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Journal articles on the topic 'Suffrage – Hong Kong'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 26 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Lau, Raymond Kwun Sun. "The political predicament of the pan-democrats in Hong Kong under Chinese rule." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 4 (2019): 498–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-08-2018-0129.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to make sense of the slow and frustrating process of democratization in Hong Kong through understanding the pan-democrats’ struggle for realizing universal suffrage. It aims to offer possible explanations for the current political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over the issue of universal suffrage. Design/methodology/approach This paper seeks to construct a triangular model of institutional constraint, clashing visions of democracy and mutual political distrust for understanding the pan-democrats’ struggle for realizing universal suffrage in H

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2

CHEN, Albert H. Y. "The Law and Politics of the Struggle for Universal Suffrage in Hong Kong, 2013–15." Asian Journal of Law and Society 3, no. 1 (2016): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2015.21.

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AbstractPost-1997 Hong Kong under the constitutional framework of “One Country Two Systems” has a political system that may be characterized as a “semi-democracy.” Hong Kong’s constitutional instrument—the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China—provides that the ultimate goal of the evolution of Hong Kong’s political system is the election of its Chief Executive by universal suffrage. Since 2003, a democracy movement has developed in Hong Kong that campaigned for the speedy introduction of such universal suffrage. In 2007, the Chinese governm

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3

Lone, Fozia Nazir. "The ‘One Country, Two Systems’ Model and Political Reform in Hong Kong: A twail Approach." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 21, no. 1 (2018): 404–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13894633_021001014.

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This article seeks to elucidate the issues affecting political reform in Hong Kong in terms of China’s international law positions and practice. This involves reviewing Hong Kong’s unique legal position, the international law approach that China has adopted, and the manner in which China’s control of Hong Kong can coincide with respect for international norms and standards. In order to achieve this, concepts such as sovereignty, democracy and universal suffrage are examined.

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4

Chan, Joseph, and Elaine Chan. "Perceptions of Universal Suffrage and Functional Representation in Hong Kong: A Confused Public?" Asian Survey 46, no. 2 (2006): 257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.2.257.

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5

JHAVERI, Swati. "Reconstitutionalizing Politics in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of China." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 13, no. 1 (2017): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2017.21.

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AbstractThe question of whether constitutional law can protect, consolidate, and advance democracy has been considered extensively in multiple jurisdictions. The issue has not yet been considered in the context of one of the most problematic contemporary democratic transitions: Hong Kong’s, from an externally governed colonial outpost to a self-governed suffrage-based special administrative region of the People’s Republic of China. The Basic Law of Hong Kong proposes the eventual election of the Legislative Council and Chief Executive of Hong Kong by some form of universal suffrage. These prov

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6

Wang, Guofeng. "Britain as a protector, a mediator or an onlooker?" Language, Politics and Media 21, no. 1 (2021): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.21018.wan.

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Abstract Since Hong Kong’s handover to China, British newspapers still play an active role in constructing Britain’s connections with its former colony. This study elaborates a schema for protests to help better understand protests in general. Based on this schema, the study examined representations of the 2019–20 protests in British newspapers using the approach of corpus-assisted critical discourse studies. The analysis shows that they mainly used the predicational strategy, and emphasized the Chinese government’s control of Hong Kong – including the inabilities of the Hong Kong government a

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7

Loong-Yu, Au. "The historical significance of the 2019 Hong Kong revolt." Soundings 79, no. 79 (2021): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.79.03.2021.

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This essay discusses why the Hong Kong 2019 revolt means so much for future democratic movements despite its tragic defeat and its weaknesses. This was a massive democratic movement, with entirely legitimate demands: the dropping of an extradition bill which could legalise Beijing's attempts to prosecute Hong Kong citizens under the Mainland legal system; and the honouring of its commitment of granting universal suffrage to the Hong Kong people. This massive movement naturally brought with it multiple tendencies and contradictions. Taking advantage of the absence of a left labour movement, and

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8

Kung, Lap Yan. "In Search of True-ness: Dialogue Between Political Localism and Theological Ecumenism in Post-Umbrella Movement." International Journal of Public Theology 11, no. 4 (2017): 431–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341511.

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Abstract Seeking for true-ness is the core concern of the people of Hong Kong during the Umbrella Movement. That search starts from the political structure (true universal suffrage), and continues through into the formation of identity (true Hongkongese). This article illustrates how the Umbrella Movement has provided the people of Hong Kong with an experience of a truthful politics which is different from the current realpolitik. It sets out to see Hong Kong as their homeland, while developing a new language in terms of political localism. Nevertheless, there is a tendency for such political

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9

Scott, Ian. "Political Scandals and the Accountability of the Chief Executive in Hong Kong." Asian Survey 54, no. 5 (2014): 966–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.5.966.

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This article examines two political and constitutional issues arising from scandals concerning the past and present Hong Kong Chief Executive. These relate to whether existing measures are sufficient to ensure integrity in high office and to the role of the Chief Executive after the introduction of universal suffrage in 2017.

