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Journal articles on the topic 'Subcomandante'

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1

Henck, Nick. "Subcomandante Marcos: the latest reader." Latin Americanist 58, no. 2 (2014): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/tla.12026.

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2

McCaughan, Michael. "An Interview with Subcomandante Marcos." NACLA Report on the Americas 28, no. 1 (1994): 35–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.1994.11724611.

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3

Gregory, Stephen. "John Berger & Subcomandante Marcos." Third Text 14, no. 52 (2000): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528820008576861.

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4

Vitali, Marcela Araújo. "Literatura rebelde zapatista: a produção e a escrita do subcomandante insurgente Marcos." Revista Eletrônica da ANPHLAC, no. 17 (March 22, 2015): 189–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.46752/anphlac.17.2014.2168.

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ResumoEste artigo tem como objetivo apresentar algumas considerações acerca da produção literária do subcomandante insurgente Marcos, membro militar e político do denominado movimento zapatista, ou EZLN (Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional). Além das participações ativas no referido movimento, desde sua aparição pública no estado mexicano de Chiapas, em 1994, o subcomandante exerceu habilidades literárias no campo da criação textual e discursiva. Dessa forma, entendemos sua produção como parte integrante da comunicação oficial do EZLN, que em forma de histórias, contos e personagens se integrou aos comunicados zapatistas. Entre suas produções, analisaremos Los arroyos cuando bajan, Los zapatistas no se rinden e La historia de la noche y las estrellas. Nestas, seu personagem principal é representado pelo ancião indígena Velho Antônio, que mantém forte interlocução com o subcomandante, enriquecendo assim sua produção. A partir dessa análise, demonstraremos as operacionalizações guiadas por sua produção literária, tais como a legitimação de discursos políticos e a tentativa de representação étnica. A metodologia utilizada será a denominada Análise Crítica do Discurso; realizaremos as análises a partir de uma concepção inter-relacional entre criação e contexto, no que diz respeito à produção e publicação dos documentos.Palavras-chave: subcomandante Marcos; Velho Antônio; literatura zapatista; discursos zapatistas; EZLN.
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5

Herlinghaus, Hermann. "Subcomandante Marcos: Narrative Policy and Epistemological Project1." Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies 14, no. 1 (2005): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569320500062250.

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6

SILVA, Cláudio Rodrigues da. "Los otros cuentos: relatos del Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos." Revista ORG & DEMO 22, no. 1 (2021): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/1519-0110.2021.v22n1.p63.

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Neste texto, resultante de pesquisa documental e bibliográfica, tem-se como objetivo apresentar problematizações, de uma perspectiva da Educação, sobre os dois volumes de Los otros cuentos: relatos del Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos, à luz da Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos e de bibliografia atinente a essa temática. Considera-se que Los otros cuentos abordam questões consoantes e/ou passíveis de estabelecimento de nexos com a temática dos Direitos Humanos. Essas obras contribuem para a problematização e para a difusão, em clave literária e crítica, de diversos elementos da Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos e, por conseguinte, para o processo de (auto)educação dos zapatistas, bem como de outros setores das classes trabalhadoras.
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7

Jorgensen, Beth Ellen. "Making History: Subcomandante Marcos in the Mexican Chronicle." South Central Review 21, no. 3 (2004): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scr.2004.0041.

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8

Jarpa Manzur, María Del Pilar. "Notas para un emplumado amanecer: ojos, pasamontañas y corazones en las lecturas ‘deleuzianas’ de Lemebel." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 10, no. 19 (2022): 48–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2022.569.

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From a critical gender perspective, this article offers an analysis of the chronicle that Pedro Lemebel dedicates to Subcomandante Marcos, paying special attention to the Deleuzian dimensions that it incorporates. Dimensions that are not only present in what could be interpreted as a theoretical wink, but also in the practices -visual, oral, written- with which Lemebel seems to overflow and enrich his philosophical origin. If, in general, within the multiple recreations of becoming that are promoted in his chronicles, Lemebel tends to question the symbolic universe of the new man, the text that consecrates Subcomandante Marcos seems to introduce unusual forms of subversion that question and at the same time confront the local revolutionary imaginary. However, it is not only a matter of destabilizing the binarized discourses of the revolution, but also of making visible other possible forms of disrespect and resistance. And that is what seems to be re-created in the memoirs that, in the context of the Chilean revolt of 2019, have taken Lemebel's name from the line of flight to the front line of fire.
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9

Rivera, Omar. "Political Ontology (and Representative Politics), Agamben, Dussel . . . Subcomandante Marcos." Epoché 16, no. 1 (2011): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/epoche201116110.

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10

Berghe, Kristine, and Bart Maddens. "Ethnocentrism, Nationalism and Post-nationalism in the Tales of Subcomandante Marcos." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 20, no. 1 (2004): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2004.20.1.123.

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A discourse analysis shows that the literary passages in subcomandante Marcos’ press releases (Relatos de el viejo Antonio, Chiapas, CIACH, 1998 and Don Durito de la Lacandona, Chiapas, CIACH, 1999) express both the ethnical, national and post-national demands of the EZLN. The analysis reveals three tensions in the discourse, which seem to reflect the divergent pressures on the EZLN.
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11

Pellicer, Juan. "La gravedad y la gracia: el discurso del Subcomandante Marcos." Revista Iberoamericana 62, no. 174 (1996): 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/reviberoamer.1996.6329.

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12

Cohen, J. H. "The Zapatistas, Subcomandante Marcos, and Chiapas, Mexico, Fifteen Years On." Ethnohistory 56, no. 3 (2009): 515–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-2009-007.

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13

Létocart Araujo, Mélanie. "Autoficción, historia y mito en la narrativa del subcomandante Marcos." Kamchatka. Revista de análisis cultural., no. 12 (December 27, 2018): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/kam.12.12326.

