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Journal articles on the topic 'Sudan People's Liberation Army'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Lathrop, Coalter G. "Government of Sudan v. Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (“Abyei Arbitration”)." American Journal of International Law 104, no. 1 (2010): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.104.1.0066.

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2

Metelits, Claire. "Reformed Rebels? Democratization, Global Norms, and the Sudan People's Liberation Army." Africa Today 51, no. 1 (2004): 64–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2004.51.1.64.

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3

Metelits, Claire. "Reformed Rebels? Democratization, Global Norms, and the Sudan People's Liberation Army." Africa Today 51, no. 1 (2004): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2004.0069.

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4

Scott, Philippa. "The Sudan Peoples' Liberation movement (SPLM) and liberation army (SPLA)." Review of African Political Economy 12, no. 33 (1985): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056248508703635.

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5

Yearbook of Islamic and Middle East, Editors. "The Comprehensive Peace Agreement between The Government of The Republic of The Sudan and The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Sudan People’s Liberation Army Sudan." Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law Online 10, no. 1 (2003): 303–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22112987-91000067.

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6

Sholeye, Yusuf, and Amal Madibbo. "Religious Humanitarianism and the Evolution of Sudan People’s Liberation Army (1990-2005)." Political Crossroads 24, no. 1 (2020): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.7459/pc/24.1.03.

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During the Cold War, military and economic tensions between the US and the Soviet Union shaped the process of war in conflict regions in different parts of the world. The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s reshaped the balance of power in global politics, as new actors appeared on the global scene and global foreign policy shifted to mediating and providing humanitarian assistance in conflict regions zones. Humanitarianism became the method of conflict resolution, which provided humanitarian organizations, especially the religious ones among them, with the opportunity to have more influence in the outcomes of sociopolitical events occurring in the world. These dynamics impacted conflicts in Africa, especially within Sudan. This is because that era coincided with Sudan’s Second Civil War (1983-2005) between the Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Government of Sudan (GofS). During the Cold War, both the US and Russia intervened in the civil war in Sudan by providing military and economic assistance to different parties, but, again, in the post-Cold War era humanitarianism was used in relation to the civil war. Transnational religious organizations provided humanitarian assistance in the war-torn and drought-afflicted regions in Southern Sudan, and sought to help implement peace initiatives to end the war. The organizations included Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), a consortium of UN agencies and NGOs1 which was created in 1989. In addition, transnational religious groups based in the United States and Canada such as the Christian Solidarity International (CSI), the Canadian Crossroads, Catholic Relief Service, Mennonite Central Committee and the Lutheran Church got involved in humanitarian relief in Sudan. The global focus on religious humanitarianism extended to Southern Sudan as the New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC) was founded in 1989-1990 to coordinate the humanitarian assistance. Because SPLA has led the civil war on behalf of Southern Sudan and had suzerainty over territories there, the humanitarian organizations had to build relationships with the SPLA to deliver relief through Southern Sudan and negotiate peace initiatives. This article analyzes how the transnational activities of the religious humanitarian groups shaped the evolution of SPLA from 1990 to 2005, with a particular focus on the US and Canadian organizations. We will see that the organizations influenced SPLA in a manner that impacted the civil war both in positive and negative ways. The organizations were ambivalent as, on one hand, they aggravated the conflict and, on the other hand influenced the development of both Church and non-Church related peace initiatives. Their humanitarian work was intricate as the civil war itself became more complex due to political issues that involved slavery, and oil extraction in Southern Sudan by US and Canadian multinational oil companies. All the parties involved took action to help end the civil war, but they all sought to serve their own interests, which jeopardized the possibility of a lasting peace. Thus, the interpretation of that history provides ways to help solve the current armed conflict in South Sudan.

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7

Crook, John R. "The Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army Abyei Arbitration Award." International Legal Materials 48, no. 6 (2009): 1254–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020782900000838.

