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Journal articles on the topic 'Sudan. Armed Forces'
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1
Pendle, Naomi. "“They Are Now Community Police”: Negotiating the Boundaries and Nature of the Government in South Sudan through the Identity of Militarised Cattle-keepers." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 22, no. 3 (July 17, 2015): 410–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02203006.
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Armed, cattle-herding men in Africa are often assumed to be at a relational and spatial distance from the ‘legitimate’ armed forces of the government. The vision constructed of the South Sudanese government in 2005 by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement removed legitimacy from non-government armed groups including localised, armed, defence forces that protected communities and cattle. Yet, militarised cattle-herding men of South Sudan have had various relationships with the governing Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement/Army over the last thirty years, blurring the government – non government boundary. With tens of thousands killed since December 2013 in South Sudan, questions are being asked about options for justice especially for governing elites. A contextual understanding of the armed forces and their relationship to government over time is needed to understand the genesis and apparent legitimacy of this violence.
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Elsheikh, Elsadig. "Sudan after Revolt." Critical Times 2, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 466–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-7862560.
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Abstract After more than four months of constant demonstrations, the Sudanese popular uprising, begun on December 19, 2018, and led by the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA), forced the high-ranking generals of the Sudanese Armed Forces to side with the protestors in removing the dictatorial regime of Omar al-Bashir on April 11, 2019. The SPA developed new tactics for organizing and mobilizing the masses in the face of crippling public fear to put an end to thirty years of al-Bashir's dictatorship. However, the peaceful revolution has yet to declare its final victory and finds itself facing a major enemy, the Transitional Military Council (TMC), which intends to maintain the status quo ante. This essay asks: can Sudanese civil society challenge the TMC and lead the country out of autocracy, achieving genuine democratization, or will the TMC cut short such transformation?
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Lubaale, Emma Charlene. "The Dominant Role of Commanders in the Sudanese Military Justice System and Accountability for International Crimes." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 26, no. 3 (August 2018): 391–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2018.0238.
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Members of national defence forces are increasingly being implicated in the commission of international crimes. In Sudan, for example, reports indicate that members of the Sudanese Armed Force (SAF) are responsible for a wide range of international crimes in respect of the Darfur war. In 2007, Sudan amended the Armed Forces Act by, inter alia, criminalising international crimes. The explicit criminalisation of international crimes is commendable as it provides a legal basis for holding members of the SAF to account for the international crimes allegedly committed. The question left unresolved, however, is whether, given the dominant role of commanders in the Sudanese military justice system, it is feasible to hold commanders of the SAF to account. By critically analysing selected aspects of Sudan's Armed Forces Act, this article argues that the dominant role of commanders in Sudan's military justice system makes holding commanders to account unviable at the national level. The article, however, questions whether making reforms to the dominant role of commanders would create lasting solutions to this accountability gap. Could, perhaps, the dominant role of commanders create an entry point for other forums such as the International Criminal Court (ICC) to hold commanders to account, on the basis of the principle of command responsibility?
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Drozd, Daria. "The participation of the Ukrainian Armed Forces in the peacekeeping operations." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (6) (October 31, 2019): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2019-02-05-16.
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The main historical and contemporary participation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations are described. The key notions of peacekeeping are defined showing this definition as the main rational tool for preventing and resolving disputes, threats, conflicts at the national, regional and global levels is the modern peacekeeping system. The main laws of Ukraine concerning peacekeeping operations are characterized with defining objectives for these operations.The attention is focused on the Ukraine’s participation in different international peacekeeping operations including 26 operations which ended and 8 ongoing operations. An important aspect of Ukraine’s participation in peacekeeping on the African continent is its coordinated actions with the United Nations on the diplomatic settlement of conflicts and the adherence to official statements regarding them.Peacekeeping missions are currently operating in Liberia, Congo, Sierra Leone, Sudan (Darfur and Juba) and other African countries. In particular, these are peacekeeping missions such as: the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), the UN Mission in Côte d’Ivoire (ONUCI), the African Union – United Nations Operation in Darfur (UNAUMID), the UN peacekeeping operation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), demilitarization and peacekeeping in the disputed area of Abyei (UNISFA), the UN Mission in the Republic of Southern Sudan (UNMISS), UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSCA).Ukrainian peacekeeping potential is analysed. Participation of the armed forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations of the United Nations is one of the priority foreign policy tasks of our state, successful implementation of which positively influences strengthening of the national authority of Ukraine, promotes development of cooperation with Euro-Atlantic and regional security structures and has an exceptional significance for the national interests of our country. Ukraine claims to be a full-fledged subject of international relations, increases its credibility and demonstrates a peaceful policy.
