Dissertations / Theses: 'Suffrage movement'

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Anderson, Gwen Trowbridge. "Interrogating Virginia Woolf and the British suffrage movement." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0003162.

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Law, Cheryl. "Suffrage and power : the women's movement, 1918-1928 /." London ; New York : I.B. Tauris, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36712017t.

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Cavanaugh, Libby Jean. "Opposition to female enfranchisement the Iowa anti-suffrage movement /." [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2007.

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Collins, Clare L. "Women and Labour politics in Britain, 1893-1932." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.320146.

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Mercer, John. "Buying votes : purchasable propaganda in the twentieth-century women's suffrage movement." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424218.

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Dyer, Anton. "John Stuart Mill and male support for the Victorian women's movement." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294416.

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In examining male support for the Victorian women's movement, I decided to focus upon a number of men who gave active support across the wide range of causes championed by feminists. John Stuart Mill, Henry Fawcett, James Stansfeld, Jacob Bright, Richard Pankhurst and Francis Newman were selected as my main protagonists and their support for the Married Women's Property campaign, the higher education of women, the opening up of the professions to women, women's suffrage and the campaign to repeal the Contagious Diseases Acts was explored. I also examine the views of John Russell, Viscount Amberley, whose early death robbed the women's suffrage movement of his enthusiastic support, and also those of William Johnson Fox, a proponent of women's emancipation who gave his support to the Married Women's Property campaign, but who died when the women's movement had existed for only a decade. The ideas of an important male feminist of an earlier generation, William Thompson, are also explored. I discuss the views of my protagonists on sexual equality and sexual difference, marriage, sexuality, female education, the employment of women and women's suffrage. In seeking to account for the feminism of my protagonists I note the personal characteristics which they broadly shared: moral courage, a tendency to self-sacrifice, sensitivity and a strong sense of justice. Male feminists, especially Mill, were sometimes branded as effeminate, but it seems fairer to suggest that they generally combined the best of both 'masculine' and 'feminine' qualities; they possessed a sufficient degree of 'womanly' sensitivity to empathise with the wrongs of woman and a great deal of 'manly' courage which enabled them to endure the ridicule and abuse which standing up for women's rights frequently entailed. Most of my protagonists were advanced Liberals, and a belief in the need to cultivate altruism was a significant component of their creed; support for women's emancipation was an important aspect of their concern for the welfare of others. The fact that men and women worked closely together in the fight for women's emancipation is explored and especially their intellectual collaboration, notable in the cases of William Thompson and Anna Wheeler, John Mill and Harriet Taylor, and Henry and Millicent Fawcett.

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Mountcastle, Sherry A. "Challenges and Triumphs of the North Carolina Woman Suffrage Movement, 1894-1920." NCSU, 2007. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11082007-224121/.

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This thesis describes the early development of the Suffrage Movement in North Carolina and the political and social challenges addressed throughout the movement?s history. It describes the leadership within both the suffragist and the antisuffragist groups in the state. Also addressed are the roles of gender, race, and politics in suffrage and antisuffrage literature. Special attention will be given to the important role of the state?s industrialists in opposing woman suffrage, and their motivation for doing so. Research includes the use of both suffrage and antisuffrage records and publications, as well as numerous newspaper articles, editorials, and letters to gauge contemporary public opinion.

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Gupta, Katherine E. "A corpus linguistic investigation into the media representation of the suffrage movement." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2013. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/27624/.

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This thesis focuses on the representation of the women's suffrage movement in The Times newspaper between 1908 and 1914. I assemble two focused corpora from texts from News International's The Times Digital Archive: the 7 million word Suffrage corpus and the 400,000 word Letters to the Editor corpus. I then combine historical research into the suffrage movement, corpus linguistic analysis of social discourses and approaches drawn from critical discourse analysis. The suffrage movement was not a unified one; it was composed of various groups with differing backgrounds, ideologies and aims. Historians working with suffragist-produced texts have noted different terminology used to describe different factions of the movement. Less attention has been paid to how the suffrage movement was perceived by those outside the movement, and particularly how it was represented in the press. Central to this thesis is Deleuze and Guattari's (1987) argument that polyvocal, heterogeneous entities are simplified and erased by those in power. I demonstrate that such a simplification of diverse suffrage identities occurs on a lexical level through the consistent use of suffragist to describe all suffrage campaigners, including acts more commonly associated with suffragettes. This conflation of identities also occurred on a textual level through what I define as the 'suggestive placement' of texts within an article. I argue that suggestively placed prosuffrage texts offering a counter discourse are read in the context of the master narrative of suffrage campaigners as violent and dangerous. By focusing on a self-contained, historical movement this thesis is able to analyse changes in historical political discourses, offers corpus linguistic researchers working with contemporary social movements a point of comparison and proposes a methodology for working within the constraints of the data to get useful results. As an interdisciplinary project, it will offer historians a different perspective on ideologies as expressed through language.

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Balshaw, June Marion. "Suffrage, solidarity and strife : political partnerships and the women's movement 1880-1930." Thesis, University of Greenwich, 1998. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/5796/.