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8

Yulianti, Dina, Windy Dermawan, and Muhammad Alfiandra Yudistira. "Analisis Kegagalan Consociational Approach dalam Perjanjian Naivasha Sudan." Padjadjaran Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (2024): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/padjir.v6i1.40789.

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The Second Sudanese Civil War was a conflict between the Sudanese government and a separatist group from South Sudan, namely the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). It was the most prolonged violent conflict in African history (1983-2005). The conflict officially ended after the signing of the Naivasha Agreement in 2005. In this agreement, there was an effort to resolve the conflict with a consociational approach that carried out project sharing between the conflicting parties. However, this agreement did not succeed in making Sudan free from conflict. This article will present an analysis of the failure to implement the consociational approach in creating positive peace in Sudan and South Sudan The findings of this research are that the power-sharing carried out in this agreement only involves elites. Apart from that, the distribution of resources other than oil has yet to be carried out, which should also be divided, taking into account identity factors.

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Courtney, Lauren P., Norman Goco, John Woja, et al. "HIV prevalence and behavioral risk factors in the Sudan People’s Liberation Army: Data from South Sudan." PLOS ONE 12, no. 11 (2017): e0187689. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0187689.

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10

Lusk, Gill. "Les crises du mouvement armé sud-soudanais." Politique africaine 50, no. 1 (1993): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1993.5660.

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Crisis within the armed southern sudanese movement. The remorseless fighting between factions of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLM/SPLA) are widely seen as evidence that the Southern Sudanese movement is fatally damaged, mainly on tribal grounds. This attempt to discern the factors at work concludes that they are primarily political : they are the Southern expression of Africa’s current wave of aspiration for democracy, group identity and human rights. The great flaw in the Southern organisation is that it is an army, not a political movement — SPLA not SPLM. Yet the driving force of the South’s search for identity and justice means that resolution of the conflict can only be political, not military, and that the SPLM/SPLA ’s internal dissensions cannot ultimately be fatal. The political nature of the wider war means that the questions facing the South remain essentially the same, whatever can be its eventual formal relationship with the North.

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11

BÖCKENFÖRDE, MARKUS. "The Abyei Award: Fitting a Diplomatic Square Peg into a Legal Round Hole." Leiden Journal of International Law 23, no. 3 (2010): 555–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215651000021x.

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AbstractOn 22 July 2009 a Tribunal of five leading international lawyers rendered their award at the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA), thereby redrawing the boundaries of Abyei, a small patch of land in the centre of Sudan and source of violent conflict throughout recent years. The arbitration was initiated by the two signatories of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that in 2005 brought an end to the longest civil war in Africa. Both parties, the government of Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Army/Movement, expressed satisfaction with the award, which conceivably saved the CPA from potential collapse. This article examines the legal oddities which accompanied the settlement of the dispute over the Abyei area. It analyses both the referral of the dispute to the PCA through the lens of the Sudanese Constitution and the legal ambiguities of the award itself.

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12

Garang, Kuir ë. "Political Ideology and Organisational Espousal: A Political-Historical Analysis of Dr. John Garang De Mabior’s “New Sudan Vision”." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 7, no. 2 (2019): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v7i2.258.

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The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army (SPLM/A) has for decades presented a “New Sudan” as its “vision.” But SPLM/A’s official ideology was socialism and its vision a united secular and socialist Sudan. With time, this vision became “New Sudan” and its presumptive guiding ideology became “The New Sudan Vision” (NSV) without any official institutionalisation of this NSV. In fact, “NSV” does not appear in the Movement’s founding manifesto until the revision of the manifesto in 2008 when NSV was incoherently included. I argue, therefore, that the New Sudan Vision was not really an SPLM/A political ideology but John Garang’s ideology. Besides, its immediate disappearance in South Sudan after the death of John Garang and the overwhelming vote for independence was an unequivocal rejection of NSV by the South Sudanese.

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13

Pinaud, Clémence. "“We are trained to be married!” Elite formation and ideology in the “girls’ battalion” of the Sudan People's Liberation Army." Journal of Eastern African Studies 9, no. 3 (2015): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2015.1091638.

