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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Sudan. Armed Forces

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Academic literature on the topic 'Sudan. Armed Forces'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Sudan. Armed Forces"

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Pendle, Naomi. "“They Are Now Community Police”: Negotiating the Boundaries and Nature of the Government in South Sudan through the Identity of Militarised Cattle-keepers." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 22, no. 3 (July 17, 2015): 410–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02203006.

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Armed, cattle-herding men in Africa are often assumed to be at a relational and spatial distance from the ‘legitimate’ armed forces of the government. The vision constructed of the South Sudanese government in 2005 by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement removed legitimacy from non-government armed groups including localised, armed, defence forces that protected communities and cattle. Yet, militarised cattle-herding men of South Sudan have had various relationships with the governing Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement/Army over the last thirty years, blurring the government – non government boundary. With tens of thousands killed since December 2013 in South Sudan, questions are being asked about options for justice especially for governing elites. A contextual understanding of the armed forces and their relationship to government over time is needed to understand the genesis and apparent legitimacy of this violence.

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Elsheikh, Elsadig. "Sudan after Revolt." Critical Times 2, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 466–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-7862560.

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Abstract After more than four months of constant demonstrations, the Sudanese popular uprising, begun on December 19, 2018, and led by the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA), forced the high-ranking generals of the Sudanese Armed Forces to side with the protestors in removing the dictatorial regime of Omar al-Bashir on April 11, 2019. The SPA developed new tactics for organizing and mobilizing the masses in the face of crippling public fear to put an end to thirty years of al-Bashir's dictatorship. However, the peaceful revolution has yet to declare its final victory and finds itself facing a major enemy, the Transitional Military Council (TMC), which intends to maintain the status quo ante. This essay asks: can Sudanese civil society challenge the TMC and lead the country out of autocracy, achieving genuine democratization, or will the TMC cut short such transformation?

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Lubaale, Emma Charlene. "The Dominant Role of Commanders in the Sudanese Military Justice System and Accountability for International Crimes." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 26, no. 3 (August 2018): 391–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2018.0238.

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Members of national defence forces are increasingly being implicated in the commission of international crimes. In Sudan, for example, reports indicate that members of the Sudanese Armed Force (SAF) are responsible for a wide range of international crimes in respect of the Darfur war. In 2007, Sudan amended the Armed Forces Act by, inter alia, criminalising international crimes. The explicit criminalisation of international crimes is commendable as it provides a legal basis for holding members of the SAF to account for the international crimes allegedly committed. The question left unresolved, however, is whether, given the dominant role of commanders in the Sudanese military justice system, it is feasible to hold commanders of the SAF to account. By critically analysing selected aspects of Sudan's Armed Forces Act, this article argues that the dominant role of commanders in Sudan's military justice system makes holding commanders to account unviable at the national level. The article, however, questions whether making reforms to the dominant role of commanders would create lasting solutions to this accountability gap. Could, perhaps, the dominant role of commanders create an entry point for other forums such as the International Criminal Court (ICC) to hold commanders to account, on the basis of the principle of command responsibility?

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Drozd, Daria. "The participation of the Ukrainian Armed Forces in the peacekeeping operations." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (6) (October 31, 2019): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2019-02-05-16.

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The main historical and contemporary participation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations are described. The key notions of peacekeeping are defined showing this definition as the main rational tool for preventing and resolving disputes, threats, conflicts at the national, regional and global levels is the modern peacekeeping system. The main laws of Ukraine concerning peacekeeping operations are characterized with defining objectives for these operations.The attention is focused on the Ukraine’s participation in different international peacekeeping operations including 26 operations which ended and 8 ongoing operations. An important aspect of Ukraine’s participation in peacekeeping on the African continent is its coordinated actions with the United Nations on the diplomatic settlement of conflicts and the adherence to official statements regarding them.Peacekeeping missions are currently operating in Liberia, Congo, Sierra Leone, Sudan (Darfur and Juba) and other African countries. In particular, these are peacekeeping missions such as: the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), the UN Mission in Côte d’Ivoire (ONUCI), the African Union – United Nations Operation in Darfur (UNAUMID), the UN peacekeeping operation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), demilitarization and peacekeeping in the disputed area of Abyei (UNISFA), the UN Mission in the Republic of Southern Sudan (UNMISS), UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSCA).Ukrainian peacekeeping potential is analysed. Participation of the armed forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations of the United Nations is one of the priority foreign policy tasks of our state, successful implementation of which positively influences strengthening of the national authority of Ukraine, promotes development of cooperation with Euro-Atlantic and regional security structures and has an exceptional significance for the national interests of our country. Ukraine claims to be a full-fledged subject of international relations, increases its credibility and demonstrates a peaceful policy.