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En 1994, el levantamiento del EZLN en México significó un acontecimiento no sólo político y militar sino también discursivo. En este trabajo, analizo cómo en el discurso elaborado por el subcomandante Marcos – jefe militar y portavoz del EZLN- se entrelazan dimensiones históricas factuales con relatos nacidos de su pluma. La escritura de Marcos plantea una problemática específica, ya que éste escribió desde la acción y la urgencia del tiempo histórico vivido. Delante de tales circunstancias de escritura, resulta estimulante interrogar las modalidades de transición entre la memoria viva y la representación textual y ver a partir de qué géneros y artificios retóricos se pone en imagen el tiempo histórico.
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14

Bryan E. Vizzini. "The Other Mexico: Subcomandante Marcos is Back (review)." Film & History: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Film and Television Studies 39, no. 1 (2009): 81–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/flm.0.0071.

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15

Vargas, Sebastião. "Com a Arma da Palavra: Trajetória e Pensamento do Subcomandante Marcos." Revista Territórios e Fronteiras 2, no. 2 (2011): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.22228/rt-f.v2i2.47.

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Este artigo trata de aspectos da construção do discurso e da ideologia dos zapatistas, com a finalidade de identificar pontos que possam diferenciar o Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional dos movimentos de guerrilhas latino-americanos tradicionais, e aponta para as propostas do movimento zapatista, dentre elas, o uso tático dos meios mais avançados de comunicação tecnológica - a internet- e o manejo da arte cenográfica, como uma das estratégias de aproximação e inserção na sociedade mexicana e da esquerda, de maneira geral.
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16

Gacinska, Weselina. "Los movimientos indígenas y la globalización en los reportajes de Manuel Vázquez Montalbán." MVM: Cuadernos de Estudios Manuel Vázquez Montalbán 5, no. 1 (2020): 26–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/mvmcemvm.8060.

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El artículo analiza la presencia de la temática indígena en la obra de Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, ya que esta, debido al carácter político y social de los escritos que la abarcan, está fuertemente vinculada con la globalización y el neoliberalismo. En la poesía, Vázquez Montalbán recurre a la figura indígena en los textos “Las palabras descansan en la bandeja y “En Conemara” recogidos en el poemario Pero el viajero que huye (1990). Allí el indígena, o el “indio”, es percibido a través de una mirada occidental, incidiendo en la pérdida de la identidad. Posteriormente, en la entrevista con Rigoberta Menchú incluida en Y Dios entró en la Habana (1998), el autor profundiza en sus reflexiones acerca de la autodeterminación de los pueblos indígenas de Chiapas y Guatemala, que serán desarrolladas en Marcos: El señor de los espejos (1999). Tanto Menchú como Marcos aportan una visión desmitificadora de la lucha indígena y de la relación de las etnias con los “ladinos”, siempre dentro del marco ideológico anticapitalista y antiglobalizador. Se estudia el acercamiento crítico de Vázquez Montalbán a los planteamientos de los líderes indígenas y se sistematiza desde el punto de vista antropológico las reflexiones sobre la cultura, el mestizaje y el sincretismo.
 Palabras clave: indigenismo; Chiapas; antropología; globalización; Subcomandante Marcos; Rigoberta Menchú.
 Keywords: indigenismo; Chiapas; anthropology; globalization; Subcomandante Marcos; Rigoberta Menchú.
 Título en inglés: Indigenous movements and globalization in the journalistic reports of Manuel Vázquez Montalbán
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17

Henck, Nick. "The Subcommander and the Sardinian." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 29, no. 2 (2013): 428–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2013.29.2.428.

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Numerous scholars have adopted a Gramscian framework when analyzing the Zapatistas and Subcommander Marcos. Some, however, have gone beyond the evidence, claiming that Marcos was influenced by Gramsci. Inspection of the Subcommander’s discourse provides no proof that he has been directly influenced by the Sardinian; instead, indigenous thought and practice appear more influential in having shaped Marcos’s political philosophy. Marcos’s independence from Gramsci distances him from other contemporary Central American guerrillas and has wider implications concerning the timing and extent of Gramsci’s diffusion in Mexico. Gramsci did, however, contribute to an atmosphere of “antiauthoritarian eclecticism” among the Latin American new left from which Marcos emerged. Muchos estudiosos han adoptado el marco teórico gramsciano para analizar a los zapatistas y al Subcomandante Marcos. Pero algunos han pasado por alto la evidencia y afirman que Marcos recibió influencia de Gramsci. Al inspeccionar el discurso del Subcomandante no se encuentran pruebas de que haya recibido influencia directa del pensador de Sardinia; en cambio, el pensamiento y la práctica indígenas aparecen como influencias más notorias en la conformación de la filosofía política de Marcos. La independencia de este último respecto de Gramsci lo aparta de otras guerrillas contemporáneas centroamericanas y tiene implicaciones más amplias en lo que toca al momento y alcance de la difusión de Gramsci en México. Lo cierto es que éste contribuyó a una atmósfera de “eclecticismo antiautoritario” entre la nueva izquierda latinoamericana de la que surgió Marcos.
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18

Lewis, Stephen E. "Unmasking Chiapas: Recent Scholarship on Subcomandante Marcos, Dissident Women, and Impotent Thugs." Latin American Perspectives 35, no. 6 (2008): 179–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x08325958.

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19

Ortega Reyna, Jaime. "La importancia del comienzo: Louis Althusser, la crítica de la ideología y el zapatismo." Kamchatka. Revista de análisis cultural., no. 12 (December 27, 2018): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/kam.12.12263.

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En el presente texto se aborda la importancia del “althusserianismo” en la conformación de la ideología del “Subcomandante Marcos”. Se destaca el contexto de producción en el que irrumpe la obra de Althusser, sus distintas derivas en el México de los años setenta y finalmente se abordan las perspectivas que confluyen en la crítica de la ideología y la superación de las tradiciones de entender el marxismo. Todo ello con la finalidad de mostrar que entre las diversas raíces que tiene la ideología zapatista, el “althusserianismo” opera como una crítica del Estado y también de la izquierda marxista.
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20

Colmeiro, José F. "De Pepe Carvalho al Subcomandante Marcos: la novela policíaca hispánica y la globalización." Revista Iberoamericana 76, no. 231 (2010): 477–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/reviberoamer.2010.6726.