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14

Ahmed, Einas. "The Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the Dynamics of Post-Conflict Political Partnership in Sudan." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 3 (2009): 133–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400307.

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Most of the researches on peace agreements conclude that power-sharing arrangements included in these are mostly to the detriment of long-term democratic transformation. The basic argument of these studies is that peace deals consolidate mainly the power of the signatories to the detriment of other major political forces. This article illustrates that, in contrast to many cases, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which was signed in 2005 between the government of Sudan represented by the ruling party, the National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), has led to an important political transformation in state structure as well as in power relations. Although the CPA enhanced the legitimacy of the SPLM and the NCP and consolidated their political domination, it, nevertheless, contributed to a significant political opening for other political forces in the North and in the South. The CPA put an end to the historically exclusive political hegemony of the North. This article focuses on the dynamics of relations between the SPLM and the NCP during the transitional period and illustrates how these dynamics have impacted upon the process of political transformation.

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15

Prendergast, John. "The Political Economy of Famine in Sudan and the Horn of Africa." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 19, no. 2 (1991): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501310.

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Over 300,000 Sudanese perished primarily from hunger during 1988-89 in one of the most avoidable human tragedies in recent history. Mostly from the war-torn southern part of the country, these civilians were deliberately starved by central government, and to a lesser extent the insurgent Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), which used the deprivation of food as a tactic of war. The threat of further genocidal actions by the Islamic fundamentalist junta in Khartoum and the private militias allied with the government continue to daily threaten the lives of millions of internally displaced people. Due to these man-made causes and nature’s lack of rain, up to ten million Sudanese are at risk of malnutrition, hunger and starvation in 1991.

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16

Hutchinson, Sharon E. "A Curse from God? Religious and political dimensions of the post-1991 rise of ethnic violence in South Sudan." Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 2 (2001): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003639.

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Southern Sudanese civilian populations have been trapped in a rising tide of ethnicised, South-on-South, military violence ever since leadership struggles within the main southern opposition movement – the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) – split into two warring factions in August 1991. This paper traces the devastating impact of this violence on a particularly volatile and fractured region of contemporary South Sudan: the oil rich heartlands of the Western Upper Nile Province. Foregrounding the historical experiences and grassroots perspectives of Nuer civilian populations in this region, the paper shows how elite competition within the southern military has combined with the political machinations of the national Islamic government in Khartoum to create a wave of inter- and intra-ethnic factional fighting so intense and intractable that many Nuer civilians have come to define it as ‘a curse from God’. Dividing Sudan's seventeen-year-long civil war (1983–present) into four distinct phases, the paper shows how successive forms and patterns of political violence in this region have provoked radical reassessments of the precipitating agents and ultimate meaning of this war on the part of an increasingly demoralised and impoverished Nuer civilian population.

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17

Pendle, Naomi. "“They Are Now Community Police”: Negotiating the Boundaries and Nature of the Government in South Sudan through the Identity of Militarised Cattle-keepers." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 22, no. 3 (2015): 410–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02203006.

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Armed, cattle-herding men in Africa are often assumed to be at a relational and spatial distance from the ‘legitimate’ armed forces of the government. The vision constructed of the South Sudanese government in 2005 by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement removed legitimacy from non-government armed groups including localised, armed, defence forces that protected communities and cattle. Yet, militarised cattle-herding men of South Sudan have had various relationships with the governing Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement/Army over the last thirty years, blurring the government – non government boundary. With tens of thousands killed since December 2013 in South Sudan, questions are being asked about options for justice especially for governing elites. A contextual understanding of the armed forces and their relationship to government over time is needed to understand the genesis and apparent legitimacy of this violence.

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18

Yearbook of Islamic and Middle East, Editros. "Protocol between the Government of Sudan (GOS) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) on the Resolution of Abyei Conflict." Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law Online 10, no. 1 (2003): 347–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22112987-91000070.