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POPKO, Serhii. "PARTICIPATION OF SERVICEMEN OF THE ARMED FORCES OF UKRAINE IN INTERNATIONAL PEACEKEEPING AND SECURITY OPERATIONS (1992-2018)." Contemporary era 8 (2020): 122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2020-8-122-133.
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The paper retrospectively covers the peacekeeping activities of the servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine during the independence of Ukraine. The Ukrainian military's peacekeeping activities were authorized by the Resolution of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine "Pro uchast batalionu Zbroinykh Syl Ukrainy v Myrotvorchykh Sylakh Orhanizatsii Obiednanykh Natsii u zonakh konfliktiv na terytorii kolyshnoi Yuhoslavii" (1992). The author focused on the characteristics of peacekeeping activities of the Ukrainian military in the countries of the former Yugoslavia (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia), on the African continent (Angola, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Liberia, Côte d'Ivoire), countries of the Middle East (Lebanon, Tajikistan, Kuwait, Iraq) and others. It is noted that servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) during peacekeeping operations mostly patrol areas of responsibility, engaged in the transportation of United Nations personnel, escort humanitarian cargos, control the ceasefire, and withdrawal of troops. International peacekeeping operations vary in duration (from several months to several years), funding, and the number of personnel involved. Usually, the results of Ukrainian peacekeepers were highly praised by the leadership of international security organizations. Participation of Ukrainian Armed Forces servicemen in North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) programs, Partnership for Peace, international peacekeeping activities under the auspices of the United Nations, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) brings our country closer to NATO membership, contributes to strengthening its international prestige. Keywords: armed forces, NATO, peacekeeping operations, UN, Ukrainian contingent.
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Manoilo, Andrei. "Modern approaches of the European Union to creating own armed its forces." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2020): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2020.04.04.
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This article is devoted to the basic principles, stages and features of the formation of a new type of armed forces in the European Union – the pan-European army of the EU. It is noted that over the entire period of its existence, the European Union has not been able to form its own army, although attempts to implement this project have been made repeatedly – in 1999, 2003, 2004, and possibly in 2018 (in connection with the implementation of the EU program of ongoing structured cooperation PESCO). Initially, the European army was supposed to be equipped with units of all combat arms (from aviation to naval ships); its number at the initial stage should have been at least 50–60 thousands military personnel (then it was planned to increase its number to one hundred and even one hundred and fifty thousand people). However, to date, all that the EU has to intervene in armed conflicts is the multinational EU rapid reaction force, consisting of several battalion tactical groups of 1,500 persons each. These forces showed themselves quite well during the EU military operations in the Balkans, the Middle East and Africa (Somalia, Mali, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, Central African Republic), but they are clearly not in the full-fledged army of the European Union or even its core pulling. To compensate for these shortcomings, the PESCO program was launched in March 2018, but after two years of its implementation, the results of this program are rather modest. A good effect was achieved only in the field of «military mobility» (logistics); but on the fulfillment of a number of «obligations» of the countries participating in this program, the European Council does not even have rough information (countries refuse to give it).
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Gillard, Emanuela-Chiara. "“Safe areas”: The international legal framework." International Review of the Red Cross 99, no. 906 (December 2017): 1075–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383118000474.
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AbstractIn recent years there have been repeated calls for the establishment of so-called “safe areas” to protect civilians from the effects of hostilities in a number of contexts. The present article presents the international law framework relevant to the establishment and operation of such areas: the provisions of international humanitarian law on protected zones; the rules regulating resort to armed force, Security Council authorization and mandates for the establishment of such areas by multinational forces in the absence of agreement between belligerents; and the refugee and international human rights issues raised by such zones. Using the example of the “protection of civilians sites” in South Sudan, the article then highlights some of the operational challenges raised by safe areas. It concludes with some reflections on how to enhance the likelihood that belligerents will establish such protected zones in the future.