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21

Vanden Berghe, Kristine. "Nativismo y alter/natividad en los Relatos del viejo Antonio del Subcomandante Marcos." Caravelle 78, no. 1 (2002): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/carav.2002.1357.

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22

Towle, Joseph M. "The Savvy Guerrilla: How the Literature of Subcomandante Marcos Funds the Zapatista Rebellion." Confluencia: Revista Hispánica de Cultura y Literatura 32, no. 2 (2017): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cnf.2017.0008.

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23

Andrade, Antonio, and Patricia Araujo Fernandes. "Cores e pedagogias do discurso zapatista." Gragoatá 26, no. 56 (2021): 1148–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/gragoata.v26i56.49086.

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Neste artigo, dedicamo-nos a refletir sobre a inflexão pedagógica decolonial do discurso zapatista, trazendo à discussão o papel simultaneamente político e educacional que a apropriação de um texto narrativo literário indicia nesse contexto de militância. Para tanto, analisamos o comunicado do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN) – movimento de resistência indígena mexicano – intitulado La historia de los colores, escrito pelo Subcomandante Marcos. Para a elaboração do dispositivo teórico-analítico deste trabalho, articulamos, de maneira transdisciplinar, a perspectiva dos estudos discursivos (ORLANDI, 2001; FOUCAULT, 1988), as indagações advindas das ciências sociais a respeito das epistemologias do Sul (SANTOS, 2018) e o debate relacionado à pedagogia decolonial (WALSH, 2013; CANDAU, 2010).
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Olesen, Thomas. "The Funny Side of Globalization: Humour and Humanity in Zapatista Framing." International Review of Social History 52, S15 (2007): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003100.

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This article argues that the literature on social movements and globalization has not paid sufficient attention to the way in which political actors who act globally try to overcome the social, cultural, and political distances that separate them. It introduces the concept of global framing to give focus to the discursive processes central to such “distance bridging”. In particular, it emphasizes how symbols and emotions are crucial in the framing of distance. Empirically, it discusses how the considerable global resonance created by the Zapatistas in Mexico is facilitated by a framing strategy, carried out mainly by the movement's spokesman, Subcomandante Marcos, in which humour, imperfection, and symbols play a decisive role.
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García García, Sergio. "puentes entre Manuel Vázquez Montalbán y el EZLN: cronología e intercambio textuales (I)." Philobiblion: revista de literaturas hispánicas, no. 13 (June 22, 2021): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/philobiblion2021.13.002.

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Este estudio, dividido en dos partes, tiene como propósito principal la realización y el análisis del corpus de los textos periodísticos, ensayísticos y de ficción que Manuel Vázquez Montalbán dedicó a la causa del ezln entre 1994 y 2003; asimismo, presta atención a la relación de este autor con el subcomandante Marcos, con el fin de determinar un imaginario global montalbaniano en torno al neozapatismo. Además, la relación del escritor con Chiapas se complementa con el estudio de varias obras de Marcos donde Vázquez Montalbán aparece como referente intelectual y como materia literaria, entre las que destaca la novela Muertos incómodos (falta lo que falta), escrita junto con Paco Ignacio Taibo II.
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di Piramo, Daniela. "Beyond Modernity: Irony, Fantasy, and the Challenge to Grand Narratives in Subcomandante Marcos's Tales." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 27, no. 1 (2011): 177–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2011.27.1.177.

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Vanden Berghe, Kristine. "Los “sin voz” y los intelectuales en México. Reflexiones sobre algunos ensayos de Mariano Azuela, Octavio Paz y el EZLN." Latinoamérica. Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, no. 42 (April 14, 2006): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cialc.24486914e.2006.42.57354.

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La lectura de algunos ensayos de Mariano Azuela y Octavio Pazsaca a la luz que distintas tesis de la primera mitad del siglo XX suponenuna dicotomía entre los “sin voz” y los intelectuales que hablaban porellos. El discurso del EZLN rechaza esta dicotomía, descarta las metáforasvegetales y minerales que a menudo se empleaban para imaginar alpueblo rebelde y a los indígenas, y redefinen la división del trabajo entrelos marginados y sus representantes letrados. No obstante, la funcióndel Subcomandante Marcos dentro del discurso zapatista —como autor,narrador y tema— socava en parte el mensaje de que los “sin voz” soncapaces de hablar por sí mismos. Asimismo, demuestra que proclamarla muerte del intelectual tradicional como portavoz del pueblo es prematuro,por lo menos en el contexto mexicano actual.
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Mineiro, Imara Bemfica. "UMA LUTA DE GEOGRAFIAS E CALENDÁRIOS." Revista Linguagem & Ensino 25, no. 2 (2022): 106–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15210/rle.v25ii.4227.

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O presente artigo se propõe a discutir a potencialidade dos relatos zapatistas, em especial os contos reunidos em Los otros cuentos. Relatos del Subcomandante Marcos (2008 e 2013), como materiais de input linguístico e cultural em aulas de espanhol como língua estrangeira. Subsidiam essas reflexões os conceitos de colonialidade (QUIJANO, 2005; MIGNOLO, 2017) e de interculturalidade crítica (WALSH,2009), e são mobilizados autores que sinalizam para a necessidade de alimentar a autonomia do imaginário na contemporaneidade (NANDY, 2015; GROSFOGUEL,2009 KRENAK, 2019). A partir da articulação com os princípios do buen vivir, e das questões provocadas pela leitura dos contos, reflete-se sobre formas possíveis de pensar em uma pedagogia do sonho que articule memória, história e identidade cultural para alimentar visões de mundo mais generosas.
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Vanden Berghe, Kristine. "Entre Menchú y Borges : el tema de la identidad en el discurso del subcomandante Marcos." America 33, no. 1 (2005): 195–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ameri.2005.1723.