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This thesis is a study of six mixed-sex political partnerships, all of which functioned within the context of heterosexual marriage. It considers these partnerships involvement in, and attitudes toward, the campaigns for women' s enfranchisement over a fifty year period from 1880 - 1930. The aim of this study is to contribute to our understanding of the gendered nature of political activity and identity through an examination of the women' s suffrage campaigns, in particular the still under-researched, yet extremely important question of men's support for women' s suffrage. This thesis takes as its point of departure historical studies of gender, that is, a critical examination of the constructions of masculinity and femininity; ideas which have been informed and developed by women's history. It will consider the extent to which developments within the suffrage movement both challenged and reinforced gendered political identities and influenced attitudes toward the parts that men and women had to play in both the public and private spheres. The partnerships studied demonstrate not only the diversity of opinion within the women's suffrage movement but also how this single issue affected familial politics at a variety of levels. Each chapter focuses on one political partnership and charts its involvement - whatever form it took - during one of the most dynamic periods in modern British history. The partnerships included in this thesis are diverse and are comprised of Emmeline and Richard Pankhurst, James and Marion Bryce, John and Katharine Bruce Glasier, Emmeline and Frederick Pethick-Li1wrence, Annot and Sam Robinson, and Elsie Duval and Hugh Franklin. This thesis is, therefore, a contribution to both suffrage history and to the study of political partnerships in relation to changes in British political culture during a period of intense debates about the symbolic and actual representation of women.

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Thieme, Katja. "Language and social change : the Canadian movement for women's suffrage, 1880-1918." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/31530.

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This dissertation examines the print discourse of the Canadian women's suffrage movement from the 1890s to the 1910s and investigates how suffragists positioned not only themselves but also suffrage sceptics through their utterances. Grounded in both rhetorical analysis and the study of nineteenth-century Canada, this work contributes to our understanding of the discourse of social and political movements. Lloyd Bitzer's concept of the rhetorical situation is used to show how suffrage debates were aligned with debates about temperance, social reform, and imperialism. Michel Foucault's notion of the statement--claims which have acquired authority independent of situation--helps expand the concept of the rhetorical situation to better theorize how suffrage utterances travelled through various genres and situations. The repeated dismissal of English suffrage militancy is here analyzed through the lenses of uptake and genre. Militancy received uptake in front-page reports, on women's pages, and in letters to the editor. Anne Freadman's notion of genre as residing in the interrelationships between utterances helps theorize the wide-reaching discursive effects--rather than direct influence--which English militant activism had on the Canadian suffrage campaign. Audience design offers a way of thinking about how suffragists addressed different audience groups and called them toward different types of action. Erving Goffman's and Herbert C. Clarke's approach to audience leaves behind the dyad of writer and reader and grasps the complexity of how some audience members are directly addressed, while others are positioned as side participants or distant bystanders and overhearers. A general tendency among Canadian suffragists was to cast men as overhearers--incidental readers who were expected not to collaborate but to witness the ongoing debate. The most predominant addressees of suffrage texts, middle- and upper-class women who were not yet suffragists, were often interpellated as inert and immoral. In fact, suffragists' appeals to morality in their audience address were part of an effort to convert middle-class women's moral capital into access to political power. These appeals to morality also participated in a fundamental re-interpretation of citizenship as founded on moral rather than economic qualifications and on concern for the moral quality of Canadian society.
Arts, Faculty of
English, Department of
Graduate

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Jones, Susan Elizabeth. "The relationships between the Women's Suffrage Movement and the Labour Movement in North East England, 1893 to 1914." Thesis, Leeds Beckett University, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.538323.

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Satter, Lori. "Susan B. Anthony : a visionary of the nineteenth-century United States suffrage movement /." Connect to online version, 2007. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2007/242.pdf.

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Zhao, Yanqing. "Estimating the Impact of Women's Education on the U.S. Suffrage Movement: An IV Approach." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1619204130954484.

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Brannon-Wranosky, Jessica S. "Southern Promise and Necessity: Texas, Regional Identity, and the National Woman Suffrage Movement, 1868-1920." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc31553/.

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This study offers a concentrated view of how a national movement developed networks from the grassroots up and how regional identity can influence national campaign strategies by examining the roles Texas and Texans played in the woman suffrage movement in the United States. The interest that multiple generations of national woman suffrage leaders showed in Texas, from Reconstruction through the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, provides new insights into the reciprocal nature of national movements. Increasingly, from 1868 to 1920, a bilateral flow of resources existed between national women's rights leaders and woman suffrage activists in Texas. Additionally, this study nationalizes the woman suffrage movement earlier than previously thought. Cross-regional woman suffrage activity has been marginalized by the belief that campaigning in the South did not exist or had not connected with the national associations until the 1890s. This closer examination provides a different view. Early woman's rights leaders aimed at a nationwide movement from the beginning. This national goal included the South, and woman suffrage interest soon spread to the region. One of the major factors in this relationship was that the primarily northeastern-based national leadership desperately needed southern support to aid in their larger goals. Texas' ability to conform and make the congruity politically successful eventually helped the state become one of NAWSA's few southern stars. National leaders believed the state was of strategic importance because Texas activists continuously told them so by emphasizing their promotion of women's rights. Tremendously adding credibility to these claims was the sheer number of times Texas legislators introduced woman suffrage resolutions over the course of more than fifty years. This happened during at least thirteen sessions of the Texas legislature, including two of the three post-Civil War constitutional conventions. This larger pattern of interdependency often culminated in both sides-the Texas and national organizations-believing that the other was necessary for successful campaigning at the state, regional, and national levels.

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Johnson, Leah N. "Victory's Catalyst: Alice Paul and the Woman Suffrage Procession of 1913." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/912.

