Journal articles: 'Suffrage movement'

1

Holton, Glyn A. "Investor Suffrage Movement." CFA Digest 37, no. 1 (February 2007): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2469/dig.v37.n1.4509.

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Graham, Aimee, and Patricia F. Dolton. "Women’s Suffrage Movement." Reference & User Services Quarterly 54, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.54n2.31.

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Holton, Glyn A. "Investor Suffrage Movement." Financial Analysts Journal 62, no. 6 (November 2006): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2469/faj.v62.n6.4349.

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Cowman, Krista. "Suffrage days: stories from the women's suffrage movement." Women's History Review 7, no. 2 (June 1, 1998): 261–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029800200356.

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Mayhall, Laura E. Nym, and Sandra Stanley Holton. "Suffrage Days: Stories from the Women's Suffrage Movement." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 30, no. 2 (1998): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053597.

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Beck, Elizabeth L., Ellen Dorsey, and April Stutters. "The Women's Suffrage Movement." Journal of Community Practice 11, no. 3 (June 2003): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j125v11n03_02.

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Sangster, Joan. "Exporting suffrage: British influences on the Canadian suffrage movement." Women's History Review 28, no. 4 (July 5, 2018): 566–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2018.1493765.

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DeVries, Jacqueline R. "Suffrage Days: Stories from the Women's Suffrage Movement (review)." Victorian Studies 42, no. 3 (2000): 517–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2000.0057.

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Sidorenko, Viktoriia. "Suffrage movement in Manitoba and maternal feminism: the activity of Nellie McClung as the leader of the movement." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 5 (May 2020): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.5.32837.

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This article discusses the role of Nellie McLung in the suffrage movement of Manitoba and the impact of her activity as the ideological and political leader upon success of the movement in achieving the set goals. The author examines the peculiarities of ideological basis and realization of the suffrage agenda and strategy by female movement in the province anchored by Nellie McLung, as well as analyzes the reasons for success of suffrage movement in Manitoba. The assessment of the role of Nellie McLung in the activity of suffrage movement of Manitoba and consolidation of the ideas of maternal feminism within the Russian historiography has not been previously conducted. The author comes to the conclusion on importance of the role of Nellie McLung as the leader of suffrage movement, who was able not only to distribute the ideas of maternal feminism in the province, but also hold an active campaign aimed at achieving the goals of suffrage movement, turning public opinion towards the necessity for acquisition of electoral right by women.

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Burt, Elizabeth V. "Journalism of the Suffrage Movement." American Journalism 17, no. 1 (January 2000): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08821127.2000.10739223.

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Kurihara, Ryoko. "The Japanese woman suffrage movement." Feminist Issues 11, no. 2 (June 1991): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02685617.

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Faupel, Alison, and Regina Werum. ""Making Her Own Way": The Individualization of First-Wave Feminism, 1910-1930." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.16.2.h4j28147n4621253.

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Scholars of the women's movement often postulate that it dissipated after winning suffrage in 1920, but empirical studies about the movement's post-victory transformation remain scarce. We use the first wave of the women's movement to explore the conditions under which movement frames change during periods of decline. Drawing on political opportunity theory, we hypothesize that waning political and cultural opportunities for collective action should lead to a rise in individualist frames. To that end, we examine how a prominent movement organization's use of collectivist versus individualist frames changed over time. We conducted a systematic analysis of 1,735 articles from the feminist publication The Woman's Journal, spanning the pre- and post-suffrage period (1910-1930). Our analyses generally support the political opportunity framework, suggesting that trends towards individualization emerge during periods of diminishing political and cultural opportunities, which in turn challenge movements' ability to galvanize constituents for collective goals.

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Kodumthara, Sunu. "“The Right of Suffrage Has Been Thrust on Me”: The Reluctant Suffragists of the American West." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 7, 2020): 607–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000341.

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AbstractFrom nearly the moment the woman's suffrage movement began at Seneca Falls in 1848, anti-suffragists actively campaigned against it, claiming that woman suffrage would only destroy both American politics and the American family. However, despite their best efforts, states in the American West passed equal suffrage laws. Interestingly, once it passed in their states, anti-suffragists in the American West—albeit begrudgingly—exercised their right to vote. As equal suffrage continued to expand, the Western anti-suffragist strategy became the strategy of anti-suffragists everywhere. This essay examines three states that represent pivotal moments in the development of the anti-suffrage movement: Colorado, California, and Oklahoma. Shortly after Colorado passed equal suffrage in 1893 and California passed equal suffrage in 1911, anti-suffragists organized state and national associations. By the time Oklahoma passed its equal suffrage law in 1918, anti-suffragists were not only voting—they were also willing to run for office. Anti-suffragist strategy and rhetoric relied on how suffrage worked in the West, or at least anti-suffrage perceptions of it. In other words, women's suffrage in the West served as a catalyst for the anti-suffragist movement.