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Wild, Hannah, Pierre Fallavier, and Ronak Patel. "“Lost Generation” in South Sudan: A Broader Approach Toward Peace Urgently Needed." Disaster Medicine and Public Health Preparedness 13, no. 4 (March 6, 2019): 663–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/dmp.2018.144.
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ABSTRACTWhat began in 2013 as the eruption of a political struggle between forces loyal to President Salva Kiir, a member of the Dinka ethnic group, and then–vice president Riek Machar, a Nuer, has splintered into a multifaction conflict. A dizzying array of armed groups have entered the fray, many unmotivated by political leverage that conventionally brings parties to a conflict to the negotiating table. Two years and tens of thousands of deaths after the 2015 signing of the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan, with no substantive progress toward meetings its terms, it is unrealistic to think that Intergovernmental Authority on Development’s recently announced High-Level Revitalization Forum will be sufficient to address the drivers of this conflict. Current policy proposals are poorly designed to address escalating intercommunal conflict and cattle raiding, both devastating forms of violence. As measures at the international level continue to be pursued, the conflict resolution strategy should also include a more comprehensive approach incorporating local actors in order to build momentum toward long-term stability. In this article, we highlight gaps in the current dialogue around a political solution in South Sudan, as well as domains that must be part of the next push for peace. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2019;13:663–671)
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Reyntjens, Filip. "The New Geostrategic Situation in Central Africa." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 1 (1998): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502765.
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The war that brought Laurent-Désiré Kabila and the AFDL (Alliance of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo/Zaire) into power in Kinshasa must be placed in the broader context of three conflicts—that of the Great Lakes, of course, which is the most immediately obvious, but also those of Sudan and Angola. The proximity of these unstable locations and the game of alliances (every actor uses the “my enemy’s enemy is my friend” logic) brought these conflicts together, creating a potential war zone from Asmara to Luanda. Zaire is the connection among these three wars: Mobutu’s government supported Khartoum’s regime against the South Sudanese guerrillas, in particular the SPLA, who are supported in turn by Asmara, Addis Ababa, and Kampala. Zaire’s territory served as a rear base for attacks by the diverse armed movements against Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi.
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Heinecken, Lindy. "Are Women ‘Really’ Making a Unique Contribution to Peacekeeping?" Journal of International Peacekeeping 19, no. 3-4 (November 24, 2015): 227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-01904002.
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This article examines the factors that inhibit the ability of female peacekeepers to make a unique contribution to peacekeeping operations based on their gender. The debates are examined in relation to the claims made about their ability to enhance operational effectiveness and reach out to the local population as women, compared to the actual experiences of South African peacekeepers’ deployed in the Democratic Republic of Congo (drc) and in Darfur/Sudan. The argument is made that factors stemming from both the military and operational context affect the optimal utilization of women in various ways. As most national armed forces tend to draw their peacekeeping troops from the infantry, women come under tremendous performance pressure when deployed and are obliged to assimilate masculine values in order to be recognised as ‘good’ soldiers. It is argued that this, coupled with the hyper-masculine peacekeeping environment which is hostile to women, undermines their optimal utilization, as well as their ability to infuse a more gendered approach in peacekeeping.
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Mustafa, Mustafa SirElkhatim. "تقيم الوضع الراهن لجودة مياه مدينة بورتسودان (المصدر خور أربعات)." FES Journal of Engineering Sciences 8, no. 2 (April 18, 2020): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.52981/fjes.v8i2.63.