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POPKO, Serhii. "PARTICIPATION OF SERVICEMEN OF THE ARMED FORCES OF UKRAINE IN INTERNATIONAL PEACEKEEPING AND SECURITY OPERATIONS (1992-2018)." Contemporary era 8 (2020): 122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2020-8-122-133.

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The paper retrospectively covers the peacekeeping activities of the servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine during the independence of Ukraine. The Ukrainian military's peacekeeping activities were authorized by the Resolution of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine "Pro uchast batalionu Zbroinykh Syl Ukrainy v Myrotvorchykh Sylakh Orhanizatsii Obiednanykh Natsii u zonakh konfliktiv na terytorii kolyshnoi Yuhoslavii" (1992). The author focused on the characteristics of peacekeeping activities of the Ukrainian military in the countries of the former Yugoslavia (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia), on the African continent (Angola, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Liberia, Côte d'Ivoire), countries of the Middle East (Lebanon, Tajikistan, Kuwait, Iraq) and others. It is noted that servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) during peacekeeping operations mostly patrol areas of responsibility, engaged in the transportation of United Nations personnel, escort humanitarian cargos, control the ceasefire, and withdrawal of troops. International peacekeeping operations vary in duration (from several months to several years), funding, and the number of personnel involved. Usually, the results of Ukrainian peacekeepers were highly praised by the leadership of international security organizations. Participation of Ukrainian Armed Forces servicemen in North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) programs, Partnership for Peace, international peacekeeping activities under the auspices of the United Nations, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) brings our country closer to NATO membership, contributes to strengthening its international prestige. Keywords: armed forces, NATO, peacekeeping operations, UN, Ukrainian contingent.

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Manoilo, Andrei. "Modern approaches of the European Union to creating own armed its forces." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2020): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2020.04.04.

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This article is devoted to the basic principles, stages and features of the formation of a new type of armed forces in the European Union – the pan-European army of the EU. It is noted that over the entire period of its existence, the European Union has not been able to form its own army, although attempts to implement this project have been made repeatedly – in 1999, 2003, 2004, and possibly in 2018 (in connection with the implementation of the EU program of ongoing structured cooperation PESCO). Initially, the European army was supposed to be equipped with units of all combat arms (from aviation to naval ships); its number at the initial stage should have been at least 50–60 thousands military personnel (then it was planned to increase its number to one hundred and even one hundred and fifty thousand people). However, to date, all that the EU has to intervene in armed conflicts is the multinational EU rapid reaction force, consisting of several battalion tactical groups of 1,500 persons each. These forces showed themselves quite well during the EU military operations in the Balkans, the Middle East and Africa (Somalia, Mali, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, Central African Republic), but they are clearly not in the full-fledged army of the European Union or even its core pulling. To compensate for these shortcomings, the PESCO program was launched in March 2018, but after two years of its implementation, the results of this program are rather modest. A good effect was achieved only in the field of «military mobility» (logistics); but on the fulfillment of a number of «obligations» of the countries participating in this program, the European Council does not even have rough information (countries refuse to give it).

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Gillard, Emanuela-Chiara. "“Safe areas”: The international legal framework." International Review of the Red Cross 99, no. 906 (December 2017): 1075–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383118000474.