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Jansz, Ulla. "VROUWENKIESRECHT ALS OMSTREDEN KWESTIE ONDER NEDERLANDSE FEMINISTEN, 1870-1900." De Moderne Tijd 1, no. 3 (January 1, 2017): 277–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2017.03-04.004.jans.

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WOMEN’S SUFFRAGE AS A CONTROVERSIAL ISSUE AMONG DUTCH FEMINISTS, 1870-1900 Female suffrage was not the Dutch women’s movement’s central issue from the beginning, nor did contemporary social reformers conceive it as part of the democratisation process they favoured. This article explores the public debate on women’s suffrage against the backdrop of the movement towards universal suffrage in its first three decades. Due to sources refraining from stating the obvious, it remains obscure why exactly parliamentary politics continued to be seen as an exclusively male domain for so long. What is clear, is that conservative feminists associated the demand for women’s suffrage with a radical strand of feminism which they abhorred.

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Burt, Elizabeth V. "The Ideology, Rhetoric, and Organizational Structure of a Countermovement Publication: The Remonstrance, 1890–1920." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 75, no. 1 (March 1998): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909807500109.

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This article examines the anti-suffrage ideology, rhetoric, and structure of The Remonstrance, the publication of the Massachusetts Association Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women. As a counter- movement publication, The Remonstrance was principally reactive, that is, driven to respond to suffrage claims and strategies. Basic themes illustrated the ideology of the anti-suffrage movement. Further, the anti-suffrage ideology was reflected in the organizational structure of both the MAOFESW and The Remonstrance. Although they changed over time, they failed to keep step with the broad social changes affecting women's lives in the early twentieth century.

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Prescott, Heather Munro, and Lauren MacIvor Thompson. "A Right to Ourselves: Women's Suffrage and the Birth Control Movement." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 3, 2020): 542–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000304.

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AbstractThe suffrage and birth control movements are often treated separately in historical scholarship. This essay brings together new research to demonstrate their close connections. Many suffragists became active in the birth control movement just before and after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. The roots of suffrage arguments were deeply embedded in the same ideas that were foundational to the birth control movement: bodily freedom and notions of what constituted full and participatory citizenship. Beginning in the 1840s, women's rights reformers directly connected the vote to a broad range of economic and political issues, including the concept of self-ownership. Wide-ranging debates about individual autonomy remained present in women's rights rhetoric and were then repeated in the earliest arguments for legalizing birth control. The twentieth-century birth control movement, like the suffrage movement before it (which had largely focused only on achieving the vote for white women), would then grapple with competing goals of restrictive racist and eugenic arguments for contraception alongside the emphasis on achieving emancipation for all women.

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Gunter, Rachel Michelle. "Immigrant Declarants and Loyal American Women: How Suffragists Helped Redefine the Rights of Citizens." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 4, 2020): 591–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778142000033x.

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AbstractAs a result of the woman suffrage movement, citizenship and voting rights, though considered separate issues by the courts, became more intertwined in the mind of the average American. This interconnectedness was also a product of the concurrent movement to disfranchise immigrant declarant voters—immigrants who had filed their intention to become citizens but had not completed the naturalization process. This essay shows how suffragists pursued immigrant declarant disfranchisement as part of the woman suffrage movement, arguing that the same competitive political conditions that encouraged politicians to enfranchise primarily white, citizen women led them to disfranchise immigrant declarants. It analyzes suffragists’ arguments at both the state and national levels that voting was a right of citizens who had met their wartime obligations to the nation, and maintains that woman suffrage and the votes of white women who supported the measures disfranchising immigrant declarants and limiting immigrant rights should be included in historians’ understanding of the immigration restrictionist and nativist movements.

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Grønbæk, Majbritt Kastberg. "Cause and Effect." Leviathan: Interdisciplinary Journal in English, no. 5 (August 19, 2019): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/lev.v0i5.115495.