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The woman suffrage movement in America lasted nearly an entire century. The movement formally began in 1848 at the Seneca Falls Convention and concluded in 1920 when the Susan B. Anthony amendment was ratified. Throughout this time period the movement changed dramatically. At the turn of the century the excitement and radical nature of the movement that prevailed at mid-century had been exhausted. Suffragists worked with no sense of immediacy, under the assumption that universal suffrage would come eventually, whether it in their lifetimes or their daughters’ or granddaughters’. This all changed, however, in 1913 with the Woman Suffrage Procession. The parade catalyzed the movement, sparking the beginning of the end. An examination of the parade itself, the planning process, and its aftermath reveals the importance of the procession and the changes it provoked. It first served as a platform for a new suffrage leader and a new suffrage group. Alice Paul, a young suffragist who had been involved in the movement in England, planned the procession as her first major responsibility on the US suffrage scene. Throughout the parade planning and aftermath she established herself as a strong leader. She also led the way for a younger and more radical suffragist organization, the Congressional Union, that would soon split from the dominant suffrage organization to pursue more aggressive tactics. Secondly, the suffrage parade demonstrated and catalyzed a transition of strategy, tactics, and sentiment. At the parade a younger cohort of suffragists began utilizing more militant tactics and adopting a sense of immediacy and determination. Finally, the parade altered the movement by raising awareness across the country that had not previously existed. The excitement of the procession caught the attention of government officials, the general public, and - most importantly - the media. The combination of a new leader and association, the transformation of internal attitudes, and new-found awareness put the suffragists on the path towards victory. The parade breathed new life into the movement, catalyzing the final push to success.

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Holloway, Gerry. "A common cause? Class dynamics in the Industrial Women's Movement, 1888-1918." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282611.

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Schmidt, Bonnie Ann. "Print and protest: a study of the women's suffrage movement in nineteenth-century English periodical literature /." Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2005. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2409.

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Fogarty, Philippa Ruth. ""The Shrieking Sisterhood;: A Comparative Analysis of the Suffrage Movement in the United States and New Zealand." Thesis, University of Canterbury. American Studies, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1001.

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The intention of this thesis is to draw attention to a much neglected part of women's suffrage history - that is, a comparative analysis of the suffrage movements in New Zealand and the United States. Historians have dismissed any suggestion of similarities between the two groups because' of the obvious differences in size and the time taken to gain the vote. However, this study reveals parallels between the two movements in terms of membership, leadership, ideologies and opposition. This is particularly highlighted in the comparison with Wyoming. These similarities, together with New Zealand women's new found 'prestige' after having won the vote, led to close relations between women of the two countries, as revealed in personal correspondence. By the late l890s United States suffragists had changed direction in both their tactics and arguments for suffrage and this, together with distance and a lack of time and money, meant that New Zealand suffragists aid was confined to emotional support rather than practical assistance. This study was, to a certain degree, limited by the lack of availability of United States primary sources. However, the Kate Sheppard Collection contains a wealth of correspondence between the New Zealand and United States suffragists and provides ample information to support the thesis. Prior to the examination of the interaction of the suffrage movements in New Zealand and the United States, we will first of all begin by considering the broader context of women's role in society. This is will be followed with a study of -the historiography of women's suffrage in Wyoming and New Zealand. We will then proceed to a comparative analysis of the leaders and supporters of the two movements. In New Zealand the women's suffrage and women's temperance organizations were inseparably linked, hence the comparative natured analysis dictates that points for comparison should be made in relation to the temperance origins of suffrage in the United States and New Zealand and to leaders with temperance links.

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Choi, Eun Soo. "The religious dimension of the women's suffrage movement : the role of the Scottish Presbyterian churches, 1867-1918." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1996. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3943/.

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This study aims to show that when the religious dimension of the women's suffrage movement is considered, it can be seen that while the Scottish Presbyterian Churches at an official level remained neutral in their attitudes, the ministers and members of the Churches gave significant and varied support to the campaign, and their efforts contributed to the success of the suffrage movement. Although the term 'the religious dimension' includes both positive and negative response to the movement in the Churches, this thesis concentrates on the positive efforts which were made. Chronologically, it covers the period from the official founding of the national suffrage organisations in 1867 to the enfranchisement of women in 1918. In surveying the history of the movement, account will be taken of both male and female contributions to the cause. This thesis consists of seven chapters. Chapter I surveys previous studies and outlines the scope of this piece of research. Chapter II contexualises the role and status of women within the Church and within society during the period which the thesis covers. In particular, it examines the relationship between women's religious suffrage and the women's political franchise movement, and explores factors contributing to the Churches' concern for women's suffrage.

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Lefebvre, Marc Andre Louis Alexis. "Feminisim and the challege of war : responses of the British Women's Suffrage Movement to the Great War." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.514308.

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Egge, Sara Anne. "The grassroots diffusion of the woman suffrage movement in Iowa : the IESA, rural women, and the right to vote/." [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1464195.

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Aguiar, Maria do Carmo Pinto Arana de. "A representação do Movimento Sufragista na Imprensa Rio-Grandina 1930-1934." Universidade Federal de Pelotas, 2013. http://repositorio.ufpel.edu.br/handle/ri/2157.