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10

CHAN, FUNG, and BIYANG SUN. "Digital Representation in an Electoral Campaign Influenced by Mainland China: The 2017 Hong Kong Chief Executive Election." Issues & Studies 55, no. 02 (2019): 1950005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s101325111950005x.

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Widely known by the public, the Chief Executive of Hong Kong is selected not by universal suffrage but by a 1,200-member Election Committee (EC). While candidates Carrie Lam, John Tsang, and Kwok-hing Woo all ran in the Chief Executive Election of 2017, only Lam received the blessing of authorities in the Mainland. Though Tsang had led the polls throughout the entire campaign and was popular on several social media platforms, a majority of EC members still cast their vote for Lam as Chief Executive. This was the first time that EC members voted against popular opinion in the Chief Executive El

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11

Langer, L. "The elusive aim of universal suffrage: Constitutional developments in Hong Kong." International Journal of Constitutional Law 5, no. 3 (2007): 419–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/mom018.

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12

Ortmann, Stephan. "Political Development in Hong Kong: The Failure of Democratization." International Studies Review 17, no. 2 (2016): 199–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01702010.

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Democratization in Hong Kong has come to a dead end following the rejection of an electoral reform proposal by the Legislative Council on June 18, 2015. The measure was voted down because pan-democrats had been deeply disappointed by the fact that the reform proposal by the Chinese government would have only allowed pre-screened candidates and thus denied Hong Kongers a true choice. This followed more than two months of street occupations in which protesters demanded real universal suffrage to no avail. This paper seeks to demonstrate how the “China factor” has inhibited the democratization pr

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13

Salitskii, A. I., and A. V. Vinogradov. "Hong Kong’s Stand-off: Indigenous Dynamics and International Perspective." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 1 (2021): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-1-7.

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In February 2019, Administration of Hong Kong initiated Extradition Bill, which sparked mass protests in June. The scale of the protests was unprecedented in the history of the SAR and resulted in violent clashes between police force and young radicals organized by ‘localist’ groups. The authors present a short history of interaction between pro-Beijing and pan-democratic camps in the territory concentrated on the reform of the election system of the SAR. They conclude that exacerbation of the political stand-off in Hong Kong started in 2007 when the authorities promised a possible transit to

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14

Wong, Hio Tong, and Shih-Diing Liu. "Cultural Activism during the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement." Journal of Creative Communications 13, no. 2 (2018): 157–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973258618761409.

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Situated in Hong Kong’s post-colonial context of political crisis, this article attempts to investigate the unfolding of cultural activism during the Umbrella Movement occurred in 2014. This 79-day occupy protest, triggered by the government’s restriction on universal suffrage, has released protesters’ creative potentials in performing their struggles through a variety of aesthetic forms and practices. Questioning the traditional way of conceiving protest movement in terms of violent confrontations with government or instrumentalism, this article addresses the performative role of cultural act

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15

Baum, Richard. "Democracy Deformed: Hong Kong's 1998 Legislative Elections – and Beyond." China Quarterly 162 (June 2000): 439–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000008201.

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Electoral democracy has been defined as “a system of government in which the principal positions of effective government power are filled, directly or indirectly, through meaningful, regular, free and fair… elections.” By this criterion, Hong Kong today falls short of being an electoral democracy. There are periodic elections, and there is a 60-seat Legislative Council (LegCo), at least some of whose members are chosen by universal adult suffrage. There are also a number of organized, highly articulate political parties whose legislative members are frequent, outspoken critics of the governmen

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16

Cheang, Kai Hang. "Forms of Solidarity and the Self: A Postcolonial Reading of Yuli Riswati's Hong Kong Writing." Feminist Formations 35, no. 2 (2023): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2023.a907920.

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Abstract: This article puts together the seemingly disparate topics of transnational domestic labor and the Hong Kong protests to discuss inter-ethnic and cross-class solidarity. It does so by examining the writing of Yuli Riswati, an Indonesian migrant worker and civic journalist who was deported from Hong Kong in 2019. City-wide civil disobedience in Hong Kong has historically been predicated upon the liberal ideal of suffrage (as in 2014) and an essentialized and Han-centric identity of Hongkonger (as in 2019), both of which have overlooked the needs of ethnic minorities, especially those w

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17

Ingham, Mike, and Kenny K. K. Ng. "Introduction: Hong Kong independent documentaries and their visibility." Asian Cinema 33, no. 2 (2022): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ac_00050_2.

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In their general introduction to the present Special Issue the authors trace the origins of and motivation behind much of the independent documentary filmmaking produced in the city during a period of great sociopolitical turbulence, leading up to the tight censorship protocols put in place after the mainland government’s promulgation of the repressive National Security Law in 2020. With reference to the individual essays that comprise this volume, they chart the sudden and unprecedented rise of documentary filmmaking in Hong Kong following many decades of public indifference to the genre. Lim

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18

Holloway, Steven. "Xi Jinping’s liberal birdcage: Democracy’s form and future in Hong Kong." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 2 (2020): 259–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020930745.