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At the turn of the 20th century, parts of the peaceful suffragists had grown frustrated with the lack of progress that had been made towards women’s suffrage. From this frustration new organisations were established that turned to more radical and, at times, violent strategies to draw attention to their cause. This paper focuses on the militant part of the fight for women’s suffrage and the effect the militancy had on the contemporary view of the women’s rights movement. The paper argues that despite creating a negative view of the women’s suffrage movement, the militant efforts weren’t entirely wasted since it created publicity for the movement and helped restart the discussion on women’s suffrage.

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Fisher, Anthony John. "Representation of the British suffrage movement." Critical Discourse Studies 14, no. 4 (February 19, 2017): 458–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17405904.2017.1292933.

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TOWNS, ANN. "The Inter-American Commission of Women and Women's Suffrage, 1920–1945." Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 4 (November 2010): 779–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x10001367.

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AbstractIn studies of the international dimensions of women's suffrage, the role of international organisations has been overlooked. This article examines the suffrage activities of the Pan-American Union (PAU), and in particular those of the Inter-American Commission of Women (IACW), between 1920 and 1945. Attentive to historical context, the examination suggests that international organisations can be both bearers of state interests and platforms for social movement interests. The article also argues that while not independent bureaucracies, the PAU and IACW nevertheless had some importance for suffrage that cannot be attributed either to their state members or to the suffragist movements.

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Nicolosi, Ann Marie. "“The Most Beautiful Suffragette“: Inez Milholland and the Political Currency of Beauty." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 6, no. 3 (July 2007): 287–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400002103.

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This article examines the role of beauty and image in the U.S. suffrage movement. It focuses specifically on Inez Milholland and on how she and the movement capitalized on her extraordinary beauty and used her image and media popularity to present an icon for the movement, thereby softening and making acceptable the spectacle of women in public spaces and political matters. Milholland provided the movement with a representation that undermined the association of female political participation with masculine women and gender transgression. She provided a constructed model of acceptable white femininity, one that answered the anti-suffrage movement's accusations that suffragists were masculine women, inverts, and “abnormal” women whose lobbying for the vote was proof of their wretched state. Milholland thereby helped to bring women into the movement who might fear the taint of masculinity and gender transgression.

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Derleth, Jessica. "“KNEADING POLITICS”: COOKERY AND THE AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 3 (July 2018): 450–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000063.

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During the American woman suffrage movement, opponents described suffragists as abnormal, unsexed, non-mothers who desired to leave the home and family en masse, levying “war against the very foundation of society.” This charge ultimately compelled suffragists around the nation to respond by embracing expediency arguments, insisting the women's votes would bring morality, cleanliness, and order to the public sphere. This article charts how suffragists capitalized on movements for home economics, municipal housekeeping, and pure food to argue for the compatibility of politics and womanhood. In particular, this article examines suffrage cookbooks, recipes, and bazaars as key campaign tactics. More than a colorful historiographical side note, this cookery rhetoric was a purposeful political tactic meant to combat perennial images of suffragists as “unwomanly women.” And suffragists ultimately employed the practice and language of cookery to build a feminine persona that softened the image of their political participation and made women's suffrage more palatable to politicians, male voters, potential activists, and the general public.

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23

Ward, Margaret. "Conflicting Interests: The British and Irish Suffrage Movements." Feminist Review 50, no. 1 (July 1995): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1995.27.

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This article uses a case-study of the relationship between the British suffrage organization, the Women's Social and Political Union, and its equivalent on the Irish side, the Irish Women's Franchise League, in order to illuminate some consequences of the colonial relationship between Britain and Ireland. As political power was located within the British state, and the British feminist movement enjoyed superior resources, the Irish movement was at a disadvantage. This was compounded by serious internal divisions within the Irish movement — a product of the dispute over Ireland's constitutional future — which prevented the Franchise League, sympathetic to the nationalist demand for independence — from establishing a strong presence in the North. The consequences of the British movement organizing in Ireland, in particular their initiation of a militant campaign in the North, are explored in some detail, using evidence provided by letters from the participants. British intervention was clearly motivated from British-inspired concerns rather than from any solidarity with the situation of women in Ireland, proving to be disastrous for the Irish, accentuating their deep-rooted divisions. The overall argument is that feminism cannot be viewed in isolation from other political considerations. This case-study isolates the repercussions of Britain's imperial role for both British and Irish movements: ostensibly with a common objective but in reality divided by their differing response to the constitutional arrangement between the two countries. For this reason, historians of Irish feminist movements must give consideration to the importance of the ‘national question’ and display a more critical attitude towards the role played by Britain in Irish affairs.