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AbstractIn recent years there have been repeated calls for the establishment of so-called “safe areas” to protect civilians from the effects of hostilities in a number of contexts. The present article presents the international law framework relevant to the establishment and operation of such areas: the provisions of international humanitarian law on protected zones; the rules regulating resort to armed force, Security Council authorization and mandates for the establishment of such areas by multinational forces in the absence of agreement between belligerents; and the refugee and international human rights issues raised by such zones. Using the example of the “protection of civilians sites” in South Sudan, the article then highlights some of the operational challenges raised by safe areas. It concludes with some reflections on how to enhance the likelihood that belligerents will establish such protected zones in the future.

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Wild, Hannah, Pierre Fallavier, and Ronak Patel. "“Lost Generation” in South Sudan: A Broader Approach Toward Peace Urgently Needed." Disaster Medicine and Public Health Preparedness 13, no. 4 (March 6, 2019): 663–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/dmp.2018.144.

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ABSTRACTWhat began in 2013 as the eruption of a political struggle between forces loyal to President Salva Kiir, a member of the Dinka ethnic group, and then–vice president Riek Machar, a Nuer, has splintered into a multifaction conflict. A dizzying array of armed groups have entered the fray, many unmotivated by political leverage that conventionally brings parties to a conflict to the negotiating table. Two years and tens of thousands of deaths after the 2015 signing of the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan, with no substantive progress toward meetings its terms, it is unrealistic to think that Intergovernmental Authority on Development’s recently announced High-Level Revitalization Forum will be sufficient to address the drivers of this conflict. Current policy proposals are poorly designed to address escalating intercommunal conflict and cattle raiding, both devastating forms of violence. As measures at the international level continue to be pursued, the conflict resolution strategy should also include a more comprehensive approach incorporating local actors in order to build momentum toward long-term stability. In this article, we highlight gaps in the current dialogue around a political solution in South Sudan, as well as domains that must be part of the next push for peace. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2019;13:663–671)

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Reyntjens, Filip. "The New Geostrategic Situation in Central Africa." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 1 (1998): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502765.

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The war that brought Laurent-Désiré Kabila and the AFDL (Alliance of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo/Zaire) into power in Kinshasa must be placed in the broader context of three conflicts—that of the Great Lakes, of course, which is the most immediately obvious, but also those of Sudan and Angola. The proximity of these unstable locations and the game of alliances (every actor uses the “my enemy’s enemy is my friend” logic) brought these conflicts together, creating a potential war zone from Asmara to Luanda. Zaire is the connection among these three wars: Mobutu’s government supported Khartoum’s regime against the South Sudanese guerrillas, in particular the SPLA, who are supported in turn by Asmara, Addis Ababa, and Kampala. Zaire’s territory served as a rear base for attacks by the diverse armed movements against Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi.

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Heinecken, Lindy. "Are Women ‘Really’ Making a Unique Contribution to Peacekeeping?" Journal of International Peacekeeping 19, no. 3-4 (November 24, 2015): 227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-01904002.

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This article examines the factors that inhibit the ability of female peacekeepers to make a unique contribution to peacekeeping operations based on their gender. The debates are examined in relation to the claims made about their ability to enhance operational effectiveness and reach out to the local population as women, compared to the actual experiences of South African peacekeepers’ deployed in the Democratic Republic of Congo (drc) and in Darfur/Sudan. The argument is made that factors stemming from both the military and operational context affect the optimal utilization of women in various ways. As most national armed forces tend to draw their peacekeeping troops from the infantry, women come under tremendous performance pressure when deployed and are obliged to assimilate masculine values in order to be recognised as ‘good’ soldiers. It is argued that this, coupled with the hyper-masculine peacekeeping environment which is hostile to women, undermines their optimal utilization, as well as their ability to infuse a more gendered approach in peacekeeping.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Sudan. Armed Forces"

1

Smuts, Melanie. "Analysing the negotiation and implementation process of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement on the Sudan question : lessons learnt." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/37381.

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2

Salmon, Jago. "Militia politics." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/15799.