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Baxmeyer, Martin. "El mito universal. Reconstrucción y deconstrucción de la identidad indígena en “Relatos de El Viejo Antonio” del Subcomandante Marcos." Kamchatka. Revista de análisis cultural., no. 12 (December 27, 2018): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/kam.12.12303.

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Esta contribución propone analizar el uso y la función política de los mitos en “Relatos de El Viejo Antonio” de Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos. Concentrándose en los motivos míticos de la lluvia y la actividad de fumar (ambos muy importantes en los “Relatos”) va a ilustrar que Marcos tanto utiliza tradiciones mitológicas de la cultura indígina como narraciones mitológicas de la tradición clásica europea a fin de crear un nuevo lenguaje mítica transnacional. Los Zapatistas proponen este lenguaje como alternativa al discurso tecnocrático y excluyente de nuestros días. Al mismo tiempo, la conversión mitológica de Marcos deconstruye y reconstruye conceptos tradicionales de la identidad indígena en México y los abre para la idea de una comunicación libre y global, reafirmando al mismo tiempo su gran valor para una sociedad futura.
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Nash, June. "The Reassertion of Indigenous Identity: Mayan Responses to State Intervention in Chiapas." Latin American Research Review 30, no. 3 (1995): 7–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100017520.

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In the early hours of 1994, a few hundred men and women of the Ejército Zapatista Liberación Nacional (EZLN) blocked the Pan American Highway between Tuxtla Gutiérrez, the state capital of Chiapas, and San Cristóbal de las Casas and the road to Ocosingo, declaring war on Mexico's ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI). This move signaled to the world that indigenous populations intended to make themselves heard at home and abroad as Mexico restructures its economy according to the neoliberal model promoted by President Carlos Salinas de Gortari. The rebels captured and briefly held the municipal buildings in San Cristóbal, Altamirano, Las Margaritas, and Ocosingo. Speaking for the rebels, Subcomandante Marcos declared that their war was “a final but justified measure”: “We have nothing, absolutely nothing. Not a decent roof, nor work, nor land, nor health care, nor education.”
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Bettati, Martín. "¿Por qué Estados Unidos asesinó al general Qassem Soleimani?" Perspectivas Revista de Ciencias Sociales, no. 9 (July 9, 2020): 284–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/prcs.v0i9.161.

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El 3 de enero de 2020 Estados Unidos (EE.UU.) llevó adelante un ataque aéreo en el Aeropuerto Internacional de Bagdad con el objetivo de asesinar al general Qassem Soleimani, en el cual también murió el subcomandante de las Fuerzas de Movilización Populares de Irak. Este acto generó una escalada de las tensiones entre EE.UU. e Irán y tuvo fuertes repercusiones a nivel regional e internacional, a la vez que fue cuestionado en el plano doméstico. Con el objetivo de analizar la escalada, buscando responder a qué pasó y por qué, este artículo describe los hechos y el contexto en el que se enmarcaron. Luego, expone cinco tesis explicativas de la decisión de EE.UU. de efectuar la operación, así como una de la represalia de Irán. El presente trabajo utiliza principalmente fuentes periodísticas y extiende el período de análisis desde mediados de 2018 a febrero de 2020.
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Vanden Berghe, Kristine. "The caracol and the beetle. A tension between ideology and form in the EZLN’s literary production." Kamchatka. Revista de análisis cultural., no. 12 (December 27, 2018): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/kam.12.12357.

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En este artículo, nos centraremos en la relación entre ideología y forma en torno al alzamiento zapatista en Chiapas y, más específicamente, a los relatos del Subcomandante Marcos sobre uno de sus personajes, Durito. Para ello, partiremos de la aproximación teórica al concepto de aceleración propuesto por el sociólogo alemán Hartmut Rosa (2005) y la vincularemos al pensamiento del sociólogo y filósofo británico-polaco Zygmunt Bauman (2000), un pensador que ejerció una gran influencia en Rosa, y al del filósofo francés Gilles Lipovetsky (1983), quien, como Rosa y Bauman, analiza el nexo entre la posmodernidad y el tiempo. En primer lugar, destacaremos aquellos aspectos del alzamiento zapatista que son relevantes en relación a la teoría de Rosa, la cual sintetizaremos en un segundo apartado. A continuación, realizaremos una lectura analítica de las narraciones escritas en torno al personaje del escarabajo Durito a la luz de esta teoría y propondremos algunas reflexiones sobre el modo en que ideología y forma dialogan en ellas.
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De Huerta, Marta Duràn, and Nicholas Higgins. "An Interview with Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos, Spokesperson and Military Commander of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN)." International Affairs 75, no. 2 (1999): 269–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.00072.

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Lafrance, David G., Subcomandante Marcos, Frank Bardacke, Leslie Lopez, and California Watsonville. "Shadows of Tender Fury: The Letters and Communiques of Subcomandante Marcos and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 4 (1996): 801. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517991.

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Lafrance, David G. "Shadows of Tender Fury: The Letters and Communiqués of Subcomandante Marcos and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 4 (1996): 801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-76.4.801.

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Ansotegui, Elena. "El discurso zapatista después de Marcos: de la ficción a la realidad o al revés." Kamchatka. Revista de análisis cultural., no. 12 (December 27, 2018): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/kam.12.12995.

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Este artículo quiere analizar uno de los últimos comunicados que el Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano, antes Marcos, ha hecho público a fines de diciembre del 2017 durante la celebración del II encuentro “ConCiencias por la Humanidad” titulado “Trump, la navaja de Ockham, el gato de Schrodinger y el gato-perro”. La intención del análisis es constatar que el movimiento zapatista ha ido transformado su estrategia política en los últimos tres años, precisamente desde que el otrora Marcos realizase un relevo simbólico de su puesto como portavoz. La hipótesis de este artículo es que desde que Marcos es Galeano el zapatismo ha intentado constituir una nueva identidad basada en la necesidad de globalizar una lucha antisistema que afecta a un nuevo actor social: la humanidad en su conjunto. A través del uso de conceptos como “exotopía”, “significante vacío” o “tercer espacio”, basados en el trabajo de Bajtín, Laclau y Bhabha respectivamente se propone que este nuevo actor social está representado por la mujer, Marichuy, desde el campo de lucha político y el personaje de ficción Defensa Zapatista, desde el ético/estético.
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Sosa, Cristina Patricia, and Verónica Moreyra. "Héctor Belascoarán Shayne: el espacio de la ciudad y las masculinidades hegemónicas." Filología, no. 53 (October 14, 2021): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.34096/filologia.n53.10627.