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19

Mulukwat, Kuyang Harriet Logo. "Challenges of Regulating Non-International Armed Conflicts – an Examination of Ongoing Trends in South Sudan’s Civil War." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 6, no. 2 (2015): 414–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-00602006.

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The conflict in South Sudan became the only viable violent way of expressing underlying discontentment with the style of governance adopted by the incumbent government and unresolved issues from the 1991 split which occurred when Dr. Riak Machar, one of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (splm/a) leaders at the time, now turned rebel leader, fell out with Dr. John Garang, the chairman of the splm/a. The split, notably referred to as the “Nassir split”, led communities from both the Dinka and Nuer tribes to turn against each other. The referendum, a consequence of a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (cpa) between the government in Khartoum, Sudan, and the splm/a, led to an overwhelming vote for secession, later paving way for the subsequent independence of South Sudan in 2011. The existing tension took on a violent expression. The article analyses occurrences the splm/a command pursued on a secessionist agenda in the 21 years of armed struggle and the attainment of independence on the 9 July 2011. It further denotes the insurgents’ pursuit of armed confrontation and the government’s response to the belligerents’ actions, while providing a genesis of the belligerence and laws governing non–international armed conflicts.

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20

Jedrej, M. C. "The Southern Funj of the Sudan as a Frontier Society, 1820–1980." Comparative Studies in Society and History 46, no. 4 (2004): 709–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417504000337.

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The long civil war in the Sudan between the government and the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) is usually simply described as a war between ‘the Arab North’ and ‘the African South.’ Equally simply, it is understood as a continuation, by new means and in new circumstances, of nineteenth-century and earlier inequalities between free people and unfree people, and of hostilities between slavers and those they preyed upon. In the twentieth century these asymmetries came to be represented by a religious distinction between Muslims and non-Muslims. However, these apparent distinctions between free and unfree, and between Muslim and non-Muslim begin to blur when we ask who is making them. Likewise, at closer inspection, the division into “the Arab North” and “the African South” begins to fragment and reconstitute into a complexity of alliances and interest groups. These complexities become more evident as engagement moves from hostile encounters in the remote vastness of the Sudan to peace negotiations and press conferences in hotels and offices in capital cities. In the latter settings marginalized populations can be heard. Of special here interest are the three culturally ‘southern’ populations whose homelands are in the geo-political North: Abyei, the Nuba Mountains, and South Blue Nile. In January 2003, a public statement, headed “Let us not be denied the right to decide on our future,” was delivered to the North-South peace conference in Kenya by a local NGO, the Relief Organisation of Fazugli (ROOF), on behalf of “the people of South Blue Nile.” It demanded that their representatives, along with those of the Nuba Mountains and Abyei be included in the current peace negotiations.

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21

Aleksić, Snežana. "The judgments passed by the Military Court NOV in the southeastern Srem in 1944." Vojno-istorijski glasnik, no. 1 (2023): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vig2301113a.

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The paper publishes archival material - verdicts of the Military Court of the People's Liberation Army, which operated in the area of southeastern Srem in 1944. The verdicts were handed down in criminal proceedings against eighteen Serbs, natives of Srem, who were accused of collaborating with the "Chetnik movement of Draža Mihailović". The documents are stored in the Historical Archive of Belgrade. They have not been originally published until now, and therefore, their content brings new light to contemporary historiography, which dispels the prevailing opinion that Eastern Srem was strongly partisan. At the same time, the content of the original archival material opens up a dilemma in the field of legal science: were the decisions of the Military Court justifed and fair? The objective of the paper is to deepen knowledge from the history of the development of military justice, as well as knowledge regarding specific events during 1944 in the part of the occupied Kingdom of Yugoslavia - southeastern Srem

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22

Cabestan, Jean-Pierre. "China's Involvement in Africa's Security: The Case of China's Participation in the UN Mission to Stabilize Mali." China Quarterly 235 (July 31, 2018): 713–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741018000929.