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24

Lee, Min-Kyoung. "Australian Women’s Suffrage Movement and the Politics of Women’s Movement." Journal of Western History 59 (November 30, 2018): 121–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.16894/jowh.59.4.

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Campbell, Lara. "Modernity and Progress: The Transnational Politics of Suffrage in British Columbia (1910-1916)." Atlantis 41, no. 1 (December 16, 2020): 90–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1074021ar.

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Canadian historians have underplayed the extent to which theproject of suffrage and first wave feminism was transnational in scope. The suffrage movement in British Columbia provides a good example of the global interconnections of the movement. While BC suffragists were relatively uninterested in pan-Canadian campaigns they explicitly situated provincial suffrage within three transnational relationships: the ‘frontier’ myth of the Western United States, radical direct action by suffragettes in the United Kingdom, and the rise of modern China. By the second decade of the 20thcentury, increasingly confident women’s suffrage societies hosted international visits and contributed to global print culture, both of which consolidated a sense of being part of a modern, international and unstoppable movement. BC suffragists were attuned to American suffrage campaigns in California, Oregon and Washington, which granted female suffrage after referenda and situated political rights for settler women in the context of Western progress narratives. The emphasis on progress and modernity intersected with growing connections to non-Western countries, complicating racialized arguments for settler women’s rights to vote. BC suffragists were particularly impressed by the role of feminism in Chinese political reform and came to understand Chinese women as symbolizing modernity, progress, and equality. Finally, the militant direct action in the British suffrage movement played a critical role in how BC suffragists imagined the role of tactical political violence. They were in close contact with the militant WSPU, hosted debates on the meaning of direct action, and argued that suffragettes were heroes fighting for a just cause. They pragmatically used media fascination with suffragette violence for political purposes by reserving the possibility that unmet demands for political equality might lead to Canadian conflict in the future.

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Florey, Kenneth. "Postcards and the New York Suffrage Movement." New York History 98, no. 3-4 (2017): 441–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nyh.2017.0006.

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27

Healy, Bernadine P. "Editorial Women's Health: The Third Suffrage Movement." Journal of Women's Health 4, no. 3 (June 1995): 219–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/jwh.1995.4.219.

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28

Furlano, Michelle. "From Suffragist Shrine to Reformer’s Home: The Evolving Interpretation of the National Susan B. Anthony Museum & House." Collections: A Journal for Museum and Archives Professionals 16, no. 1 (February 26, 2020): 70–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1550190620903315.

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In 1945, a women’s organization—Susan B. Anthony Memorial Incorporated (SBAM)—purchased and restored Susan B. Anthony’s former home in Rochester, New York. Contemporary historic house preservation practices, the founder’s political motives, and the desire to shape and celebrate a women’s history centered on women’s suffrage influenced the house’s restoration. The initial interpretation idolized Anthony, presented her as a single-issue reformer, and overlooked the lives of other household members and the complexities of the women’s rights movement. In the past seventy-five years, the house evolved from a shrine to Anthony and the suffrage movement to interpreting Anthony as a reformer supported by her family. Today, the house interprets Anthony’s lived experiences and relationships and the lives of other household members. The house humanizes Anthony by interpreting her multifaceted reform work. Finally, the house extends past enshrining the women’s suffrage movement, broadening its definition of the women’s rights movement, and connecting historic civil rights battles to present-day struggles.

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Newman, Louise M. "REFLECTIONS ON AILEEN KRADITOR'S LEGACY: FIFTY YEARS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE HISTORIOGRAPHY, 1965–2014." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 14, no. 3 (July 2015): 290–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000055.