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Port Sudan is the main port and largest commercial centre of the Sudan located in semi-arid region. Population estimate in 2010 was about 926,000 inhabitants and the water demand estimated was about 120000-150000 m3/day. Water production from Khor Arbaat is 60,000 m3/day in good years; however, it may go down to 30,000 m3/day in bad years. In general, the overall situation of the city is characterized by regular shortages. There are three dams (U/G Dam1, SPC Dam2, FR Dam3) structured on Khor Arbaat for water harvesting (2005,2000,1992), siltation represents the greatest problem to these Dams, accordingly their capacities storage is decreases. Their storage capacities are 16*106, 5*106, and 6*106 m3 respectively, therefore the small capacities of these dams lead to inflation silt in a limited period of time. In the same way the Sea Port Corporation (Dam 2) in the year 2012 was removed by the armed forces of the corps as a result of inflation silting and thickness of silting to 6 meters. Water from Khor Arbaat gets into the transfer system without any treatment. The study is carried out to assess and evaluate the quality of surface and ground water resources in the Khor Arbaat zone. Field works included three visits to the study area, on January 2018, February 2018, and on March 2018. Sixteen typical water samples collected from different locations within Khor Arbaat and the city network were analyzed for physical and chemical water quality parameters. GIS Arc. Map and Kriging method are used to study the characteristics of water depend on coordinates and samples results.
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Mrsevic, Zorica, and Svetlana Jankovic. "Implementation of principle of local ownership: From victimization to empowerment of women." Temida 20, no. 1 (2017): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem1701023m.
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The paper presents the existence of a conflict between local ownership and the introduction of gender equality in situations of post-conflict peace-building under the control of international actors, mostly UN peacekeeping forces. The authors present the essential meanings of the term ?local ownership? and understanding of its importance for the success of peacekeeping missions and reforms of the security sector in post-conflict societies in achieveing lasting peace. Local civil or military leaders can actually consider that gender equality is not needed in their culture, and that the participation of women in the security sector is not socio-culturally acceptable. That is why various international actors may be reluctant to advocate for gender equality, considering it as an imposition of foreign cultural values that could potentially destabilize the security sector reform process. The paper presents examples of Sahel region, South Sudan, South Africa, East Timor and Sri Lanka, ilustrating that women and men have different experiences of conflict, and that women in conflict and post-conflict situations are especially vulnerable to sexual and other forms of gender-based violence. Therefore, women?s active participation in peace-building and ending violence and conflicts is essential for peace, security and general cessation of further victimization of women. Supporting the existing power relations characterized by structural gender inequality and violence diminish the value of security sector reform. Moreover, the process of peace-building is destabilized by maintaining permanent sources of victimization of women, discrimination and easy outbreak of armed conflict. This might result in the poorly reformed security sector, which only fits the needs of male local dominant groups and protects their interests, leaving majority of women still in a situation of high risk from various forms of victimization.
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Arnold, Matthew B. "The South Sudan Defence Force: patriots, collaborators or spoilers?" Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 4 (November 12, 2007): 489–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x07002856.
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ABSTRACTDespite stipulations in the Sudan's 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that all ‘other armed groups’ be demobilised by January 2006, the South Sudan Defence Force (SSDF) continued to maintain a significant armed presence in South Sudan. This paper analyses the dynamics of the organisation, the impact of its ongoing presence on the security situation and reconstruction efforts, and attempts by the government of South Sudan to counteract the SSDF from January to August 2006. It argues that the strategies implemented by the government to counter the SSDF were fairly successful in that there was no major return to conflict. However, it concludes that the SSDF's continued presence, while hindered, has the potential to spark a return to civil war.
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Ibrahim, Ammar Mohamed Elbagir. "The police of the Sudan." Police Journal: Theory, Practice and Principles 91, no. 3 (September 4, 2017): 275–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032258x17726702.
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The police force is one of the oldest institutions in modern Sudan. Since its establishment, political instability and internal armed conflicts have beset the country. Security problems and political instability have played a determining role in putting a centralised and militarised model of policing. Depending on archive materials and other sources, this article uses the historical approach to trace how centralised and military ideas have affected the police structure, role and practice. The impact of these ideas has contributed in establishing authoritarian model of policing rather than a professional one. Restoring peace and stability is a fundamental factor in any long-term plan of police reform.
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Brett, E. A. "Neutralising the Use of Force in Uganda: the Rôle of the Military in Politics." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1995): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020887.
