recognize the subject's praxis and his political ethos in terms of building laboratories, spaces and territories of peace from and with those below, that give weight to the logic of violence promoted and exerted from the hegemonic groups in the regions.
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Susser, Ida. "Commentary." Focaal 2019, no. 83 (March 1, 2019): 62–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2019.830106.
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This afterword discusses the analysis of “austerity” and globalization and the possible parallels between a history of structural adjustment policies in the Global South combined with further cuts in social funding of recent years with the experience of “austerity” in Europe following the 2008 economic crisis. Questions with respect to the ways in which uneven development and the history of colonialism might complicate the experience in the Global South despite parallel governing strategies are raised. In addition, I suggest the consideration of scale in terms of the implementation of global versus national or local policies, the different scales at which resistance occurs, and the historical circumstances in which classes or subaltern groups coalesce might be important further considerations in this analysis.
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Nilsen, Alf Gunvald. "India’s Turn to Rights-Based Legislation (2004–2014): A Critical Review of the Literature." Social Change 48, no. 4 (December 2018): 653–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085718800861.
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This article surveys the academic literature on rights-based legislation and critically discusses key findings and arguments that emerge from this literature. I conduct this survey and discussion in light of a wider understanding of the political economy of Indian democracy as resilient but limited in terms of substantial forms of redistribution and recognition in favour of subaltern groups. This contradiction has arguably become especially pronounced in the context of neoliberalisation, where, despite the active participation of the poor in electoral democracy, socioeconomic inequality has reached dramatic heights, and I discuss rights-based legislation as a response to this. In conclusion, I reflect on whether rights-based legislation has anything to offer an oppositional political project to break with this spiral of dispossession and impoverishment.
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Luebke, David M. "Symbols, Serfdom, and Peasant Factions: A Response to Hermann Rebel." Central European History 34, no. 3 (September 2001): 357–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691610152959163.
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The main fault that Hermann Rebel finds with the practitioners of “symbolic actionism” is a tendency to naturalize systems of power and cultural domination and to treat subaltern groups as if they were unable to examine their position in them critically. This tendency in turn causes symbolic actionists to misrecognize self-interested maneuvers within existing systems of domination as counterhegemonic symbolic manipulations. The overall effect of symbolic-actionist analysis, therefore, is to “downplay the degradation and terror experienced by victims of exploitation and persecution.” Rebel's view of such relationships could hardly differ more. As he sees it, hegemonic forces were so disruptive that to speak of peasant societies as culturally autonomous and of peasants as historical “agents” is at best self-deceiving.
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Harris, Keith. "‘Roots’?: the relationship between the global and the local within the Extreme Metal scene." Popular Music 19, no. 1 (January 2000): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000000052.
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Music's ‘malleability’ (Taylor 1997) has always facilitated its export and import from one location to another. Indeed, such processes are central to the creation and dissemination of new musical forms. Yet in our contemporary globalised world, such processes occur ever more extensively and rapidly giving rise to new forms of appropriation and syncretism. Record companies from the developed world find new audiences in the developing world (Laing 1986). Musicians from the West appropriate non-Western music, sometimes collaboratively (Feld 1994; Taylor 1997). Non-Western musicians and musicians from subaltern groups within the West create new syncretic forms drawing on both Western and non-Western music (Mitchell 1996; Lipsitz 1994, Slobin 1993). The resulting ‘global ecumene’ produces considerable ‘cultural disorder’ (Featherstone 1990, p. 6) whose results cannot easily be summarised.
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Kalashnikov, Antony. "A Contribution to Rupert Taylor’s Critique of Consociationalism in Northern Ireland." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 3, no. 1 (February 21, 2013): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora19040.
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Political scientists John McGarry and Brendan O’Leary’s liberal consociational model argues that a power-sharing political settlement can be effective in resolving ethnic conflict. Political scientist Rupert Taylor, by contrast, argues against McGarry and O’Leary’s model, claiming that the liberal consociational arrangement does not address the underlying sectarianism which binds ethnic communities into two reified groups, reinforcing the subordination both between and within them. Specifically in terms of Northern Ireland, Taylor cites socio-economic deprivation as an instance of sectarianism; Irish Catholics are consistently found in subaltern, disadvantaged positions relative to their Protestant peers in terms of “rights, opportunities, and resources.” By integrating economy-centred analytical approaches, this essay demonstrates that the economic dimension (particularly capital and its resulting class inequalities) has been structurally implicated in the Northern Ireland conflict, continually reinventing itself throughout history.
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Ruiz, Stevie, and Long Bui. "Unearthing Racial Histories of Sexology in the Global South." Ethnic Studies Review 43, no. 1 (2020): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2020.43.1.96.
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Race, war, and geography remain unmarked domains within the historiography of sexuality. This article analyzes the work of Joseph M. Carrier, a seminal figure who helped develop the study of homosexuality. In this article, we examine the ways Carrier incorporated studies of various populations from the Global South, from Vietnamese refugees to Mexican MSM (men who have sex with men). In his attempt to collect knowledge about subaltern groups—first as a RAND Corporation researcher and later as an anthropologist and epidemiologist—Carrier shows us that the genealogy of homosexuality studies is not clear-cut. It is situated across multiple spaces of (inter)disciplinary power and knowledge. By comparing these trans-regional areas of study, we examine the ways in which Western social scientists can draw research from one social context into another.
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Savage, Roger W. H. "Fragile Identities, Capable Selves." Études Ricoeuriennes / Ricoeur Studies 4, no. 2 (January 3, 2014): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/errs.2013.196.
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The spotlight that Martha Nussbaum turns on the plight of women in developing nations brings the disproportion between human capabilities and the opportunities to exercise them sharply into focus. Social prejudices, economic discrimination, and deep-seated traditions and attitudes all harbor the seeds of systemic injustices within governing policies and institutions. The refusal on the part of a dominant class to recognize the rights and claims of subaltern individuals and groups has both symbolic and material consequences. The power that one group exercises over another brings the refusal to recognize the rights and claims of others to the fore. Thanks to the moral priority that Paul Ricoeur accords to the victim against such refusals, I tie the fragility of identity to the idea of justice’s federating force. This federating force, I therefore argue, accompanies the struggle for recognition among capable human beings.
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Maskovsky, Jeff. "Anti-social security." Focaal 2019, no. 84 (July 1, 2019): 120–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2019.840110.
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Gavin Smith’s (2014) Intellectuals and (Counter-) Politics is a tour de force. It calls for anthropology to attend more carefully to the history of moves by the dominant capitalist blocs to enhance the conditions for their own reproduction and to the ways in which different subordinated and subaltern groups respond to these moves. This is, of course, a well-established line of inquiry. Yet, in Intellectuals, Smith breathes new life into an intellectual project that has been sidelined in recent years, as other preoccupations take hold in the discipline of anthropology and beyond. Smith rethinks what is meant by realist history, arming a new generation of insurgent scholars, readers, and activists, inside and outside the academy with a new set of intellectual priorities. The book thus exemplifies the best kind of politicized writing in anthropology and in other disciplines.