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Journal articles on the topic 'Subnational Authoritarianism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Gelman, Vladimir. "The Dynamics of Subnational Authoritarianism." Russian Politics & Law 48, no. 2 (2010): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rup1061-1940480201.

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2

Tapsell, Ross. "The Media and Subnational Authoritarianism in Papua." South East Asia Research 23, no. 3 (2015): 319–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/sear.2015.0274.

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3

Gibson, Edward L. "Boundary Control: Subnational Authoritarianism in Democratic Countries." World Politics 58, no. 1 (2005): 101–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2006.0018.

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This article considers the political situation of an authoritarian province in a nationally democratic country. The objective is to uncover strategies that incumbents (in this article, governors) pursue to perpetuate provincial authoritarian regimes, as well as dynamics that can undermine such regimes. A central insight is that controlling the scope of provincial conflict (that is, the extent to which it is localized or nationalized) is a major objective of incumbents and oppositions in struggles over local democratization. Authoritarian incumbents will thus pursue “boundary control” strategie

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4

Eaton, Kent. "Decentralization's Nondemocratic Roots: Authoritarianism and Subnational Reform in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 48, no. 1 (2006): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2006.tb00336.x.

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AbstractThis study challenges the common view of authoritarianism as an unambiguously centralizing experience by investigating the subnational reforms that military governments actually introduced in Latin America. It argues that the decision by military authorities to dismiss democratically elected mayors and governors opened a critical juncture for the subsequent development of subnational institutions. Once they centralized political authority, the generals could contemplate changes that expanded the institutional, administrative, and governing capacity of subnational governments. This arti

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5

Kapidžić, Damir. "Subnational competitive authoritarianism and power-sharing in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 20, no. 1 (2019): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2020.1700880.

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6

Saikkonen, Inga A. L. "Variation in subnational electoral authoritarianism: evidence from the Russian Federation." Democratization 23, no. 3 (2015): 437–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2014.975693.

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7

Buehler, M. "Boundary Control: Subnational Authoritarianism in Federal Democracies, by Edward Gibson." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 44, no. 2 (2014): e6-e6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pju009.

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8

Eaton, Kent. "Decentralization's Nondemocratic Roots: Authoritarianism and Subnational Reform in Latin America." Latin American Politics & Society 48, no. 1 (2006): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lap.2006.0006.

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9

Chua, Lynette J. "Legal Mobilization and Authoritarianism." Annual Review of Law and Social Science 15, no. 1 (2019): 355–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-101518-043026.

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Studies about authoritarianism build the foundation of legal mobilization scholarship and continue to advance this area of sociolegal research. The contributions of these studies become apparent when we view authoritarianism as a phenomenon found in all societies. Authoritarian regimes exist as nation states and as enclaves, such as subnational territories, institutions, and social spaces. Scholars who examine whether and how people use the law in diverse authoritarian settings bring out the malleable, situational, and plural nature of legal power. Law, in collaboration or complicity with othe

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10

Herrmann, Julián Durazo. "Neo-Patrimonialism and Subnational Authoritarianism in Mexico. The Case of Oaxaca." Journal of Politics in Latin America 2, no. 2 (2010): 85–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1000200204.

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11

Bland, Gary. "Boundary Control: Subnational Authoritarianism in Federal Democracies - by Gibson, Edward L." Bulletin of Latin American Research 34, no. 3 (2015): 412–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/blar.12349.

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12

Teramae, Mark. "Subnational Authoritarianism under the Party of Regions and post-Maidan Boundary Control." Journal of Conflict and Integration 1, no. 2 (2017): 98–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.26691/jci.2017.12.1.2.98.

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13

Buehler, Michael, Ronnie Nataatmadja, and Iqra Anugrah. "Limitations to subnational authoritarianism: Indonesian local government head elections in comparative perspective." Regional & Federal Studies 31, no. 3 (2021): 381–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2021.1918388.

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14

Sidel, John T. "Economic foundations of subnational authoritarianism: insights and evidence from qualitative and quantitative research." Democratization 21, no. 1 (2012): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2012.725725.

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15

Kelemen, R. Daniel. "Europe’s Other Democratic Deficit: National Authoritarianism in Europe’s Democratic Union." Government and Opposition 52, no. 2 (2017): 211–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.41.