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Bullets rather than ballots have dominated politics in Uganda since independence, where two governments have been removed by coups, one by a foreign invasion, and another by an armed rebellion. Force has not only dominated the formal political system, but also threatened the economic and social basis on which democratic processes and progressive development depends. For 25 years predatory military rule and civil war have destroyed lives, skills, and assets, undermined institutional competence and accountability, caused widespread per sonal trauma, suppressed autonomous organisations in civil society, and intensified ethnic hostility and conflict. And Uganda is not alone in this – the middle of the twentieth century was dominated by fascism and war, while sectarian or ethnic conflicts in Bosnia, Ulster, Sri Lanka, Somalia, the Sudan, Angola, Liberia, Zaï, Burundi, and Rwanda have inflicted untold damage on people and property.1
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Braga, Camila De Macedo. "MINAYO, Miryam de Souza. El caso de Darfur: limitaciones políticas a la responsabilidade de proteger. São Paulo: Editora Hucitec, 2015, 498p. ISBN: 978-85-8404-008-7." Mural Internacional 7, no. 1 (February 10, 2017): 90–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2016.21521.
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O texto traz uma breve resenha do livro de Miryam de Souza Minayo, doutora em Direito Internacional e Relações Internacionais pela Universidad Complutense de Madrid. A autora realiza uma análise sobre as respostas apresentadas pela comunidade internacional durante a primeira década de conflito no Darfur, região oeste do Sudão, e a subsequente tragédia humanitária que acompanha a intensificação da violência armada. A resposta da comunidade internacional, ou ainda, a ausência de uma resposta efetiva, é contrastada com os limitados avanços no direito e na prática internacional de uma normatividade, assentada no princípio da responsabilidade de proteger (RdP), que busca regular o uso coletivo da força na proteção de civis em casos de graves violações dos direitos humanos.ABSTRACTThe text briefly reviews the thesis written by Miryam de Souza Minayo, Ph.D. in International Law and International Relations at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid. The author analyzes the responses of the international community during the first decade of armed conflict in Darfur, western region of Sudan, and the subsequent humanitarian crisis. The international community’s response, or the absence of an effective one, is contrasted with the limited advances in international law and normative practice based on the principle of ‘responsibility to protect’ (R2P), which seeks to regulate the collective use of force for the protection of civilians in cases of serious human rights violations.Palavras-chave: Darfur, intervenção internacional, Responsabilidade de Proteger (RdP).Keywords: Darfur, international intervention, Responsibility to Protect (R2P).DOI: 10.12957/rmi.2016.21521 Recebido em 14 de Fevereiro de 2016 | Aceito em 20 de Junho de 2016Received on February 14, 2016 | Accepted on June 20, 2016
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Falconer Hall, Patricia, J. Blackadder-Coward, and H. Pynn. "Measuring wet bulb globe temperatures at point-of-exertion in worldwide UK military settings: a longitudinal observational study determining the accuracy of a portable WBGT monitor." BMJ Military Health, November 19, 2020, bmjmilitary—2020–001551. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjmilitary-2020-001551.
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IntroductionHeat illness among the UK Armed Forces is usually exertional, and therefore preventable, yet the incidence has not reduced since 2011. JSP 539 explicitly states that wet bulb globe temperature (WBGT) should be measured ‘at the location of greatest heat risk’, not ‘that of most convenience’. A handheld WBGT tracker used at point-of-exertion could reduce this incidence if proven to be as accurate as the current in-service device.MethodsLongitudinal observational comparison and equipment feasibility study of the Kestrel 5400 and QUESTemp 34 (QT-34) in worldwide firm base and deployed UK Armed Forces locations. The locations chosen were Kenya, South Sudan, Belize, Tidworth, Aldershot and Brecon. Paired data points of WBGT readings were collected from November 2017 to August 2018 in all weather conditions.ResultsWBGT readings were comparable between the QT-34 and Kestrel 5400 across the UK and overseas. In addition, there was no change in accuracy between readings taken from the Kestrel 5400 when tripod-mounted and handheld. The Kestrel was easy to set up and far less susceptible to resupply or power supply limitations, as it requires no user input for wet bulb temperature, and runs on AA batteries.ConclusionThis equipment feasibility study has shown that the Kestrel 5400 gives an acceptable accuracy and is easier to use than the QT-34. The authors recommend that the Kestrel 5400 is introduced as an adjunct to the QT-34, and its use within the military setting monitored through ongoing comparative data collection in a large-scale proof-of-concept study.