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Die vorliegende Arbeit zielt darauf ab, zwei Forschungslücken in der Literatur über Bürgerkriege zu schließen. Erstens, die Analyse der Strukturen nicht-staatlicher bewaffneter Gruppen. Zweitens, die Untersuchung der Politik von Milizen, als Form nicht-staatlicher Gruppen, denen in gegenwärtigen Bürgerkriegen eine zunehmende Bedeutung zukommt. Diese beiden Bereiche werden mit Hilfe einer historisch vergleichenden Analyse am Beispiel von zwei Milizen, die im sudanesischen und libanesischen Bürgerkrieg kämpften, untersucht. Die "Popular Defense Forces", 1989 von der Regierung des Sudan mobilisiert, wurden zum Sammelbecken für undisziplinierte und teilautonome militärische Einheiten, die schwerste Kriegsverbrechen begingen. Die "Lebanese Forces", eine maronitisch-nationalistische Miliz, wurde von einer Koalition konservativer christlicher Parteien gegründet. Nach dem Zusammenbruch des Staates 1975-6 wurde diese Miliz zu einer autonomen politischen Einheit mit einem territorial abgegrenzten Kanton im Osten von Beirut. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Prozesse und Strategien, die diesen Milizen die Etablierung von Herrschaft ermöglichte. Die beiden Gruppen entwickelten sich zu Organisationen, die die zu verteidigenden Gebiete beherrschten und mit staatlichen Geldgebern verbündet waren, aber auch in Konkurrenz zu ihnen standen. Diese Arbeit identifiziert drei Mechanismen, die die Entwicklungen von Milizen im Laufe ihrer Zeit bestimmen. Der Erste erklärt die Formierung von Milizen als ein Bricolage von politischen und nicht-politischen Antworten auf Unsicherheit. Der Zweite erklärt, wie sich Milizen in hybride Organisationen, von zentraler Mobilisierungseinheit und lokal eingebettete Organisationen, entwickeln. Der Dritte führt die Kontrolle des Zentrums über die lokalen Organisationen auf die Macht über Ressourcen zurück. Die Arbeit schließt mit dem Entwurf eines alternativen analytischen Modells für die Untersuchung von Bürgerkriegen.
This thesis provides an analysis of the organizational politics of state supporting armed groups, and demonstrates how group cohesion and institutionalization impact on the patterns of violence witnessed within civil wars. Using an historical comparative method, strategies of leadership control are examined in the processes of organizational evolution of the Popular Defence Forces, an Islamist Nationalist militia, and the allied Lebanese Forces, a Christian Nationalist militia. The first group was a centrally coordinated network of irregular forces which fielded ill-disciplined and semi-autonomous military units, and was responsible for severe war crimes. Equally responsible for war crimes, such as the Sabra and Shatila massacre of Shi''a and Palestinian civilians in 1982, the second group, nonetheless, became an autonomous military formation with an established territorial canton with a high degree of control over military units. After first analysing the political and institutional context of formation of these two groups, detailed case study analysis illustrates how political-military leaderships consolidated internal authority over combat units. At first, this authority relied on a bricolage of norms, motivations and institutions, as highly diverse, loosely coordinated actors mobilised in response to insecurity. As key leadership figures emerged, these groups evolved into hybrid organisations, divided between central organisations and locally embedded units operating according to localised security arenas decoupled from central military or political strategy. Central authority was then consolidated through a process of progressive institutionalisation and expansion, as centralised control was established, often violently, over resources, recruitment and discipline. This thesis shows, how militias, formed in allegiance with the state evolved into organizations rivalling state sovereignty and exploiting the communities which they claimed to defend.

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Chikuni, Eshilla. "The role of the United Nations in preventing violent conflicts : lessons from Rwanda and Sudan." Diss., 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/9741.

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The occurrence of internal armed conflict in Africa has increased over the last two decades. As such, Africa continues to be viewed by many as a troubled continent. In an attempt to avoid further conflict in Africa, organisations such as the United Nations have implemented comprehensive tools and strategies to prevent further conflicts from occurring. However, the genocide in Rwanda and the on-going unrest in Sudan have shown that there is still a lot of work to be done. In both these cases, the conflicts took place or escalated even with UN presence on ground. This paper will thus examine the UN's legal role in the prevention of internal armed conflict and establish the type of lessons that could be learnt from Rwanda and Sudan.
Public, Constitutional, & International
LL.M.