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T14:23:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria_do_Carmo_Arana_de_Aguiar dissertacao.pdf: 2196929 bytes, checksum: ce4a647bbea70199da5e8b40ec5e4bdd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-07-17
The absence ofdebate on thesuffrage movementin the stateof RioGrande doSulled us toproposethepresentdiscussionand analyzethe representation of thesuffragette movementin the pressof Rio Grande city trough newspaper Echo do Sulbetween the years1930 to 1934. The time frame1930-1934is justifiedfor being apoliticallyturbulent periodin thehistory of RioGrande doSuland Brazil, but especiallyby the intensification ofdemandsfor women's suffragetoits legalizationin the 1934 Constitution. This studyfocuses on thecity of RioGrandewherethere were severalsignificant changes insociety due toincreasingindustrializationthatwascausingchangesin dailycity. These changeswerestillbeing feltin the first decadestwentieth century, whenduring the GreatWarwasthe needofwomen entering thelabor market. Industrializationand contextpermeatedby warforced manywomento joinquicklyfor thepublic space. This insertionin factorieseventuallyaccelerate the formationofmovements forwomen's rights. Theincreased participation of womenin the public sphere, deniedtothembefore, placed themin evidenceat the sametimeallowed theformation ofpoliticizedorganizationswho cameto claimpolitical rights, such as voting.
A ausência de debate sobre o movimento sufragista no interior do estado do Rio Grande do Sul nos motivou a propor a presente discussão e analisar a representação do movimento sufragista na imprensa rio-grandina através do Jornal Echo do Sul e O Tempo entre os anos de 1930 a 1934. O recorte temporal 1930-1934 se justifica por ser um período conturbado politicamente dentro da história do Rio Grande do Sul e do Brasil, mas principalmente pelo acirramento das reivindicações pelo voto feminino até sua legalização na Constituição de 1934. O presente estudo se foca na cidade do Rio Grande onde ocorreram várias mudanças significativas na sociedade, devido à industrialização crescente que vinha ocasionando mudanças no cotidiano citadino. Essas mudanças foram sendo sentidas ainda nas primeiras décadas do século XX, quando durante a GrandeGuerra ocorreu a necessidade de inserção da mulher no mercado de trabalho. A industrialização e o contexto permeado pela guerra forçou muitas mulheres a ingressarem rapidamente no espaço público. Essa inserção nas fábricas acabou por acelerar a formação dos movimentos em prol dos direitos femininos. A maior participação das mulheres no ambiente público, antes negado a elas, colocou-as em evidência, ao mesmo tempo em que possibilitou a formação de organizações politizadas que vieram a reivindicar direitos políticos, como o voto.

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de, Loisted André. "Den svenskspråkiga arbetarrörelsen i Finland 1904 – 1906 i tidningen Arbetaren." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-165199.

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Slusar, Mary Beth. "Multi-Framing in Progressive Era Women's Movements: A Comparative Analysis of the Birth Control, Temperance, and Women's Ku Klux Klan Movements." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1269583527.

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Ryen, Rachael L. "The Gendered Geography of War: Confederate Women as Camp Followers." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2011. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/644.

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The American Civil War is often framed as exclusively masculine, consisting of soldiers, god-like generals, and battle; a sphere where women simply did not enter or coexist. This perception is largely due to the mobilization of approximately six million men, coupled with the Victorian era which did not permit women to engage in the public sphere. Women are given their place however, but it is more narrowly defined as home front assistance. Even as women transitioned from passive receivers to active participants, their efforts rarely defied gender norms. This thesis looks at Confederate female camp followers who appeared to defy societal conventions by entering the male dominated camps and blurred the lines between men and women’s proper spheres. While camp followers could be expanded to include women of the lower class, including black women, laborers, slaves and prostitutes, only middle and upper class white women are analyzed because they were the ones required to maintain respectability. More specifically, I analyze unmarried women, female soldiers, bereaved women and nurses. Barbara Welter articulated and labeled the concept of public versus private spheres, plus the attributes necessary to achieve respectability as the Cult of True Womanhood. The Cult of True Womanhood demanded that women be pious, pure, and submissive within the domestic sphere. It is with this foundation that the camp followers can be analyzed. Their actions appeared to break with the Cult of True Womanhood, but when they explained in memoirs, newspaper accounts, and journals why they entered the camps, they framed their responses in a way that allowed them to appear to conform to the cult.

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Wahlberg, Magda. "Varför lyckas sociala rörelser? : En jämförelse av de kvinnliga rösträttsrörelserna WSPU:s och LKPR:s organisation." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-186452.

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The purpose of this study is to investigate whether organizational factors can influence the success of social movements. This is accomplished through a qualitative comparative case study where the women's suffrage movements, Women's Social and Political Union and Landsföreningen för Kvinnans Politiska Rösträtt are compared. The study also aims to increase the understanding and knowledge of the two movements' organization and exercise to answer the question, why both movements succeeded. The study provides an in-depth picture of how the female suffrage movements worked and the similarities and differences between the movements. Finally, the study finds that the organization of the movements did impact the outcome of the movements and can thus explain the success of WSPU and LKPR.

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Bradley, Katherine. "Faith, perseverance and patience : the history of the Oxford suffrage and anti-suffrage movements, 1870-1930." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264527.

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Dehnavi, Morvarid. "Frauenbewegungen in Deutschland." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-219425.

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Frauenbewegungen in Deutschland stehen für kollektive Bestrebungen von vornehmlich Frauen für die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter auf sozialer, kultureller, rechtlicher, wirtschaftlicher und politischer Ebene unter Berücksichtigung der Differenz der Geschlechter seit der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts. Zentrale Themen waren und sind u. a. das Recht auf höhere Bildung, das Recht auf Arbeit, Lohngleichheit, Sexualität, Verhütung, Abtreibung, Homosexualität und das Wahlrecht.

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Smitley, Megan K. "'Woman's mission' : the temperance and women's suffrage movements in Scotland, c.1870-1914." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2002. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1488/.

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This thesis discusses the connections that bound together the late-nineteenth-century women’s temperance and suffrage movements in Scotland. The importance of women’s temperance reform in the women’s movement has been discussed in other Anglophone contexts, however there has been little scholarly analysis of these links in British historiography. This study aims to fill some of this gap. Moreover, by focusing on the Scottish case, this investigation adds a more ‘Britannic’ perspective to discussions of Victorian and Edwardian feminism, and thereby reveals regional variation and diversity. My exploration of the women’s suffrage movement focuses on constitutional societies, and offers a fresh perspective to balance the concentration on militancy in the only major monograph on Scottish suffragism – Leah Leneman’s A Guid Cause: The Women’s Suffrage Movement in Scotland. This analysis takes a flexible approach to constitutionalism and argues that the women’s single-sex temperance society, the Scottish Christian Union (SCU) was an element of constitutional suffragism. Likewise, the Scottish Women’s Liberal Federation – peripheral to the historiography of British suffragism – is given a prominent place as a constitutionalist organisation. This study uses women’s roles in social reform and suffragism to examine the public lives of middle-class women. The ideology of ‘separate spheres’ is a leitmotif of much of women’s history, and discussions of the ‘public’ and ‘private’ spheres are often linked to social class. My discussion of a ‘feminine public sphere’ is designed to reveal the ways in which women negotiated Victorian gender roles in order to participate in the civic life that was intrinsic to an urban middle-class identity. Thus, this thesis seeks to place suffragism and temperature in the context of middle-class women’s public world.