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"EDITORIAL." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, me 2013/ ISSUE 15/3 (September 30, 2013): 9–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.15.3.00.
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In these autumn days, we celebrate 15 years since the first issue of the Slovenian Armed Forces Bulletin, which has over the years gradually grown, gaining the quality of the discussed defence and military issues as a rare and selected type of wine. The increase in the quality has also brought a new name – Contemporary Military Challenges – name that denotes the essence and contents of the publication, not only the publisher, as it was planned in the beginning of our publishing. In recent years, our introductions to various topics often included a few almost mandatory sentences about how the world was constantly changing, how globali- zation had brought about changes in all areas, including the field of security, how change was the only regular feature, and the like. At the same time, however, we feel relatively safe, as those classic, for some generations even historical, forms of danger no longer exist. Nevertheless, there are other forms of threats, and, in the 15-year history of our pub- lication, many authors have written about them. They were given a variety of names, e.g. hybrid threats that arise from a variety of situations, imbalances in the world, inequal opportunities for survival and many other factors. Topical issues in the field of security and defence thus never end. Some of the potential threats to security can be predicted, some not. Exactly the same applies to the locations where these threats arise. From a geographical point of view, some countries, such as Mali and Sudan, are very remote, but still close. In Mali, the Slovenian Armed Forces participate with troops, which work hand in hand with the international community to contribute to the security and prosperity of the country. The much less remote Italian island of Lampedusa is the location where North African immigrants are struck by tragedy. A complex situation, calling on the assistance of the international community, repre- sents a challenge for, both, regional and international security. In this issue, international security issues are in the focus of our interest. Authors Eric Ouellet, Jérôme Lacroix-Leclair and Pierre Pahlavi in their article The institutionalization of irregular warfare: the case of Darfur claim that legitima- cy as a social-political notion is oftentimes invoked to study intra-state conflicts, but it is rarely analyzed directly. They use and analyse the case of Darfur as an example of conflict that is similar to a number of other conflicts in the developing world, but highlights the critical importance of legitimacy in the use of force by a state. In the article The European Union training mission in Mali – Hungary’s involvement János Besenyő discusses the current security situation in the country, the course of events and decisions within the EU regarding its resolution and the involvement of Hungarian Armed Forces. In his article Security challenges in South Eastern Europe, Anton Bebler presents a comprehensive overview of the security situation in the region of South Eastern Europe, with an emphasis on the importance of its participation and integration in international security structures. Good governance of defence systems in globalization era is the title of the article by Damir Črnčec, who examines the impact of globalization on the defence and security systems. He includes the emergence of crisis, its analysis and his queries on how global the global crisis really is. He proposes a platform in Slovenia for discus- sions on this topic. The Western Balkans is a geographical base for Dragana Trivan who reflects on the Influence of corporate security on national security. He says that security is a pre- requisite and of vital importance for a stable economic development and successful implementation of public services. They both promote legitimacy and strengthening of social cohesion in the country. In his article Strategic military news management policy – personal experiences from different wars Valentin Areh as a war correspondent presents the errors and examples of good practice from different armed forces. According to his personal experience, the most elaborate and developed public relations concept is the U.S. “embedded media program”, which proved successful from the perspective of the military as well as the media.
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Alwan Al - Saeedi, Saad Obaid, and Mustafa Abdualkareem. "International and regional rivalry in the Horn of Africa - East Africa and its reflection on security in the Middle East." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, September 24, 2019, 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i0.161.
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The researchers focused on armed conflicts, humanitarian disasters and poverty when they looked at areas such as the largely interconnected Horn of Africa and East Africa, ignoring the strategic importance of these areas in regional and international security.
In fact, this region is only geographically, politically, economically and security to compete at all levels and is affected by the dynamics of conflict and international and regional cooperation and its external variables.