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As street demonstrations remain unresolved in Hong Kong (HK) and continue into 2020, this paper assesses the protesters’ demand for universal suffrage and governance reform in general. It recounts the path to the current stalemate on political rights for HK’s liberal authoritarian regime and, using Freedom House data, traces the growing threat to civil liberties posed by Beijing’s covert extra-legal activities. Finally, the paper enumerates the restraints that make direct military intervention unlikely, and suggests how the current demonstrations might end in the coming months. One innovation

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19

Hasanah, Siti, Abdul Wahab, Ibrahim Ali, et al. "PENYULUHAN HUKUM TENTANG HAK PILIH PEKERJA MIGRAN INDONESIA DALAM PEMILU." Journal of Community Empowerment 2, no. 2 (2023): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31764/joce.v2i2.19950.

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ABSTRAK Kegiatan pengabdian kepada masyarakat Internasional ini dilatar-belakangi oleh situasi dan kondisi mitra yang memiliki hambatan dalam mengatasi permasalahan rendahnya partisipasi politik pekerja migran Indonesia di Hongkong dalam pemilu. Kegiatan ini bertujuan membantu mitra untuk menemukan solusi terkait permasalahan yang dihadapi. Metode yang digunakan dalam kegiatan ini adalah penyuluhan hukum terkait Hak Pilih Pekerja Migran Indonesia Dalam Pemilu. Mitra kegiatan adalah Pimpinan Cabang Istimewa Aisyiyah Hongkong. Dalam pelaksanaan kegiatan peserta yang dilibatkan terdiri dari unsur

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20

Dore, Giovanna Maria Dora. "Business as Usual? The Role of Business Elites in Hong Kong’s Evolving Political Identity." Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives 16, no. 1 (2022): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522015-16010004.

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Abstract The article argues that Hong Kong is a polity where business elites have been and remain key to maintaining the status quo. The article builds on data and information about advisory committees, functional constituencies pre- and post-1997, and reviews business elites’ support for British advisory politics. Prior to the 1997 handover, advisory politics proved useful to secure the cooperation of the business elites, promote British interests, and induce political participation while simultaneously postponing universal suffrage. The article also discusses Beijing’s bias toward business e

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21

Yung, Betty, and Lisa Yuk-ming Leung. "Facebook as change? Political engagement in semi-democratic Hong Kong in its transition to universal suffrage." Journal of Asian Public Policy 7, no. 3 (2014): 291–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17516234.2014.922147.

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22

Yee, Herbert S. "Governing Hong Kong: Legitimacy, Communication and Political Decay. By Lo Shiu-hing. [New York: Nova Science, 2001. xii+349 pp. $69.00. ISBN 1-59033-095-1.]." China Quarterly 172 (December 2002): 1065–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902310623.

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This book argues that the HKSAR government has encountered a crisis of performance legitimacy. Legitimacy, according to Huntington, has procedure and performance aspects. As the HKSAR's Chief Executive is not directly elected by universal suffrage, his procedure legitimacy is relatively weak and he has to rely on performance to buttress legitimacy. Unfortunately, from July 1997 to April 2001, the performance legitimacy of the HKSAR government was plagued by mismanagement of the civil service and of various crises.

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23

Lou, Shenghua, and Chunlin Tang. "Macau: a society with no political party – based on the comparison with Hong Kong." Asian Education and Development Studies, October 11, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-08-2023-0103.

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PurposeThis paper attempts to explain the phenomenon that Macau has a parliament (Legislative Assembly) and mass suffrage but no political parties.Design/methodology/approachThis paper reviews the development process of “parliament – mass suffrage – political party” in Hong Kong and Macau and tries to explain why Macau does not have a party using comparative research methods.FindingsThe political party development of Hong Kong and Macau was influenced by both the (former) colonial power and China, and whether there were political parties in these two regions was the result of the game between

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24

Young, Simon N. M. "Realising Universal Suffrage in Hong Kong after the Standing Committee's Decision." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2505596.

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25

Lone, Fozia Nazir. "The Enigma of the Hong Kong Injunction Cases – A Perspective on Political Question Doctrine, Separation of Powers, Rule of Law and Universal Suffrage." ICL Journal 10, no. 1 (2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2016-0103.

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AbstractOn 31 August 2014, disputes over Beijing’s plans to retain control over the political reform relating to the Chief Executive elections in Hong Kong led to the eruption of a mass civil disobedience campaign and the occupation of public places. In response to the aforesaid movement, pro-government groups approached the courts of Hong Kong for an injunction as a strategy to clear those public places (the Injunction Cases) and thereby put an end to the civil disobedience campaign. The courts heard the Injunction Cases and ruled in favour of the plaintiffs by upholding findings of public nu

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26

Fong, Ricky Y. H. "Universal Suffrage in Hong Kong: Promise or Illusion? A Critical Analysis of National People's Congress Standing Committee's Interpretation of Hong Kong Basic Law Annexes." UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal 24, no. 2 (2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.5070/p8242022192.

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