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Risk, Shannon M. ""In Order to Establish Justice": The Nineteenth-Century Woman Suffrage Movements of Maine and New Brunswick." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2009. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/RiskSM2009.pdf.

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Dehnavi, Morvarid. "Frauenbewegungen in Deutschland." Helmut-Schmidt-Universität, 2016. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A15349.

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Frauenbewegungen in Deutschland stehen für kollektive Bestrebungen von vornehmlich Frauen für die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter auf sozialer, kultureller, rechtlicher, wirtschaftlicher und politischer Ebene unter Berücksichtigung der Differenz der Geschlechter seit der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts. Zentrale Themen waren und sind u. a. das Recht auf höhere Bildung, das Recht auf Arbeit, Lohngleichheit, Sexualität, Verhütung, Abtreibung, Homosexualität und das Wahlrecht.

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Pfeffer, Miki. "An Enlarging Influence: Women of New Orleans, Julia Ward Howe, and the Woman's Department at the Cotton Centennial Exposition, 1884-1885." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1339.

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This study investigates the first Woman's Department at a World's Fair in the Deep South. It documents conflicts and reconciliations and the reassessments that post-bellum women made during the World's Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition in New Orleans, the region's foremost but atypical city. It traces local women's resistance to the appointment of northern abolitionist and suffragist, Julia Ward Howe, for this â€œNew Southâ€ event of 1884-1885. It also notes their increasing receptivity to national causes that Susan B. Anthony, Frances E. Willard, and others brought to the South, sometimes for the first time. This dissertation assesses the historical forces that goaded New Orleans women, from the comfort of their familiar city, to consider radical notions that would later strengthen them in civic roles. It asserts that, although these women were skilled and capable, they had previously lacked cohesive force and public strategies. It concludes that as local women competed and interacted with women from across the country, including those from pioneering western territories, they began to embrace progressive ideas and actions that, without the Woman's Department at the Exposition, might have taken years to drift southward. This is a chronological tale of the journey late-nineteenth-century women made together in New Orleans. It attempts to capture their look, sound, and language from their own writings and from journalists' interpretations of their ideals, values, and emotions. In the potent forum for exchange that the Woman's Department provided, participants and visitors questioned and revised false notions and stereotypes. They influenced each other and formed alliances. Although individuals spoke mainly for themselves, common themes emerged regarding education, jobs, benevolence, and even suffrage. Most women were aware that they were in a defining moment, and this study chronicles how New Orleans women seized the opportunity and created a legacy for themselves and their city. As the Exposition sought to (re)assert agrarian and industrial prowess after turbulent times, a shift occurred in the trajectory of women's public and political lives in New Orleans and, perhaps, the South more broadly. By 1885, southerners were ready to insinuate their voices into the national debate on women's issues.

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Karawejczyk, Mônica. "As filhas de Eva querem votar : dos primórdios da questão à conquista do sufrágio feminino no Brasil (c. 1850-1932)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/72742.

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Esta tese procura compreender o processo que culminou com a conquista do voto feminino no Brasil em 24 de fevereiro de 1932. O objetivo é desvelar, analisar e compreender as articulações e os principais personagens que fizeram parte dessa conquista, tendo como limites temporais os anos de 1850 e 1932. A narrativa se centra em dois grupos principais. O primeiro grupo é representado pelos parlamentares brasileiros e as tentativas de inserção da mulher no pleito eleitoral, via legais, durante todo o período da Primeira República. O segundo grupo é representado pelas figuras de Leolinda de Figueiredo Daltro à frente do Partido Republicano Feminino e de Bertha Lutz, líder da Federação Brasileira pelo Progresso Feminino, ambas responsáveis pela articulação do movimento organizado feminino e sufragista no Brasil. A vertente a que esse trabalho se vincula é a dos estudos de gênero e da história política, no sentido que trata da luta em prol do sufrágio feminino procurando dar ênfase tanto aos atores convencionais do jogo político como para as mulheres que se organizaram para reivindicar seus direitos. Através da análise de um conjunto heterogêneo de fontes, tais como: Anais do Congresso Nacional, correspondências, matérias de jornais e revistas, materiais bibliográficos diversos e pesquisas acadêmicas, procura-se também acentuar que mais do que uma concessão do governo de Getúlio Vargas, o sufrágio feminino foi o resultado de uma longa luta empreendida por homens e mulheres em prol da igualdade eleitoral.
This thesis seeks to understand the process leading to the conquest of women’s suffrage in Brazil on February 24th, 1932. The objective is to uncover, analyze and comprehend the articulations and main characters that were part of these achievements, setting the years 1850 to 1932 as the timeframe for this investigation. The narrative is centered on two main groups. The first group is represented by Brazilian congressmen and the successive attempts to legally insert women in the electoral process during the entire period of the First Republic. The second group is represented by the figures of Leolinda de Figueiredo Daltro, heading the Women’s Republican Party and Bertha Luz, leader of the Brazilian Federation for Women’s Progress, both responsible for the articulation of the organized feminist and suffragist movement in Brazil. This work is best understood as a piece on gender studies and political history, as it deals with the struggle for women’s suffrage, aiming to focus on the conventional actors in the political game as well as the women who organized to claim their rights. Through an analysis of a heterogeneous set of sources, such as the Annals of the Parliament, correspondence exchange, newspaper and magazine articles, and academic research this work seeks to stress that women’s suffrage in Brazil was the result of a long struggle by women and men for electoral equality, rather than a concession of Getulio Vargas’ government.