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AbstractChina has been much more involved in Africa's economy and trade than in its security. However, over the past decade or so, China has increased its participation in the United Nation's Peacekeeping Operations (UN PKOs), particularly in Africa. It has also taken steps to better protect its overseas nationals and, in 2017, established a naval base in Djibouti. This article focuses on the participation of China's People's Liberation Army in the United Nation's Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) since 2013. It aims to unpack the diplomatic process that led China to take part in this mission and to analyse the form of this participation. Mali was the second time (the first being in South Sudan in 2012) that China opted to deploy combat troops under the UN banner, underscoring a deepening involvement in PKOs and an increasing readiness to face risks. Finally, this article explores the implications of China's participation in the MINUSMA for its foreign and security posture as a whole. Often perceived as a realist rising power, by more actively participating in UN PKOs China is trying to demonstrate that it is a responsible and “integrationist” great power, ready to play the game according to the commonly approved international norms. Is this really the case?

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23

KULANG, Timothy Tut. "The Power of Readiness Theory and the Success of Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) Peace Process in South Sudan." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 6, no. 11 (2019): 204–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.611.7378.

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In this article, the South Sudan conflict will be analyzed by examining the IGAD mediation process between the Government of South Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army in Opposition (SPLM/A IO). The study will look into factors that prompted the IGAD states to call for an emergency meeting and initiate peace talk just few days after the outbreak of the conflict in December 2013. The study will use the Readiness Theory to examine the factors that pushed the parties to the negotiation table and enable the IGAD to succeed or failed. Although the mediation was somehow shaky characterized with mistrust and suspicion among the parties, The IGAD mediators was also questionable since some of the IGAD states were already perceived has taken part in one way or other. The study will explore two major factors; first the factor that led to the agreement between the parties and the second one will be looking into assumption of readiness theory applicable to this case study. In conclusion, the study will investigate the level of mistrust and suspicion which was very high through out the negotiation and almost failed the talk to the level of parties being coerced to sign an agreement against their will of which government presented number of reservations to the mediator and went unaddressed will in many observers’ opinion was the cause of the July 2016 J1 dog-fight. But the IGAD continue pd pushing for peaceful settlement of the conflict and initiated handshake and face-to-face meetings between the leaders which eventually resulted into the Khartoum revitalized agreement in September 2018. Other arrangements also followed such as the spiritual retreat in Vatican in April 2019, which was attended by almost all leaders, but despite all these, still the motivation is in question and the time will prove this wrong.

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24

Cohen, Eliot A., and Susan M. Puska. "People's Liberation Army after Next." Foreign Affairs 80, no. 2 (2001): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20050102.

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25

Gregor, A. James. "The People's Liberation Army and China's Crisis." Armed Forces & Society 18, no. 1 (1991): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9101800101.

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26

Ji, You. "People's Liberation Army after Next. Colonel Susan Puska." China Journal 48 (July 2002): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3182476.

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27

Wuthnow, Joel. "Where Will the People's Liberation Army Go Next?" Asia Policy 29, no. 2 (2022): 156–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2022.0032.

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28

Lian, Ping, Zheng Fu, Yi Ning, and Xinhai Zhai. "The telemedicine network of the People's Liberation Army." Journal of Telemedicine and Telecare 7, no. 4 (2001): 187–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/1357633011936372.

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29

Wortzel, Larry M. "The Chinese People's Liberation Army and Space Warfare." Astropolitics 6, no. 2 (2008): 112–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14777620802092285.

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WOODWARD, DENNIS. "The People's Liberation Army: a threat to India?" Contemporary South Asia 12, no. 2 (2003): 229–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/095849302000147681.

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Jan‐Ping, Wu. "The people's liberation army in the 21st century‐." RUSI Journal 145, no. 3 (2000): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840008446533.

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Johnston, Alastair I. "Party Rectification in the People's Liberation Army, 1983-87." China Quarterly 112 (December 1987): 591–630. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000027132.