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En este trabajo nos proponemos abordar una serie de novelas de Paco Ignacio Taibo II protagonizadas por Héctor Belascoarán Shayne, personaje en el que hay resonancias de la novela policial negra estadounidense. Intentaremos trazar un perfil del célebre detective desde una perspectiva de género, subrayando en particular el concepto de masculinidad. Nos interesa indagar cómo esta figura y otros personajes que pueblan el universo ficcional construido por el autor encarnan un distanciamiento o se acercan al género en dos de sus sentidos: como matriz de identidad y como forma literaria. Nuestro corpus está compuesto por las novelas Días de combate (1976), No habrá final feliz (1989) y Muertos incómodos (2005), esta última escrita con el Subcomandante Marcos del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN). En constante movimiento por la ciudad de México, espacio en el que reina la impunidad y donde la justicia se vuelve imposible, el detective muestra la sordidez de crímenes que por momentos parecen estar resueltos de antemano; subyace la idea de que todo crimen es crimen de Estado. Mientras vive sus aventuras, Belascoarán Shayne presenta a los lectores un bosquejo de teorización sobre la masculinidad, el ser mexicano y el género policial.
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Brewster, Keith. "Militarism and Ethnicity in the Sierra de Puebla, Mexico." Americas 56, no. 2 (1999): 253–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008114.

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Perhaps the most enduring image of the Zapatista uprising, which began in Chiapas on 1 January 1994, is the masked figure of Subcomandante Marcos. Running a close second, however, would be the sight of this makeshift army filing past delegates at the opening of the Conventión Nacional Democrática in the Lancandona later the same year. Men, women and youths with their wooden rifles for weapons, dignity and silent determination as ammunition. They were not the first, and I dare say will not be the last, indigenous movement in Mexico to be driven to violence in defense of their rights. The state's firm response to the uprising was predictable and illustrates the most common reaction to the specter of an Indian with a gun in his hand. Ironically, the Mexican army has carried out such repression with a rank and file comprised largely of youths from indigenous backgrounds. These young men see enlistment as one of the few escapes from the rural poverty that did much to foster the Zapatista rebellion in the first place. Thus, an armed Indianper seis not a problem; it is merely when this person acts autonomously that the trouble begins.
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Naidorf, Judith, Alejandra Beatriz Martinetto, Silvina Andrea Sturniolo, and Julieta Armella. "Reflections About the Role of Intellectuals in Latin America." education policy analysis archives 18 (October 20, 2010): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v18n25.2010.

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The purpose of this paper is to address some theoretical aspects - concepts that contribute to reflection on the specific role of the current Latin American intellectual. The contributions of various authors will help us to characterize a role that is constantly rethinked, analyzed and disputed. The proposal is to retake the theoretical developments in the category "intellectual" from Antonio Gramsci and Immanuel Wallerstein mainly, but making reference to its most intense moments in the 60-70 decades with Sartre and Foucault in Europe. It also highlights the contributions made by Pierre Bourdieu, Sousa Santos and the contributions to Latin America by Fals Borda, Florestan Fernandez, Octavio Ianni and Eliseo Veron, among others. Also included are examples of statements for the EZLN by Subcomandante Marcos and refers to the analysis performed by Julio Gambina and Daniel Campione for the Argentine case. It’s not the interest of this work to arrive at definitions finished about the social function of intellectual debate but to contribute to a not new but always applicable, which should be a breakthrough for each of our practices in the different social areas in which we daily work.
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Fitzgerald, Janine. "Marx on the Camino de Santiago: Meaning, Work, and Crisis." Monthly Review 67, no. 1 (2015): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-01-2015-05_6.

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When I walked the thousand-year-old route of the Camino de Santiago in northern Spain in September and October 2014, I expected to discuss questions of health with fellow travelers. I assumed that an ancient pilgrimage would be full of walkers pondering health issues and would provide an ethnographer's panacea for "getting in." I was wrong. I was surrounded by walkers from all parts of Europe, but they were pondering the meaning of work, capitalism, and their lives. I found I was seeing a profound crisis of capitalism and individuals struggling with alienated labor as discussed by Karl Marx.&hellp; [W]hat I saw on the Camino de Santiago was certainly not a revolutionary movement. Envisioning satisfying work, however, helps change the shared conception of what work is. Raul Zibechi argued that as we struggle both individually or collectively, we engage in an emancipatory process that, as the Zapatista's Subcomandante Marcos notes, "builds, includes, brings together and remembers whereas the system, separates, splits and fragments."&hellp; Awareness of alienated labor and struggle against crisis, whether individual or collective, does seem to create imaginative space for change even if it does not necessarily reflect what has been thought of as revolutionary struggle.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-1" title="Vol. 67, No. 1: May 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>
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Dominguez, Ricardo. "Electronic Civil Disobedience: Inventing the Future of Online Agitprop Theater." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 5 (2009): 1806–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.5.1806.