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This article argues for a radical recasting of the European Union democratic deficit debate. Critics have long argued that the EU suffers from a democratic deficit and that growing EU power undermines national democracy. But recent backsliding on democracy and the rule of law in Hungary and Poland reminds us that grave democratic deficits can also exist at the national level in member states and that the EU may have a role in addressing them. This article will place the EU’s struggles with democratic deficits in its member states in comparative perspective, drawing on the experience of other d

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16

Gibson, Edward L. "Politics of the Periphery: An Introduction to Subnational Authoritarianism and Democratization in Latin America." Journal of Politics in Latin America 2, no. 2 (2010): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1000200201.

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17

Fuentes, Hugo J., Gustavo Mendoza, Miguel A. Montoya, and Ismael Aguilar. "Public-private partnerships in Mexico: Challenges and opportunities at local level." Competition and Regulation in Network Industries 22, no. 1 (2021): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1783591720987698.

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A specific challenge related to infrastructure creation that is faced by several countries has to do with the lack of participation to an optimal level of subnational governments in the development of Public Private Partnership (PPP) projects which, in turn, could offset the existing infrastructure limitations. In this article, we analyze the Mexican case, whose main feature is that, despite implementing the PPP scheme for almost 10 years and having technical assistance from international organizations to establish the required institutional framework (i.e. legal and technical dimensions), loc

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18

Gervasoni, Carlos. "A Rentier Theory of Subnational Regimes: Fiscal Federalism, Democracy, and Authoritarianism in the Argentine Provinces." World Politics 62, no. 2 (2010): 302–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887110000067.

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Levels of subnational democracy vary significantly within countries around the world. Drawing on fiscal theories of the state, the author argues that this variance is often explained by a type of rentierism that is not geographically determined by natural resources but politically created by certain fiscal federalism arrangements. He posits that less democratic regimes are more likely in rentier provinces—those that receive disproportionately large central government transfers and practically forgo local taxation. Intergovernmental revenue-sharing rules that produce large vertical fiscal imbal

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19

Turovsky, Rostislav, and Marina Sukhova. "Federal and Subnational Elections in Russia: Coherence and Divergence in Electoral Outcomes." Russian Politics 5, no. 3 (2020): 329–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00503004.

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Abstract This article examines the differences between Russian voting at federal elections and regional legislature elections, both combined and conducted independently. The authors analyse these differences, their character and their dynamics as an important characteristic of the nationalisation of the party system. They also test hypotheses about a higher level of oppositional voting and competitiveness in subnational elections, in accordance with the theory of second-order elections, as well as the strategic nature of voting at federal elections, by contrast with expressive voting during su

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20

Demchenko, Oleg, and Grigorii V. Golosov. "Federalism, gubernatorial power and the incorporation of subnational authoritarianism in Russia: A theory-testing empirical inquiry." Acta Politica 51, no. 1 (2015): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2014.37.

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21

Silva, Verónica. "Constructing a State in the Face of Regional Power." Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 1 (2015): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x15618394.

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The city of Guayaquil is a territory in which economic actors play a central role in the configuration of subnational power. This has generated a kind of pseudo- or half-finished democracy in which, although elections are held, there is only one actor, the Madera de Guerrero Social Christian Party, representing the local economic elite that has held power since 1992. Following the theory of Edward Gibson, this situation can be viewed as sort of subnational authoritarianism: the parochialization of power, the nationalization of influence, and control of institutional and noninstitutional links

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22

Saikkonen, Inga A.-L. "Electoral Mobilization and Authoritarian Elections: Evidence from Post-Soviet Russia." Government and Opposition 52, no. 1 (2015): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.20.

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Despite extensive research on electoral turnout in developed democracies, we know relatively little about the determinants of electoral participation in (electoral) autocracies. Yet, electoral mobilization is crucial to understanding electoral authoritarian regime dynamics and democratic regression. This article studies the ‘socioeconomic roots’ of electoral authoritarianism by using original local-level data from a prominent contemporary electoral authoritarian regime, Russia. The article shows how the electoral mobilization of certain institutionally and socioeconomically state-dependent dem

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23

Hughes, Sallie, and Mireya Márquez-Ramírez. "Local-Level Authoritarianism, Democratic Normative Aspirations, and Antipress Harassment: Predictors of Threats to Journalists in Mexico." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 4 (2018): 539–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218786041.