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In October 1983 the secretary-general of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Hu Yaobang, formally announced the beginning of a two-stage, three-year Party rectification. The first stage, from November 1983 to around December 1984, would concentrate on the rectification of Party committees (dangwei) and leading offices at the Centre and in the provinces, major municipalities and autonomous regions. The second stage, from early 1985 to the end of 1986, would focus on rectification of Party organizations below provincial level. In fact, however, rectification was not officially ended until May 1987.

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Shambaugh, David. "The People's Liberation Army and the People's Republic at 50: Reform at Last." China Quarterly 159 (September 1999): 660–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000003416.

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The People's Republic of China (PRC) may not have had the opportunity to celebrate 50 years of statehood had it not been for the People's Liberation Army (PLA) – nor, for that matter, is it likely that the PRC would have come into existence in the first place were it not for the PLA (as is evident in Mao's often-cited observation that, “Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun!”). As the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) rode the military to power in 1949, the army also subsequently acted on several occasions to rescue the regime, maintain the Party in power and ergo sustain the People's Republic. The PLA has also been the designated protector of “state sovereignty” and “unifier” of China – acting to incorporate Tibet, Inner Mongolia, Manchuria and border regions in the south-west and north-west during the early 1950s, and fighting several border wars against China's neighbours thereafter – and it is the PLA that is ultimately charged with ensuring both that Taiwan does not seek “independence” and that China's territorial claims in the East and South China Seas are protected.

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ROTARU, Jipa. "TUDOR VLADIMIRESCU’S ARMY – NUCLEUS OF THE MODERN ROMANIAN ARMY." Annals of the Academy of Romanian Scientists Series on History and Archaeology 13, no. 1 (2021): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.56082/annalsarscihist.2021.1.53.

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The 19th century was characterised by a deepening and diversification of the movements of European peoples oppressed by the great empires for national and social liberation. The French Revolution opened up the whole period of this century, and a wave of revolutions swept through almost the entire European continent, leading to the period being described as the 'century of revolutions' or the 'century of nations'. Tudor Vladimirescu was the exponent of the Romanian people's long-standing aspirations, the great personality produced by the Romanian realities of the early 19th century, who contributed to the acceleration of events and was at the forefront of the revolution.

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Noumoff, S. J. "The Significance of the Chinese People's Liberation Army White Paper." China Report 41, no. 3 (2005): 299–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550504100306.

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Apollonov, Victor V. "Laser Challenge of China." Journal of Biomedical Research & Environmental Sciences 2, no. 10 (2021): 939–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37871/jbres1335.

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Chinese President Xi Jinping, at a meeting with delegates of the People's Liberation Army of China (PLA) during the last session of the National People's Congress (NPC), demanded the introduction of scientific discoveries and innovative technologies in the army. Xi Jinping noted that new technologies are the key to modernizing the Armed Forces. The Chinese leader discussed with the military how to achieve the goals set in the field of national defense and army development and the implementation of the 13th five-year plan for the development of the armed forces. It is safe to say that Laser Weapons (LW) are on the agenda of China/1/

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37

Feng, Zhiqiang, Hongqi Li, Jinqian Zhang, et al. "Perioperative factors related to prognosis of regular hepatectomy in comparison with irregular hepatectomy." Chinese Medical Journal 127, no. 2 (2014): 239–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3760/cma.j.issn.0366-6999.20121215.

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Background The aim of this research was to analyze the perioperative factors of regular hepatectomy and irregular hepatectomy. The superiority of the clinical application of the two methods was compared in the perioperative period. Methods From 1986 to 2011, 1798 patients underwent consecutive liver resections with regular hepatectomy and irregular hepatectomy at the Air Force General Hospital of People's Liberation Army and the General Hospital of Chinese People's Liberation Army. Their medical documentation was investigated retrospectively. Results In patients on whom regular hepatectomy and irregular hepatectomy were performed, there was no significant difference in perioperative blood loss, complications, in-hospital mortality, hospital stay, and so on. But in regular hepatectomy, operating time was an independent risk factor (P <0.001, OR=1.004). Conclusions There was no significant difference between the perioperative risk of regular hepatectomy and that of irregular hepatectomy.