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Morne, Emmanuelle. "Genèse du mouvement féministe en Grande-Bretagne : de l'éveil des consciences à la naissance d'un militantisme féminin (1832-1903)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0152.

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Dès la fin du dix-huitième siècle, des voix s’élèvent pour défendre la cause des femmes et dénoncer les inégalités dont elles sont victimes par rapport aux hommes au sein de la société britannique. On peut songer, notamment, à Mary Wollstonecraft dont le célèbre pamphlet, très controversé intitulé : A Vindication of the Rights of Woman est publié en 1792. Néanmoins, si les arguments avancés par Mary Wollstonecraft ont eu une influence certaine, on ne saurait parler à la fin du dix-huitième siècle, de naissance du mouvement féministe en Grande-Bretagne. Ainsi, ce n’est que vers les années 1850-1860, dans le contexte de la Révolution Industrielle et des bouleversements qu’elle engendre au niveau de la société, que se constitue, progressivement le mouvement féministe, en tant que tel. Cette thèse a pour objet de retracer et d’analyser le cheminement qui a conduit à l’émergence du mouvement féministe en Grande-Bretagne sachant que le terme féministe appliqué à cette période pose un certain nombre de problèmes. Il s’agira également de mettre en lumière certains aspects du mouvement féministe auxquels la recherche s’est souvent moins intéressée et notamment, la contribution active de certains hommes au combat mené par les féministes pour la reconnaissance des droits des femmes en matière de droit de propriété pour les femmes mariées et de droit de vote, la question de la filiation entre la première génération de militantes féministes et les suffragettes sera aussi l'objet d'une étude approfondie
In the eighteenth century, certain women took their pen and resolved to expose the inequalities they were confronted with as women, within British society. The most famous one is probably Mary Wollstonecraft whose controversial pamphlet entitled : A Vindication of the Rights of Woman was published in 1792. However, this new awareness did not result at least in the eighteenth century, in the emergence of an organized feminist movement. How did feminist consciousnesss gradually give rise to concrete actions, leading to the emergence of an organized feminist movement? In fact, it was only around 1850-1860, within the context of the Industrial Revolution, and its consequences on British society as a whole, that an organized feminist movement gradually took shape in Great-Britain. We should nevertheless bear in mind the problematic nature of the term feminist as applied to this period.The object of this dissertation will be to identify and examine the various stages that led to the emergence of an organized feminist movement, while enhancing some of its specific aspects such as, partnership between men and women or the issue of the links between suffragists and suffragettes in terms of continuity and discontinuity

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Kaveh, Shamal. "Det villkorade tillståndet : Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete och liberal politisk rationalitet 1901–1921." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of History of Science and Ideas, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6845.

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This is a dissertation about Swedish liberalism as a political rationality and, more specifically, the conditions that made the transition from an exclusionary society to an inclusive one possible at the beginning of the 20th century. I have made a case study of National Association of Social Work (Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete, CSA), an association that played a significant role in the institutionalization of social politics in Sweden. The objectives are threefold. Firstly, to analyze CSA as a liberal political rationality. Secondly, to analyze its political ontology. Thirdly, to examine its motives for defending an including society.

One of the main arguments in this dissertation is that the political rationality of CSA is characterized by a form of government that works in and through society, as well as through freedom. By using the concept of ”the state of suspension” I try to capture and analyze the ontological ambiguity of the individual in liberal thought; an ambiguity expressed in biopolitical categorizations of the population according to perceived capacities for rational thought. The inclusion of the excluded part, which I describe through the notion of “the social”, was possible due to a new political ontology, which considered the individual as being a product of social circumstances, and as someone possible to shape and govern in and through society.

I argue that the political struggle of the excluded not only served to revise the political ontology of CSA, but also provided the rationale for the efforts to create an including society with universal suffrage. CSA did not regard citizenship as a right, but as a political technology and as a solution. Furthermore, I argue that citizenship shouldn’t be seen as a prerequisite for the politization of the excluded. On the contrary, this part of the population was already, at least partially, politicized and they became political subjects through their participation in the struggle for political rights.

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Clauser-Roemer, Kendra. ""Tho' we are deprived of the privilege of suffrage" the Henry County Female Ant-Slavery Society records, 1841-1849 /." Connect to resource online, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/1887.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2009.
Title from screen (viewed on August 26, 2009). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): John R. McKivigan. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-147).

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Geis, Amy Lynn. "“The Key to All Reform”: Mormon Women, Religious Identity, and Suffrage, 1887-1920." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1430420424.

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Braune, Asja. "Konsequent den unbequemen Weg gegangen." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/14918.