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4

Salmon, Jago [Verfasser]. "Militia politics : the formation and organisation of irregular armed forces in Sudan (1985 - 2001) and Lebanon (1975 - 1991) / Jago Salmon." 2008. http://d-nb.info/990397173/34.

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Books on the topic "Sudan. Armed Forces"

1

al-Jaysh fī al-dawlah al-Mahdīyah, 1881-1899 M. Bayrūt: al-Dār al-ʻArabīyah lil-Mawsūʻāt, 2012.

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2

Amnesty International. Sudan: The human price of oil. New York: Amnesty International USA, 2000.

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Amnesty International. Sudan: The human price of oil. New York: Amnesty International USA, 2000.

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The world and Darfur: International response to crimes against humanity in western Sudan. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2009.

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5

Wheeler, Skye. South Sudan's new war: Abuses by government and opposition forces. New York, N.Y.]: Human Rights Watch, 2014.

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6

Southern Kordofan: Ethnic cleansing and humanitarian crisis in Sudan : hearing before the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, and Human Rights of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, first session, August 4, 2011. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2011.

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Nominations before the Senate Armed Services Committee, first session, 113th Congress: Hearings before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate, One Hundred Thirteenth Congress, first session, on nominations of Hon. Charles T. Hagel; Gen. Lloyd J. Austin III, USA; Gen. David M. Rodriguez, USA; Hon. Alan F. Estevez; Mr. Frederick E. Vollrath; Mr. Eric K. Fanning; Gen. Philip M. Breedlove, USAF; Gen. Martin E. Dempsey, USA; Adm James A Winnefeld, Jr., USN; Hon. Stephen W. Preston; Hon. Jon T. Rymer; Ms. Susan J. Rabern; Mr. Dennis V. McGinn; Adm Cecil E.D. Haney, USN; LTG Curtis M. Scaparrotti, USA; Hon. Deborah Lee James; Hon. Jessica Garfola Wright; Mr. Frank G. Klotz; Mr. Marcel J. Lettre II; Mr. Kevin A. Ohlson; Mr. Michael D. Lumpkin; Hon. Jamie M. Morin; and Hon. Jo Ann Rooney; January 31; February 12, 14, 28; April 11; July 18, 25, 30; September 19; October 10, 2013. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2014.

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8

Peacekeeping in South Sudan: One Year of Lessons from Under the Blue Beret. Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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Munson, R. Peacekeeping in South Sudan: One Year of Lessons from Under the Blue Beret. Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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From Civilians to Soldiers and from Soldiers to Civilians: Mobilization and Demobilization in Sudan. Amsterdam University Press, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Sudan. Armed Forces"

1

Bienen, Henry S., and Jonathan Moore. "The Sudan: Military Economic Corporations." In Armed Forces, Conflict, and Change in Africa, 75–101. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429033216-5.

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Mustafa Ali, Nada. "Gender and Disarmament, Demobilisation, and Reintegration in Post Comprehensive Peace Agreement South Sudan." In Making and Breaking Peace in Sudan and South Sudan, 153–71. British Academy, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0009.

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This chapter discusses gender, peace, and the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programs for former Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) combatants and Women Associated with the Armed Forces (WAAF) in South Sudan, based on field research in Juba and Wau in South Sudan in 2013. The chapter examines the distinct impact of DDR on women former combatants and on (WAAF), in a militarized ‘post’-conflict setting where gender inequality prevails, and in light of the government of South Sudan’s and the international community’s endorsement of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. A key finding is that in post-CPA South Sudan, DDR compounded social exclusion for most women ex-combatants and WAAF. The chapter calls for a rethinking of understandings of peace as mere cessation of hostilities, and as gathering of arms from former combatants. It also calls for restoring the voices of former combatants of both sexes, and of citizens in local communities directly affected by conflict, into policy and scholarly discourses on Security Sector Reform (SSR), and post-conflict reconstruction.

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