Since the major discoveries of energy sources in the Middle East and the increasing importance of sea lanes, the region has become increasingly important in international and regional strategies.
The importance of the Middle East region as part of the strategies of the international and regional powers has become at the heart of the foreign political goals of these forces, which not only strengthened their influence in the Middle East, but also extended their plans to neighboring regions in order to ensure their survival within the framework of competition in the Middle East or to protect their vital interests.
Among the most interconnected areas of the Horn of Africa - East Africa is the Middle East and Arab countries close to them in particular, including Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and Sudan.
There is no doubt that the objectives of the international and regional forces competing in this region have serious repercussions on the Arab regional security, especially in the Red Sea and the corridors related to it and from this race and international and regional scramble to get a real basis for the exercise of roles in this region and the extent of reflection on the overall security in the region Middle East stems from the importance of the subject.
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Ibanez, Ana Maria. "Forced displacement in Colombia: Magnitude and causes." Economics of Peace and Security Journal 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.15355/epsj.4.1.48.
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The article describes the magnitude, geographical extent, and causes of forced population displacements in Colombia. Forced migration in Colombia is a war strategy adopted by armed groups to strengthen territorial strongholds, weaken civilian support to the enemy, seize valuable lands, and produce and transport illegal drugs with ease. Forced displacement in Colombia today affects 3.5 million people. Equivalent to 7.8 percent of Colombia's population, and second worldwide only to Sudan, this shows the magnitude of the humanitarian crisis the country is facing. The phenomenon involves all of Colombia's territory and nearly 90 percent of the country's municipalities expel or receive population. In contrast to other countries, forced migration in Colombia is largely internal. Illegal armed groups are the main responsible parties, migration does not result in massive refugee streams but occurs on an individual basis, and the displaced population is dispersed throughout the territory and not focused in refugee camps. These characteristics pose unique challenges for crafting state policy that can effectively mitigate the impact of displacement.
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Ellsberg, Mary, Maureen Murphy, Alexandra Blackwell, Mairi Macrae, Dashakti Reddy, Clare Hollowell, Tim Hess, and Manuel Contreras-Urbina. "“If You Are Born a Girl in This Crisis, You Are Born a Problem”: Patterns and Drivers of Violence Against Women and Girls in Conflict-Affected South Sudan." Violence Against Women, March 22, 2021, 107780122199646. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801221996463.
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This article presents the results of a qualitative study on the context and different forms of violence committed against women and girls in South Sudan. The study documents many forms of sexual and physical violence against women and girls in South Sudan, including conflict-related sexual violence, intimate partner violence, nonpartner sexual violence, child and forced marriage, and abduction. Violence occurred during three overarching contexts: armed conflict, gender inequality, and the economic crisis. The custom of bride price, combined with the economic crisis, is a key driver of many other forms of violence.
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Bennouna, Cyril, Maria Gandarilla Ocampo, Flora Cohen, Mashal Basir, Carine Allaf, Michael Wessells, and Lindsay Stark. "Ecologies of care: mental health and psychosocial support for war-affected youth in the U.S." Conflict and Health 13, no. 1 (October 21, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s13031-019-0233-x.
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Abstract Background Youth resettling to the U.S. from conflict-affected countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) face countless challenges. As they cope with their experiences of armed conflict and forced migration, these girls and boys must also adjust to the language and social norms of their new society, often encountering prejudice and discrimination along the way. Previous studies indicate that schools can play a central role in facilitating this adjustment while also promoting mental health and psychosocial wellbeing. This qualitative study aims to understand the lived experiences of MENA newcomers resettled in Austin, Texas and Harrisonburg, Virginia and to assess how schools, families, and communities support their mental and psychosocial wellbeing. Methods We held six focus group discussions across the two cities with a total of 30 youths (13–23 years) from Iraq, Syria, and Sudan. We also conducted semi-structured interviews with 30 caregivers and 27 key informants, including teachers, administrators, service providers, and personnel from community-based organizations. Results Guided by Bioecological Theory, our thematic analysis identifies several means by which various actors work together to support resettled adolescents. We highlight promising efforts that seek to enhance these supports, including sheltered instruction, school-parent collaboration, peer support programming, social and emotional learning initiatives, and integrated mental health centers. Conclusion While this study underscores the resilience of newcomers and the value of local support systems, it also reflects the importance of investment in schools, mental health systems, and resettlement programs that can enable newcomers to achieve their full potential.