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Cross-national research has identified crime, corruption, and human rights abuses as explanations for threats against journalists in democracies and authoritarian hybrids plagued by antipress violence. In-depth studies additionally suggest gender or occupational characteristics such as risky newsbeats increase the likelihood of being threatened. We overcome data limitations in many of these studies by analyzing work-related threats reported by journalists in Mexico, a territorially uneven democracy. Findings confirm that contexts of criminal insecurity are the strongest predictor of threats bu

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24

McMann, Kelly M. "Boundary Control: Subnational Authoritarianism in Federal Democracies. By Edward L. Gibson. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012. 202p. $85.00 cloth, $29.99 paper." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 4 (2013): 1206–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713002569.

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25

SUÁREZ CAO, Julieta. "GIBSON, Edward. «Boundary Control: Subnational Authoritarianism in Federal Democracies». Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. 192 pp. ISBN: 978-052-119-223-1." América Latina Hoy 66 (March 20, 2014): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/alh201466192194.

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26

Schedler, Andreas. "Edward L. Gibson, Boundary Control: Subnational Authoritarianism in Federal Democracies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. Illustrations, tables, figures, maps, bibliography, index, 208 pp; hardcover $85, paperback $29.99, e-book $24." Latin American Politics and Society 56, no. 02 (2014): 182–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1531426x00004003.

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27

"Boundary control: subnational authoritarianism in federal democracies." Choice Reviews Online 51, no. 07 (2014): 51–4085. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.51-4085.

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28

Asadzade, Peyman. "Higher education and violent revolutionary activism under authoritarianism: Subnational evidence from Iran." Conflict Management and Peace Science, March 2, 2021, 073889422199179. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894221991790.

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Existing research shows that education reduces the likelihood of individuals’ participation in political violence and increases conventional political participation, such as voting. However, how does education affect political behavior in authoritarian contexts where opportunities for conventional political participation are limited or non-existent? Focusing on higher education, I argue that college education is likely to encourage violent revolutionary activism in authoritarian contexts because of two mechanisms. First, higher educational institutions facilitate social network-building and, a

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29

van Mierlo, Trix. "Attrition as a bottom-up pathway to subnational democratization." International Political Science Review, June 22, 2021, 019251212110192. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01925121211019269.

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Oftentimes, democracy is not spread out evenly over the territory of a country. Instead, pockets of authoritarianism can persist within a democratic system. A growing body of literature questions how such subnational authoritarian enclaves can be democratized. Despite fascinating insights, all existing pathways rely on the actions of elites and are therefore top-down. This article seeks to kick-start the discussion on a bottom-up pathway to subnational democratization, by proposing the attrition mechanism. This mechanism consists of four parts and is the product of abductive inference through

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30

Zhang, Qi. "Distributive Politics under Institutionalized Authoritarianism: Evidence from China's Subnational Land Finance." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2947392.

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31

Hughes, Sallie, and Yulia Vorobyeva. "Explaining the killing of journalists in the contemporary era: The importance of hybrid regimes and subnational variations." Journalism, November 5, 2019, 146488491988558. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884919885588.

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Explanations for an increase in the killing of journalists worldwide over the last quarter century include the dangers of war coverage and unsafe conditions in formally democratic countries. Analyzing 1812 killings of journalists from 1992 to 2016, we find that countries with hybrid political regimes mixing liberal and illiberal elements create by far the most dangerous context for journalists, while a particular spatial configuration within those countries, subnational authoritarianism, clarifies the logic of the killings. In short, the study finds that most journalists died in countries wher

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32

Turner, Jacob R. "Guerrillas and authoritarians: Partners in post-war polarization." Party Politics, October 29, 2020, 135406882096840. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068820968409.

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Despite a violent and extremist past, some armed rebel movements often abandon their arms and successfully contest power through elections. This paper seeks to understand the environmental factors that determine an insurgent successor party’s electoral success. Using first a cross-national analysis of insurgent successor party performance and then a subnational analysis of Salvadoran elections from 1994–2019, it is shown that the party’s ability to leverage identities forged during the war and organize its appeals along a highly polarized pro- and anti-government axis is crucial to electoral s

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