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AbstractThis article assesses the impact that Aileen Kraditor's classic monograph, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement (1965) has had on fifty years of suffrage historiography. Kraditor is best known among scholars for offering the terms “justice” and “expediency” to distinguish between two strains of suffragist argumentation, the former of which she associated with the nineteenth century and the latter with the Progressive Era. Although specialists no longer believe in a firm divide between the two periods, many continue to differentiate between principled (egalitarian) arguments that called for suffrage as a universal right of citizenship and instrumental (expedient) claims that often contained racist assumptions about white women's superiority. The majority of scholars now accept Kraditor's fundamental insight that a political movement devoted to the extension of democracy contained within it antidemocratic and racist elements, but they have challenged other key aspects of Kraditor's work, including her characterization of white southern women's advocacy of suffrage and her Turnerian assumptions about why statewide suffrage referenda succeeded first (and primarily) in the West. In addition, scholars have expanded the terrain of women's political activism to include analyses of black women's suffrage activities and understandings of citizenship; in so doing they have connected the regional histories of the South and the Midwest, displacing Kraditor's national narrative. Collectively the field has moved far beyond Kraditor's focus on the National American Woman Suffrage Association to emphasize the enormous range of suffrage activities that took place before the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified, demonstrating how woman suffrage encompassed new understandings of citizenship that were inseparable from the histories of Reconstruction, U.S. expansion, and western imperialism.

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Birnbaum, Pierre. "Universal Suffrage, the Vanguard Party and Mobilization in Marxism." Government and Opposition 20, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01068.x.

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THERE ARE ONLY A FEW PASSAGES IN MARX AND ENGELS dealing with the relation they established between party, class and elections. After showing that the proletariat formed a well-defined class by virtue of its place in the relations of production, Marx and Engels emphasized that the workers had been able to overcome their isolation in order to organize themselves. To cease being simply a mass, atomized by competition, they formed an association to strengthen their ‘union’ and make possible their mobilization. Profiting from the use of the means of communication, the workers became conscious of their common interests: ‘the result was the organization of the proletariat into a class and then into a political party’. It was the whole class that transformed itsef into a political party: no division took place. Rejecting the Blanquist conceptions of elitist parties, Marx and Engels added that ‘all previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interests of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interests of the immense majority’.

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Holton, Sandra. "Suffrage and power: the women's movement, 1918–1928." Women's History Review 9, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020000200488.

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Graves, Pamela M., and Cheryl Law. "Suffrage and Power: The Women's Movement, 1918-1928." American Historical Review 104, no. 4 (October 1999): 1378. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649711.

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Stenberg, Kim Yoonok, and Sophia A. van Wingerden. "The Women's Suffrage Movement in Britain, 1866-1928." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 32, no. 4 (2000): 693. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053677.

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Strom, Sharon Hartman, and Steven M. Buechler. "The Transformation of the Woman Suffrage Movement: The Transformation of the Woman Suffrage Movement: The Case of Illinois, 1850-1920." American Historical Review 92, no. 3 (June 1987): 757. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1870079.

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Elinson, Elaine. "Selina Solomons, Iconoclastic Suffragist of San Francisco." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.151.

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This essay describes the efforts of Selina Solomons, a San Francisco suffragist, and her perspectives on two California suffrage campaigns, the failed 1896 effort and the success in 1911. Born to a distinguished Jewish family that had fallen on hard times, Solomons felt the suffrage movement was hindered by its reliance on elite society women. She organized the Votes for Women Club and took bold public action to bring working-class women into the movement and to secure the votes of immigrant and laboring men.

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Elinson, Elaine. "Selina Solomons, Iconoclastic Suffragist of San Francisco." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.151.

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This essay describes the efforts of Selina Solomons, a San Francisco suffragist, and her perspectives on two California suffrage campaigns, the failed 1896 effort and the success in 1911. Born to a distinguished Jewish family that had fallen on hard times, Solomons felt the suffrage movement was hindered by its reliance on elite society women. She organized the Votes for Women Club and took bold public action to bring working-class women into the movement and to secure the votes of immigrant and laboring men.

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Rouse, Wendy. "Gender, Sexuality, and Love between Women in California’s Suffrage Campaign." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 144–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.144.

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The traditional narrative of the women’s suffrage movement has presented a “respectable” version of suffrage history primarily focused on the prominent role of elite, cisgender, heterosexual white women in fighting for the vote. Scholars are currently challenging that narrative. The story of California suffragists Gail Laughlin and Dr. Mary Austin Sperry “queers” our understanding of suffrage history by revealing the ways that suffragists transgressed normative boundaries of gender and sexuality not only in their norm-defying gender expressions, but in their non-heteronormative domestic arrangements.

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Rouse, Wendy. "Gender, Sexuality, and Love between Women in California’s Suffrage Campaign." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 144–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.144.