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Saragih, Hendra, and Yanyan M. Yani. "Makna Penting Keberadaan Komunitas Politik keamanan Asean Dalam Menyelesaikan Konflik Kawasan." Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora 4, no. 8 (June 28, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.47313/ppl.v4i8.694.
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<p align="center"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p> This paper seeks to emphasize that ASEAN's strategic position in the Southeast Asian region, which has never used military and armed forces in resolving conflicts between members of ASEAN or outside ASEAN Members and this is ASEAN's greatest achievement in regulating peaceful interactions within the region. The development and formation of the ASEAN security posture in the form of a Security Political Community are certainly expected to play a large role in the framework of becoming the forefront of ASEAN in the effort to improve relations that have been torn apart by the conflict and to re-knit it to be more peaceful and set an example for other regions.</p><p>Keywords: Regional Security, Effectiveness, region, Conflict</p><p align="center"><strong> </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Makalah ini berupaya menegaskan bahwa posisi strategis ASEAN di kawasan Asia Tenggara yang tidak pernah menggunakan kekuatan militer dan bersenjata dalam menyelesaikan konflik baik antar sesama anggota ASEAN ataupun di luar Anggota ASEAN dan ini merupakan prestasi terbesar ASEAN dalam mengatur interaksi damai di dalam kawasan. Pembangunan dan pembentukan postur keamanan ASEAN yang berbentuk Komunitas Politik keamanan tentunya diharapkan akan banyak berperan dalam rangka menjadi garda terdepan ASEAN dalam upaya memperbaiki relasi-relasi yang sudah tercabik akibat konflik yang pernah terjadi dan merajutnya kembali agar lebih damai dan menjadi contoh bagi kawasan lainnya.</p>Kata Kunci : Keamanan Regional,Efektifitas,kawasan,Konflik
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Horn, Rebecca, Karin Wachter, Elsa A. Friis-Healy, Sophia Wanjku Ngugi, Joanne Creighton, and Eve S. Puffer. "Mapping Complex Systems: Responses to Intimate Partner Violence Against Women in Three Refugee Camps." Frontiers in Human Dynamics 3 (February 5, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fhumd.2021.613792.
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Armed conflict and forced migration are associated with an increase in intimate partner violence (IPV) against women. Yet as risks of IPV intensify, familiar options for seeking help dissipate as families and communities disperse and seek refuge in a foreign country. The reconfiguration of family and community systems, coupled with the presence of local and international humanitarian actors, introduces significant changes to IPV response pathways. Drawing from intensive fieldwork, this article examines response options available to women seeking help for IPV in refugee camps against the backdrop of efforts to localize humanitarian assistance. This study employed a qualitative approach to study responses to IPV in three refugee camps: Ajuong Thok (South Sudan), Dadaab (Kenya), and Domiz (Iraqi Kurdistan). In each location, data collection activities were conducted with women survivors of IPV, members of the general refugee community, refugee leaders, and service providers. The sample included 284 individuals. Employing visual mapping techniques, analysis of data from these varied sources described help seeking and response pathways in the three camps, and the ways in which women engaged with various systems. The analysis revealed distinct pathways for seeking help in the camps, with several similarities across contexts. Women in all three locations often “persevered” in an abusive partnership for extended periods before seeking help. When women did seek help, it was predominantly with family members initially, and then community-based mechanisms. Across camps, participants typically viewed engaging formal IPV responses as a last resort. Differences between camp settings highlighted the importance of understanding complex informal systems, and the availability of organizational responses, which influenced the sequence and speed with which formal systems were engaged. The findings indicate that key factors in bridging formal and community-based systems in responding to IPV in refugee camps include listening to women and understanding their priorities, recognizing the importance of women in camps maintaining life-sustaining connections with their families and communities, engaging communities in transformative change, and shifting power and resources to local women-led organizations.