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Manojlovski, Aleksandar. "Sjećanja sarajevskog jevreja Benjamina Samokovlije – Damjana o njegovom učešću u narodnooslobodilačkom i antifašističkom ratu u Jugoslaviji (1941-1945)." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (2022): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.165.

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Benjamin Samokovlija (Sarajevo, 31.III.1918 - Skopje, 28.II.1996), comes from a Jewish family. On April 5, 1941 he was mobilized in the ranks of the army of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In the second half of August 1941, Benjamin joined the ranks of the National Liberation Army and the People's Liberation Army. He took part in numerous battles in the anti-fascist war for the liberation of Yugoslavia. After the Fourth Enemy Offensive of the Supreme Headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia which took place in the first half of 1943, Samokovlija together with part of his partisan unit were captured by the Germans and imprisoned in Zenica. After a month in the Zenica prison, a group of 600 prisoners, including Samokovlija, were transferred to the Thessaloniki concentration camp. In October 1943, through an EAM connection, Benjamin Samokovlija managed to escape and join ELAS. He remained in the ranks of the Greek partisans until the contact with the Macedonian partisans from the First Macedonian-Kosovo Brigade on the territory of the Aegean part of Macedonia in the period between the second half of December 1943 and January 1944. He was admitted to the III Battalion and was in charge of the agitprop of the battalion, from where he was later transferred to the ranks of the II, V and X brigades, acting as a battalion commissioner and participating in the battles for the liberation of Macedonia. At the very beginning of World War II in 1941, Benjamin Samokovlija lost many of his immediate family members, including his parents and wife. As direct witnesses to the measures taken for the physical and economic destruction of the Jews in Bosnia and Herzegovina by the German occupying authorities, their collaborators and the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia, his three sisters joined the People's Liberation War. His eldest sister Laura was killed in 1945. Benjamin Samokovlija is the holder of several military and state decorations. During his tenure, he ran a number of state-owned enterprises. It is particularly important to emphasize that for less than two decades he served as President of the Jewish community in the Republic of Macedonia, building strong friendly relations with other religious communities in the country.

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Bickford, Thomas A. "Regularization and the Chinese People's Liberation Army: An Assessment of Change." Asian Survey 40, no. 3 (2000): 456–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3021156.

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O'Dowd, Edward C. "People's Liberation Army Documents on the Sino-Vietnamese Conflict, 1979 (I)." Chinese Law & Government 42, no. 5 (2009): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/clg0009-4609420500.

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O'Dowd, Edward C. "People's Liberation Army Documents on the Third Indochina Conflict, 1979 (II)." Chinese Law & Government 42, no. 6 (2009): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/clg0009-4609420600.

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Cole, Bernard D. "Book Review: People's Liberation Army Navy: Combat Systems Technology, 1949–2010." International Journal of Maritime History 24, no. 1 (2012): 529–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387141202400197.

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Bickford, Thomas A. "Regularization and the Chinese People's Liberation Army: An Assessment of Change." Asian Survey 40, no. 3 (2000): 456–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2000.40.3.01p0080i.

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Li, Xiaolin. "Chinese Women in the People's Liberation Army: Professionals or Quasi-Professionals?" Armed Forces & Society 20, no. 1 (1993): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9302000105.

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Joffe, Ellis. "“People's War under Modern Conditions”: A Doctrine for Modern War." China Quarterly 112 (December 1987): 555–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000027119.

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The 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) finds it in the throes of a dramatic reform process that has discarded the principles and practices advocated by its founder. Necessitated by the sorry state of the PLA at the end of the Maoist period and facilitated by the sweeping political changes that have occurred since then, this process seeks to convert the Chinese army into a modern and professional force. Although large-scale weapons updating has been ruled out for economic and technological reasons, nevertheless considerable progress has been made, while in other areas the changes have been fundamental and far-reaching.