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The traditional narrative of the women’s suffrage movement has presented a “respectable” version of suffrage history primarily focused on the prominent role of elite, cisgender, heterosexual white women in fighting for the vote. Scholars are currently challenging that narrative. The story of California suffragists Gail Laughlin and Dr. Mary Austin Sperry “queers” our understanding of suffrage history by revealing the ways that suffragists transgressed normative boundaries of gender and sexuality not only in their norm-defying gender expressions, but in their non-heteronormative domestic arrangements.

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Greene. "The Echo of Equal Suffrage: A Brief History of Utah's Rural Suffrage Movement, 1889–1896." Utah Historical Quarterly 88, no. 4 (2020): 278. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/utahhistquar.88.4.0278.

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Kirkley, Evelyn A. "‘This Work is God's Cause’: Religion in the Southern Woman Suffrage Movement, 1880–1920." Church History 59, no. 4 (December 1990): 507–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169146.

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As I began researching religion and woman suffrage in the South I asked a prominent historian of southern religion if he knew of any sources. I had assumed that religion and woman suffrage had an intimate relationship in the South, since historians have amply documented the close connection between southern religion and culture. After scraching his head for a moment, however, he commented dryly, “There really aren't any sources. That will be a short paper.” He went on to explain that religious arguments were seldom used in the struggle for woman suffrage, that natural rights ideology and the social benefits of moral women voting were more common defenses than ones based on Scripture. Even antisuffragists relied on the threat of black women voting and the superfluity of women voting when they were represented by their husbands at the ballot box more often than explicitly religious arguments.

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Moehling, Carolyn M., and Melissa A. Thomasson. "Votes for Women: An Economic Perspective on Women’s Enfranchisement." Journal of Economic Perspectives 34, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.34.2.3.

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The ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 officially granted voting rights to women across the United States. However, many states extended full or partial suffrage to women before the federal amendment. In this paper, we discuss the history of women's enfranchisement using an economic lens. We examine the demand side, discussing the rise of the women's movement and its alliances with other social movements, and describe how suffragists put pressure on legislators. On the supply side, we draw from theoretical models of suffrage extension to explain why men shared the right to vote with women. Finally, we review empirical studies that attempt to distinguish between competing explanations. We find that no single theory can explain women's suffrage in the United States and note that while the Nineteenth Amendment extended the franchise to women, state-level barriers to voting limited the ability of black women to exercise that right until the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

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Carpenter, Daniel, Zachary Popp, Tobias Resch, Benjamin Schneer, and Nicole Topich. "Suffrage Petitioning as Formative Practice: American Women Presage and Prepare for the Vote, 1840–1940." Studies in American Political Development 32, no. 1 (April 2018): 24–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x18000032.

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The American woman suffrage movement remade the U.S. Constitution and effected the broadest expansion of voting eligibility in the nation's history. Yet it did more than change laws and citizenship. It also plausibly shaped participatory patterns before and after the winning of voting rights for women. Drawing upon the idea of formative practice and reporting on a range of historical materials—including an original data set of 2,157 petitions sent to the U.S. Congress from 1874 to 1920 concerning women's voting rights—we focus on woman suffrage petitioning as both presaging the practice of voting and, in a sense, preparing tens of thousands of women for that activity. Our analyses reveal that, before 1920, suffrage petitioning activity was heightened in general and midterm election years (especially among Republican-leaning constituencies), suffrage petitioning both enabled and reflected organization in critical western states, and that post-suffrage women's turnout was immediately and significantly higher in states with greater pre-suffrage petitioning (controlling for a range of political, organizational, and demographic variables). In its claims, symbolism, habits, and temporality, suffrage petitioning differed from other petitioning in American political development and marked a formative practice for women on their way to voting.

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Leneman, Leah. "The women's suffrage movement in the north of Scotland." Northern Scotland 11 (First Serie, no. 1 (May 1991): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nor.1991.0004.

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Hartmann, Susan M. "Transforming Women, Transforming Politics: The U.S. Woman Suffrage Movement." Reviews in American History 26, no. 2 (1998): 390–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.1998.0027.

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Goodier, Susan. "Picturing Political Power: Images in the Women’s Suffrage Movement." History: Reviews of New Books 49, no. 4 (July 4, 2021): 91–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2021.1935776.

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Burt, Elizabeth V. "The Wisconsin Press and Woman Suffrage, 1911–1919: An Analysis of Factors Affecting Coverage by Ten Diverse Newspapers." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 73, no. 3 (September 1996): 620–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909607300309.