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We see that a certain revolutionary type is not possible, but at the same time we comprehend that another revolutionary type becomes possible, not through a certain form of class struggle, but rather through a molecular revolution, which not only sets in motion social classes and individuals, but also a machinic and semiotic revolution.—Félix Guattari (qtd. in Raunig)We follow the speed of dreams.—Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos, The Speed of Dreams (2007)Critical art ensemble staged the theory of electronic civil disobedience (ECD) as a gamble against a form of the all-too-present future of “dead capital,” otherwise known as late capital. In our 1994 book The Electronic Disturbance, Critical Art Ensemble argued that dead capital was being constituted as an electronic commodity form in constant flow (11). Capital had been, was, and would continue to be reensembling itself, as the contemporary elite moved from centralized urban areas to decentralized and deterritorialized cyberspace (13). For Critical Art Ensemble, it was clear that cyberspace, as it was called then, was the next stage of struggle. The activist reply to this change was to teleport the system of trespass and blockage that was historically anchored to civil disobedience to this new phase of economic flows in the age of networks: “As in civil disobedience, primary tactics in electronic civil disobedience are trespass and blockage. Exits, entrances, conduits, and other key spaces must be occupied by the contestational force in order to bring pressure on legitimized institutions engaged in unethical or criminal actions” (Critical Art Ensemble, Electronic Civil Disobedience 18). As we imagined it in the early 1990s, electronic disturbance was the core gesture that could initiate a new “performative matrix” (Electronic Disturbance 57).
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Zagato, Alessandro, and Natalia Arcos. "El Festival “Comparte por la Humanidad”. Estéticas y poéticas de la rebeldía en el movimiento Zapatista." Revista Paginas 9, no. 21 (2018): 75–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/rp.v9i21.273.

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A partir de una introducción al rol orgánico que la estética y la poética juegan en la política del movimiento zapatista, este artículo se propone analizar el festival de artes “Comparte por la Humanidad” organizado por el Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) en sus territorios en julio de 2016 y 2017. Por un lado, nuestra intención es situar este evento en el presente ciclo histórico del EZLN, una secuencia abierta el 21 de diciembre del 2012 con la “Marcha del Silencio”, una gran performance multitudinaria con que los zapatistas ocuparon pacíficamente las cabeceras municipales que en 1994 habían tomado con las armas y que significó una reaparición en la esfera mediática del zapatismo, con la intención de presentar el desarrollo de su autonomía. Esta fase ganó un impulso sin precedentes con eventos como la escuela, titulada “La Libertad Según los y las Zapatistas”, en la que el movimiento recibió cientos de simpatizantes y activistas “externos” en sus territorios; y la “Despedida del Subcomandante Marcos”, un evento performativo altamente simbólico donde el movimiento zapatista nos dió a conocer elementos de su estrategia estético-política. Por otro lado, este ensayo propone un análisis detallado de las obras que se presentaron en el “Comparte”, sus características concretas y sus procesos de producción en los que, por ejemplo, la figura de lo “colectivo” se expresa y se destaca desplazando largamente a las individualidades artísticas que pertenecen a la concepción occidental del arte desde el renacimiento y que son exaltadas por el mercado contemporáneo. En el contexto de una crisis civilizatoria que, como ha evidenciado Amador Fernández Savater, no ofrece ni vueltas atrás ni fugas hacia adelante, el arte desde el zapatismo puede abrir una bifurcación desde la cual sostener otros mundos aquí y ahora.
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Gordo Piñar, Gemma. "Miguel Hernández y el subcomandante Marcos: poesía, tierra y libertad." Monograma Revista Iberoamericana de Cultura y Pensamiento, November 3, 2019, 55–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.36008/monograma.192.05.031011.

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En este artículo se aborda la presencia de Miguel Hernández en el subcomandante insurgente Marcos a través del análisis de las coincidencias entre sus formas de comprender, actuar y pronunciarse sobre la tierra, la poesía, el pueblo y la libertad. Estos ejes nos permiten ahondar en acontecimientos vitales y textos fundamentales de ambos autores, los cuales han servido y servirán de paradigma y motivación para diversos individuos y grupos de diferentes generaciones a lo largo de la historia.
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Vanden Berghe, Kristine. "El Subcomandante Marcos, Paco Ignacio Taibo II y Juan Pablo VillalobosHumor, estado y nación en México." Atlante, no. 13 (October 1, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/atlante.1037.

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"Cambios y constantes en la narrativa del Subcomandante Marcos: De los relatos a la novela Muertos incóómodos (falta lo que falta)." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 23, no. 2 (2007): 387–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2007.23.2.387.

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Un anáálisis del discurso de Muertos incóómodos (2005), escrito por el Subcomandante Marcos y Paco Ignacio Taibo II, saca a la luz algunas diferencias notables entre esta novela y los relatos que Marcos escribióó sobre Don Durito y el Viejo Antonio, diferencias que parecen implicar un cambio de prioridades en la agenda del guerrillero. En primer lugar, la vertiente ecolóógica en el discurso de Marcos se ha reforzado. Luego, llama la atencióón que los personajes subalternos en la novela se caracterizan máás en funcióón de criterios de géénero que segúún criterios éétnicos. Finalmente, el autorretrato de Marcos como remitente de la historia estáá en los antíípodas de sus retratos anteriores que siempre habíían destacado su posicióón subordinada frente a los indíígenas. Pero el cambio máás radical es que, con la aparicióón de una estructura discursiva abiertamente ideolóógica, Marcos parece abandonar el discurso críítico que desde temprano habíía abanderado como signo de la diferencia del EZLN.
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"El Zapatismo como ‘resistencia crítica’ al neoliberalismo." CHAKIÑAN, REVISTA DE CIENCIAS SOCIALES Y HUMANIDADES, no. 4 (April 3, 2018): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37135/chk.002.04.03.

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El Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN), en enero de 1994, ejecutó un levantamiento armado en el Estado de Chiapas-México, con el objetivo de reivindicar los derechos y la autonomía de los pueblos indígenas. Este acontecimiento marcó un hito histórico en la región latinoamericana y en el mundo, ya que significó un resurgir de la resistencia al neoliberalismo y al capitalismo posterior a la disolución de la Unión Soviética. El presente artículo se pretende profundizar el análisis de la categoría ‘resistencia crítica’, considerando la configuración histórica y epistémica del zapatismo a través de sus discursos, prácticas e influencias internacionales. Para este fin, revisamos los postulados políticos del EZLN, su relación con el movimiento indígena ecuatoriano y el simbolismo del Subcomandante Marcos. La metodología utilizada consiste en la revisión bibliográfica de literatura especializada y de documentos, declaraciones, reportajes y material audiovisual sobre la historia del EZLN. Finalmente, nuestra conclusión es que la acción zapatista puede considerarse una “resistencia crítica” porque inicia con una reinterpretación y una revalorización de conceptos, categorías, experiencias y saberes indígenas, con la finalidad de des-imbricar las redes políticas, económicas y sociales del neoliberalismo.
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Turner, Bethaney. "Information-Age Guerrillas." M/C Journal 8, no. 2 (2005). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.2331.