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In der Zeit der Weimarer Republik war Adele Schreiber eine der bekanntesten Frauen Deutschlands und in allen Verzeichnissen bekannter deutscher Frauen zu finden. Durch den Bruch in ihrem Leben, herbeigeführt durch die sich abzeichnende Herrschaft der Nationalsozialisten, die sie ins Exil zwang, geriet sie in Vergessenheit und war schon nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in die Bedeutungslosigkeit gefallen. In der vorliegenden Arbeit soll nicht nur das Leben Adele Schreibers an sich, sondern auch ihre Position in der Frauenbewegung ab der Jahrhundertwende thematisiert werden, die zahlreichen Querverbindungen zwischen den einzelnen Organisationen, aber auch zwischen Adele Schreiber und anderen Mitstreiterinnen. Adele Schreiber ist eine derjenigen Frauen, die seit der Jahrhundertwende in vorderster Reihe in der Frauenbewegung mitgekämpft haben. Setzte sie sich, 1898 in Berlin angekommen, zuerst intensiv für die Schaffung einer Frauenversicherung ein, so kämpfte sie wenig später gleichermaßen für das Frauenwahlrecht und engagierte sich im Mutter- und Kinderschutz. Doch neben aller sozialpolitisch engagierten Arbeit und journalistischer Tätigkeit für die Durchsetzung der Rechte der Frau war Adele Schreiber auch politisch tätig. Als Reichstagsmitglied der SPD ab 1920 bemühte sie sich auf politischer Ebene um eine gesetzlich festgelegte Anerkennung und Mündigkeit der Frau. Selbst nach dem Exil, das sie in der Schweiz und in Großbritannien verbrachte, verfolgte sie bis zu ihrem Tod 1957 mit wachen Augen die politischen Entwicklungen in Deutschland und der Welt.
During the time of the Weimar republic, Adele Schreiber was one of the most famous women in Germany and could be found all the accounts by well-known German women. Due to the break in her life brought about by the threatening seizure of power by the National Socialists which forced her into exile, she became forgotten and by the end of the Second World War she had already disappeared into insignificance. The following work attempts not only to explore the life of Adele Schreiber itself, but also her position in the women's movement from the turn of the century onwards, the numerous inter-connections between the separate organisations and between Adele Schreiber and other fellow-activists. Adele Schreiber is among those women who fought in the front line of the women's movement from the turn of the century onwards. Having initially committed herself intensively, as a newcomer in Berlin in 1898, to the cause of introducing an insurance for women, she fought equally hard a short time later for women's suffrage and she became involved in the issues of maternity leave and child protection. But besides all her committed socio-political activities and her work as a journalist for the attainment of women's rights, Adele Schreiber was also politically active. As a member of the Reichstag for the SPD from 1920 onwards, she strived in the political arena for a legally effective acknowledgement and declaration of women as political entities. Even after she went into exile in Switzerland and Great Britain she followed vigilantly the political developments in Germany and throughout the world until her death in 1957.

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I-ChunLin and 林怡君. "Reconceptualizing the Home in the Women's Suffrage Movement." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/4gfsdw.

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博士
國立成功大學
外國語文學系
105
Women’s suffrage movement of the nineteenth century in the United Sates had much to do with the anti-slavery movement. Sharing the same ideal of equality and human rights; however, women’s suffrage movement not only emphasized on women’s political right but on women’s roles as wives and mothers because of women’s connection with the domestic sphere, home, which was an essential part in women’s life. However, women are united by their womanhood, while at the same time this very womanhood ties them down. My question is, did the women’s suffrage movement in any way affect the realities of “the bond of womanhood” with regards to both division of women’s social roles and the union of women’s solidarity? The dual meaning of women’s bond, as a matter of fact, indicates women’s ambiguous relations with home and their quest for the sense of belongings in-between where the patriarchal society wanted them to stay and where they themselves felt at “home.” Then, following up the first question, I want to ask, did the woman suffragists through their public engagement and the management of their private home reconceptualize women’s home”? Based upon Nira Yuval-Davis’s theory of “intersectionality,” this dissertation will explore the reconceptualization of women’s home in terms of women’s intersectional identities. To address these questions above, this dissertation will propose to examine the representation of the bond of womanhood in the women’s suffrage movement by analyzing the interrelations between three leading figures: Elizabeth Cady Stanton (1858-1902), Susan B. Anthony (1820-1906) and Lucy Stone (1818-1893). By re-categorizing the bond of womanhood and domesticity, this dissertation will conclude by re-conceptualizing the intersectionality of women’s suffrage movement and will demonstrate that women’s suffrage movement was not a sole nineteenth-century-movement but one which has influenced the contemporary feminist development.

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Liou, Ruey Rong, and 劉瑞蓉. "A Study of Women''s Suffrage in England: The Movement of Women''s Suffrage From Nineteenth Century To Early Twentieth Century." Thesis, 1993. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/72809523542805627929.

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Summerlin, Elizabeth Stephens. ""Not ratified but hereby rejected" the women's suffrage movement in Georgia, 1895-1925 /." 2009. http://purl.galileo.usg.edu/uga%5Fetd/summerlin%5Felizabeth%5Fs%5F200912%5Fma.

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Hammond, Gregory 1975. "Women can vote now : feminism and the women's suffrage movement in Argentina, 1900-1955." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1321.

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Hammond, Gregory Sowles Brown Jonathan C. "Women can vote now feminism and the women's suffrage movement in Argentina, 1900-1955 /." 2004. http://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/1321/hammondg05521.pdf.

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Laberge, Marie Anne. "Working together or working apart socialist women in the Wisconsin suffrage movement, 1910-1920 /." 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/15023675.html.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1986.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 160-167).

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Plett, Lynette. ""How the vote was won" : adult education and the Manitoba woman suffrage movement, 1912-1916." 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/12289.

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Behn, Beth A. "Woodrow Wilson's conversion experience :: the President, the woman suffrage movement, and the extent of executive influence." 2004. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/1311.

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""The Patriot Blood of Our Fathers Runs Through Our Veins!": Revolutionary Heritage Rhetoric and the American Woman's Rights Movement, 1848-1890." Doctoral diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.37034.