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This study combines quantitative and qualitative methods in its analysis of ten Wisconsin newspapers during six week-long periods in which a significant woman suffrage event took place. It attempted to identify those factors that might have influenced individual newspapers' coverage of the suffrage movement, including the personal positions of their publishers and editors, their political affiliations, the demographic characteristics of their readership area, circulation size, place of publication, and sources of the stories they published on suffrage. The study found that these examples of the “mainstream press,” far from representing a united ideological voice, represented a diversity of voices influenced, in part, by these factors.

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Marino, Kelly. "Students, Suffrage, and Political Change: The College Equal Suffrage League and Campus Campaigns for Women’s Right to Vote, 1905–1920." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 20, no. 3 (July 2021): 370–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781421000128.

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AbstractFrom 1905–1920, American college and university students carried on active and understudied campaigns to gain legitimacy and support for women’s suffrage at institutions of higher education across the United States. The primary organization responsible for initiating and directing campus activism was the College Equal Suffrage League (CESL), formed in 1900 by Massachusetts teachers Maud Wood Park and Inez Haynes Gillmore to recruit more upper- and middle-class, well-educated, students and alumni to the women’s rights movement. Exploring the records of state and national suffragists, women’s organizations, and academic institutions associated with the CESL shows that the league’s campaigns helped to reinvigorate the suffrage cause at an important moment in the early twentieth century by using educational tactics as powerful tools to cultivate a scholarly voice for the campaign, appeal to the upper classes, and fit within the contexts of higher education and larger movement for progressive reform. In addition to influencing the suffrage cause, campus organizing for equal voting rights changed the culture of female political activism and higher education by ushering a younger generation of articulate and well-trained activists into the women’s rights campaign and starting in a trend of organized youth mobilization for women’s rights at colleges and universities.

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Paten, Jessica. "‘Coppertails and Silvertails’: Queensland Women and Their Struggle for the Political Franchise, 1889–1905." Queensland Review 12, no. 2 (November 2005): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600004074.

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Sides have now been taken. The temperance women will have a skirmish of their own for any stray man with no beer stains on his tie, but Miriam's loud timbrel has sounded for the battle royal between Labour and Government women — coppertails and silvertails!This call to arms sounded by the Worker towards the close of the campaign for womanhood suffrage in Queensland captured well the class antagonism that prevailed within the movement. At this late stage, there was little chance that the conflicting elements within the movement could put aside their differences and unite in a concerted effort to secure the female franchise. To all intents and purposes, the struggle for womanhood suffrage had become a class war.

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Baker, Jean H. "Getting Right with Women's Suffrage." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 5, no. 1 (January 2006): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778140000284x.

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My title is a gloss from Everett Dirksen, the long-time, now-deceased U.S. senator from Illinois who encouraged his party “to get right with Abraham Lincoln.” As Republicans drifted away from acknowledging their partisan connection to the sixteenth president, Dirksen appreciated how Lincoln could serve as an invigorating, unifying theme for Republicans in the post-Civil Rights Era. The analogy, of course, is that suffrage history has been similarly marginalized, submerged even within the limited space given to women's history by attention to Progressive Era associations and service groups such as the General Federation of Women's Clubs, the PTA, women's literary clubs, as well as the settlement house movement and the Women's National Republican Club.

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Karapin, Roger. "Opportunity/Threat Spirals in the U.S. Women's Suffrage and German Anti-Immigration Movements." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, no. 1 (February 1, 2011): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.16.1.y1007j0n837p5p45.

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Many have noted that protesters sometimes expand political opportunities for later protests, but there has been little analysis of how this occurs. The problem can be addressed by analyzing opportunity/threat spirals, which involve positive feedback among: actions by challengers (bold protests and the formation of alliances between challenger groups); opportunity-increasing actions by authorities and elites (elite divisions and support, procedural reforms, substantive concessions, and police inaction); and threat-increasing actions by authorities and elites (new grievance production and excessive repression). Interactions among these eight mechanisms are demonstrated in two cases of social movement growth, the U.S. women's suffrage movement of the 1910s and the German anti-immigration movement of the early 1990s. The cases show similar positive feedback processes despite many other differences, a finding which suggests that the specified interactions may operate in a wide range of social movements in democratic countries.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Suffrage movement'

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