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 After balaclava-clad Zapatistas seized control of a handful of southern Mexican towns on New Year’s Eve, 1993, and soon after became implicated in the first wide-scale use of the Internet in a warlike scenario, it was thought that the age of postmodern Internet warfare had arrived. However, while the centrality of the Internet to the movement’s relative success evokes romantic images of Zapatista rebels uploading communiqués onto the World Wide Web from remote mountain hideaways, these myths are dispelled when the impoverished living conditions of its indigenous Maya constituents are taken into account. Instead, the Zapatistas’ presence on the Internet is mediated by NGOs and other support groups who electronically publish hand-written Zapatista communiqués. While this paper demonstrates the political utility of information-age communication strategies for localised struggles for cultural autonomy, it is shown that, for the Zapatistas, these strategies work with, rather than against, traditional print culture. The Zapatistas, NGOs and the Internet Soon after the Zapatista uprising began, the New York Times, prompted by the movement’s rapid acquirement of an Internet presence, declared that the world’s first “postmodern revolutionary movement” had appeared in the unlikely location of the southern Mexican state of Chiapas (Burbach 116). Other analyses that investigate the significance of the Internet in the uprising define the EZLN as the world’s “first informational guerrilla movement” (Castells 79), and the “first social netwar” (Ronfeldt et al. 1). After such descriptions were assigned to the EZLN, an image of Zapatista rebels typing e-mails on laptops in remote mountain hideaways featured in many initial media reports. These ideas were still dominating much of the media a year after the uprising when the Mexican President ordered a raid on suspected EZLN hideouts in an attempt to capture the movement’s mestizo spokesperson, Subcomandante Marcos. Media reports at the time claimed that in some of the raids “they found as many computer disks as bullets”. There were also claims that “if Marcos is equipped with a telephone modem and a cellular phone [he could] hook into the Internet [directly] even while on the run, as he is now” (Knudson 509). However, while the Internet contributed significantly to the advance of the EZLN struggle, this romanticised and mythologised imagery is far removed from the material impoverishment that led to the movement’s uprising and which still characterises the lives of its constituents. Indeed, the Marcos that I saw addressing a crowd in the Mexican city of Puebla during the EZLN’s 2001 March for Indigenous Dignity read his speech from an old-tattered notebook—the old-fashioned printed kind, not one from the Toshiba range. He stumbled over some sections, telling the crowd that it had been smudged by the rain earlier in the day. This may have been a move calculated to enhance the charismatic appeal of the pipe-smoking, poet-guerrilla, but it is also consistent with the impoverished circumstances from which the Zapatistas emanated and within which they continue to struggle. There is a glaring anomaly between descriptions of the Zapatistas as postmodern or as the initiators of informational guerrilla warfare, or netwar, and the movement’s location in the most remote regions of an impoverished state, which has Internet hubs in only two of its towns and “no telephone or electricity at all in most of the rural areas” (Froehling 291). Indeed, the Zapatistas’ relationship with the Internet is mediated via a support network that, most significantly, includes NGOs. For the Zapatista word to reach a national and international audience the movement had to firstly rely on hand-written documents and old-fashioned means of covert communication whereby messages were passed secretly from hand to hand, galloped inside a saddle satchel, hidden in a cyclist’s bag, slipped into a backpack, or perhaps thrust inside a sack of beans, then propped in the back of an open truck, crammed with indigenous villagers who make the hours-long journey to the closest market, or doctor, and our messenger to a contact person with Internet access. (Ponce de León xxiii) The journey of the EZLN’s communiqués from the remote Chiapan highlands to a world-wide audience via its Internet-connected support network has created what Cleaver calls a “Zapatista effect” (1998). This effect demonstrates that by establishing an international electronic web of support, particularly between marginalised groups and NGOs, dominant political, economic and social policies can be effectively opposed and alternatives articulated. The Zapatista uprising marks the first time that the electronic media have been used as a strategy in their own right, producing “an electronic fabric of opposition to much wider policies”, rather than simply facilitating the “traditional work of solidarity” (Cleaver 622). Cleaver claims that this “Zapatista effect” has the potential to permeate and inform social struggles throughout the world and reweave “the fabric of politics” by demonstrating the ability of grassroots movements to form national and international collectives to challenge the power of the nation-state (637). Investigation into the usefulness of new communication technologies in times of war and struggle has also been the focus of studies conducted for the US army, leading to the development of the concept of “netwar” (Ronfeldt et al. iii). Ronfeldt et al. contend that, as a result of what they claim is the increasing dependency of contemporary society on information, “more than ever before, conflicts are about ‘knowledge’—about who knows (or can be kept from knowing) what, when, where, and why” (7-8). The study concludes that the EZLN’s development of an NGO support network that could rapidly disseminate reports on human rights abuses, information about the intolerable living conditions endured by indigenous Chiapans, and the EZLN’s communiqués has been crucial to developing the movement’s support base. However, the movement’s establishment of an electronically wired NGO support network able to circulate information about the EZLN, its struggle and its aims relies on the movement’s ability to convey information to them, the “what, when, where, and why”, before it can appear on the Internet and in other media forms. It is not simply the publication and distribution of figures relating to disease, impoverishment and human rights violations that have contributed to people’s interest in, and support for, the Zapatistas. Rather, the intriguing content and style of their discourse, which is heavily indebted to the charismatic figure of Subcomandante Marcos, has also played a crucial role. The writings of Marcos are rich with poetic imagery, humour, symbols of Mayan mythology and references to Latin American and Spanish literary figures and styles, particularly magic realism. Zapatista Narratives Marcos’ innovative and engaging discursive style is particularly evident in the stories he tells of Don Durito, a beetle named Nebuchadnezzar who has assumed the nom de guerre of Durito, which literally means the little strong or hard one, a reference to his shell, fighting spirit and his status as a ladies’ man (Subcomandante Marcos 9). Don Durito has made the floor of the Southern Mexican Lacandón jungle his home, but in Marcos’s stories he often travels the world as a knight-errant, reminiscent of Cervantes’s delusional do-gooder Don Quijote. Durito also intermittently assumes the role of a detective and that of a political analyst, and it is in this guise that he first meets Marcos. This occurs when Marcos, unable to find tobacco to fill the pipe he is never seen without, notices a trail of the dried black leaves weaving away from his hammock. After following the trail for a few metres Marcos sees, behind a stone, a bespectacled beetle clenching a tiny pipe, sitting at a tiny desk studying, as we soon discover, neoliberalism “and its strategy of domination for Latin America” (Subcomandante Marcos 12). Marcos, unfazed by the discovery of a literate, smoking beetle is taken aback by his investigation of neoliberalism. Durito explains that his scholarly interest is quite pragmatic for it stems from a desire to know how long and how successful the Zapatista struggle will be so as to ascertain “how long us beetles are going to have to be careful that you [Marcos and the other members of the Zapatista army who are based in the jungle] aren’t going to squash us with your big boots” (Subcomandante Marcos 12). In these encounters with Durito the political analyst, Marcos is given lessons in politics and economics from an inhabitant of the jungle floor, from a beetle who recognises that the danger of being squashed by “big boots” in his small patch of land is intimately linked to the global issue of neoliberalism and its much bigger boots. Through these stories, Marcos highlights the detrimental impact that global economic policies have had on the Maya of Chiapas. The character of Durito also enables him to demonstrate the potential for small, seemingly insignificant individuals or groups to radically challenge these policies and articulate alternatives. Conclusion Such entertaining and lyrical prose enables the EZLN to present itself as a new style of social revolutionary movement, far removed from traditional Latin American revolutionary struggles. This has, arguably, broadened the movement’s international support network, a situation facilitated by the circulation and publication of these writings and communiqués on the Internet by the movement’s NGO support network. However, while the use of information-age technology to stimulate the creation of collective transnational support networks presents as a useful strategy for contemporary social struggles, it does not guarantee the procurement of significant political, economic and social change. Indeed, after more than a decade of struggle, the Zapatistas have not precipitated the radical reconstruction of the Mexican political system that they had hoped for. References Burbach, Roger. Globalization and Postmodern Politics: From Zapatistas to High-Tech Robber Barons. London: Pluto Press, 2001. Castells, Manuel. The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture Volume II: The Power of Identity. Malden, Ma.: Blackwell Publishers, 1997. Cleaver, Harry M. Jr. “The Zapatista Effect: The Internet and the Rise of an Alternative Political Fabric.” Journal of International Affairs 51.2 (1998): 621-40. Froehling, Oliver. “The Cyberspace ‘War of Ink and Internet’ in Chiapas, Mexico.” The Geographical Review 87.2 (1997): 291-307. Knudson, Jerry W. “Rebellion in Chiapas: Insurrection by Internet and Public Relations.” Media, Culture and Society 20.3 (1998): 507-18. Ponce de León, Juana. “Editor’s Note: Travelling Back for Tomorrow.” Our Word Is Our Weapon. Ed. Juana Ponce de León. London: Serpent’s Tail, 2001. xxiii-xxxi. Ronfeldt, David, et al. The Zapatista Social Netwar in Mexico. Santa Monica, California: RAND, 1998. Subcomandante Marcos. Don Durito de La Lacandona. San Cristóbal de Las Casas Chiapas: Centro de Información y Análisis de Chiapas, 1999. 
 