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Bickford, Thomas. "The People's Liberation Army as Organization, Reference Volume v1.0 (conference proceedings). Edited by James C. Mulvenon and Andrew N. D. Yang. [Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2002. xx+635 pp. $45.00. ISBN 0-8330-3303-4.]." China Quarterly 175 (September 2003): 826–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003220476.

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This is an essential reference volume for scholars, students and public officials interested in the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA). It is the first highly detailed examination of the Chinese military's organizational structure and takes full advantage of the vast amount of Chinese language material that has recently become available on the subject.

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Zarodov, I. A. "THE CHINESE PEOPLE'S LIBERATION ARMY ABROAD: EXPANDING PRESENCE IN THE 21ST CENTURY." Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 02, no. 03 (2018): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2018-02-03-64-71.

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Ji, You, and Solomon Karmel. "China and the People's Liberation Army: Great Power or Struggling Developing State?" Pacific Affairs 75, no. 1 (2002): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4127251.

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Jangaling, Lujang John, and Jatswan S. Sidhu. "Traditional and Religious Approaches as Psychosocial Support in the Reintegration of Former Girl Soldiers in South Sudan." African and Asian Studies 21, no. 4 (2022): 257–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341567.

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Abstract The major cause of the conflict in South Sudan was power struggles among the political elites who manipulated ethnic differences along tribal lines. In the case of defunct Gbudue State both Sudan People Liberation Army in Opposition (SPLAIO) and South Sudan National Liberation Movement (SSNLM) massively recruited girl soldiers into their ranks. After the conflict, the girl soldiers returned home with deep psychosocial effects. The conflict has brought to fore existence of rich knowledge of traditional and religious approaches in reintegration process. This article attempts to examine the significance of traditional approaches used as psychosocial support during reintegration of former girl soldiers and analyse the extent of religion as dominant approach during the reintegration of former girl child soldiers in South Sudan. The article was guided by Instrumentalist theory: Elite Perspective. The study revealed both traditional approaches and religion in form of prayers helped psychologically to reintegrate former girl soldiers into the communities. The study also revealed that reintegration is a process that aims to reintegrate former girl soldiers within their families, economically and socially. From a methodological point of view, this article is a phenomenologically designed with findings include discussions about themes and patterns discovered during data analysis.

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Jangaling, Dr Lujang John. "The Perils of Pro-Government Militias in African Transition Democracy: Case of RSF in the Sudan’s Conflict." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. IX (2023): 1061–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.70992.

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Sudan has never experienced peace since it attained its independence from Britain in 1956. Most of the causes of the conflicts in Sudan are related to political domination, economic deprivation, and Islamization. The regime of former President Omar al Bashir since it took power from 1989-2019, it adopted a counter-insurgency strategy of using militias in the peripheral areas to confront alongside its army on the rebellious activities. The review literature on pro-government militias in the context of the unstable Sudan provides debates pertains violent atrocities committed by militias against innocent civilians in the name of counterinsurgency. The 2003 crisis in Darfur region clearly outlines the state strategy of employing the Janjaweed militia who later metamorphosed into Rapid Support Force, a paramilitary group who committed genocide and crime against humanity in the name of fighting the two rebel groups: the Sudan Liberation Army/Movement (SLA/M) and Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). The RSF has grown a powerful paramilitary force that are now battling the State Army for the takeover of the government militarily. The militia group which was once built up by the state now turning a real danger to the transitional democracy. This paper argues that the RSF are the direct beneficiary of the state and are closely linked to its structures, its people, its wealth, and foreign partners. This paper draws a conclusion that amicable solution ought to be sought for the benefit of the marginalized peripheral areas of Darfur, Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile or Sudan with this unstoppable conflict risks to fragment into different autonomous states.

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