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abstract: In speeches, declarations, journals, and convention proceedings, mid-nineteenth-century American woman's rights activists exhorted one another to action as equal heirs of the rights and burdens associated with independence and chided men for failing to live up to the founders' ideals and examples. They likened themselves to oppressed colonists and compared legislators to King George, yet also criticized the patriot fathers for excluding women from civic equality. This dissertation analyzes these invocations of collective memories of the nation's founding, described as Revolutionary heritage rhetoric, in publicly circulated texts produced by woman's rights associations from 1848 to 1890. This organization-driven approach de-centers the rhetoric of the early movement as the intellectual products of a few remarkable women, instead exploring movement rhetoric across the first generation through myriad voices: female and male; native- and foreign-born; those who spoke extemporaneously at conventions along with well-known organizers. Tracing the use of Revolutionary heritage rhetoric over a fifty-year span reveals that activists’ invocations of the founding were inseparably connected to their willingness to work for racial and class equality along with woman's rights. References to the Revolution and such slogans as “no taxation without representation” could be inclusive or exclusionary, depending upon how they were used and who used them. In the opening decades of the organized woman’s rights movement, claims to a shared Revolutionary heritage reflected larger commitments to racial, class, and gender equality. As organizations within the movement fractured around competing ideas about how to best improve women's lives, activists’ rhetoric changed as well. When the commitment to universal equality gave way to ideologies of race, class, and nativity privilege, references to the founding era morphed into justifications for limited, rather than equal rights. Revolutionary heritage rhetoric largely disappeared from suffrage, education, and pay equity arguments by the late 1880s, replaced by arguments grounded in white, Protestant, female moral superiority.
Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation History 2016

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Hamilton, Eric L. "The role of Quakerism in the Indiana women's suffrage movement, 1851-1885 : towards a more perfect freedom for all." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4031.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
As white settlers and pioneers moved westward in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, some of the first to settle the Indiana territory, near the Ohio border, were members of the Religious Society of Friends (the Quakers). Many of these Quakers focused on social reforms, especially the anti-slavery movement, as they fled the slave-holding states like the Carolinas. Less discussed in Indiana’s history is the impact Quakerism also had in the movement for women’s rights. This case study of two of the founding members of the Indiana Woman’s Rights Association (later to be renamed the Indiana Woman’s Suffrage Association), illuminates the influences of Quakerism on women’s rights. Amanda M. Way (1828-1914) and Mary Frame (Myers) Thomas, M.D. (1816-1888) practiced skills and gained opportunities for organizing a grassroots movement through the Religious Society of Friends. They attained a strong sense of moral grounding, skills for conducting business meetings, and most importantly, developed a confidence in public speaking uncommon for women in the nineteenth century. Quakerism propelled Way and Thomas into action as they assumed early leadership roles in the women’s rights movement. As advocates for greater equality and freedom for women, Way and Thomas leveraged the skills learned from Quakerism into political opportunities, resource mobilization, and the ability to frame their arguments within other ideological contexts (such as temperance, anti-slavery, and education).

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Ihmels, Melanie. "The mischiefmakers: woman’s movement development in Victoria, British Columbia 1850-1910." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/5178.

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This thesis examines the beginning of Victoria, British Columbia’s, women’s movement, stretching its ‘start’ date to the late 1850s while arguing that, to some extent, the local movement criss-crossed racial, ethnic, religious, and gender boundaries. It also highlights how the people involved with the women’s movement in Victoria challenged traditional beliefs, like separate sphere ideology, about women’s position in society and contributed to the introduction of new more egalitarian views of women in a process that continues to the present day. Chapter One challenges current understandings of First Wave Feminism, stretching its limitations regarding time and persons involved with social reform and women’s rights goals, while showing that the issue of ‘suffrage’ alone did not make a ‘women’s movement’. Chapter 2 focuses on how the local ‘women’s movement’ coalesced and expanded in the late 1890s to embrace various social reform causes and demands for women’s rights and recognition, it reflected a unique spirit that emanated from Victorian traditionalism, skewed gender ratios, and a frontier mentality. Chapter 3 argues that an examination of Victoria’s movement, like any other ‘women’s movement’, must take into consideration the ethnic and racialized ‘other’, in this thesis the Indigenous, African Canadian, and Chinese. The Conclusion discusses areas for future research, deeper research questions, and raises the question about whether the women’s movement in Victoria was successful.
Graduate
0334
0733
0631
mlihmels@shaw.ca

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"Interaction between the British and American woman suffrage movements, 1900-1914." Tulane University, 1994.

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An extensive interaction, on a much broader scale than is generally recognized or acknowledged, took place between the British and American woman suffrage movements between 1900 and 1914. During these years, suffragists in the two movements engaged in correspondence, visits, and speaking tours. Personal relationships developed which affected the course of both suffrage campaigns. Tactics and strategies were borrowed from the other country, though most of this interchange tended to be from Britain to the United States. Ongoing and lengthy coverage in the suffrage newspapers in both countries reported the interaction and kept participants aware of the common goals of the two movements. An international suffrage organization, in which suffragists of both countries participated, further connected the two movements. The outbreak of World War I in August 1914 brought the period of extensive interaction between the two movements to an end This study isolates and analyzes the interaction and connecting links between the British and American suffrage movements from 1900 to 1914. Seven particular areas are emphasized and evaluated: (1) the personal relationships, some of which resulted in friendships; (2) the bonds of 'sisterhood' and common cause generated by the two movements as each worked toward the common goal of female suffrage; (3) the participation in each other's organizations, meetings, conventions, demonstrations, and parades; (4) the speaking tours and visits, including hospitality arrangements, itineraries, and target audiences and groups; (5) the utilization of each other's situation as a stimulus to the movement in the other country; (6) the 'copying' and use of each other's tactics and methods; and (7) the influence of the international suffrage movement on the interaction. These areas are evaluated through an examination of the correspondence between the suffragists and suffrage organizations; the diaries and journals of the suffragists; the memoirs of the women involved in the two movements; the pamphlets and articles written by the participants at the time; and the coverage in the suffrage newspapers, as well as other newspapers, in Great Britain and the United States. A comparison of the British and American woman suffrage movements, as well as the impact of militancy upon the two movements, is an integral part of this study
acase@tulane.edu

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Suffrage movement'

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