 
 
 Citation reference for this article
 
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 Turner, Bethaney. "Information-Age Guerrillas: The Communication Strategies of the Zapatistas." M/C Journal 8.2 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0506/01-turner.php>. APA Style
 Turner, B. (Jun. 2005) "Information-Age Guerrillas: The Communication Strategies of the Zapatistas," M/C Journal, 8(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0506/01-turner.php>. 
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Alves, Vinicius Ribeiro. "A legitimidade na expedição de atos administrativos de preservação da ordem pública por oficiais da Polícia Militar do Estado de Goiás." Revista Brasileira de Estudos de Segurança Pública 8, no. 1 (2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.29377/rebesp.v8i1.217.

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Este trabalho tem por escopo analisar a viabilidade dos oficiais da Polícia Militar na expedição de atos administrativos de preservação da ordem pública, bem como dos benefícios que isso traria para a sociedade. Será discutido ao longo deste estudo acerca da legitimidade da Polícia Militar atuando como polícia administrativa, pontuando, principalmente, as características da polícia ostensiva. Assim, discorreremos acerca das atribuições da polícia ostensiva administrativa e suas características. Como base para este estudo, adotou-se a pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, além da realização de um questionário com oficiais comandantes e subcomandantes de unidades na região metropolitana de Goiânia, com o objetivo de levantar dados referentes ás ações da polícia administrativa desenvolvidas pela Polícia Militar do Estado de Goiás. Nesse sentido, verificar-se-á a viabilidade da expedição de instrumentos por oficiais da Polícia Militar, como sendo: emissão de alvarás, autorizações, portarias, dentre outros atos que regulam as liberdades individuais e coletivas objetivando a preservação da ordem pública. O resultado desta pesquisa demonstra que a expedição de atos administrativos pelos oficiais da Polícia Militar do Estado de Goiás é possível e segue o princípio da legalidade, tendo em vista sua aplicação em outros estados e atendendo aos preceitos da Constituição de 1988, que expressa á preservação da ordem pública por meio da polícia ostensiva administrativa.
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