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Journal articles on the topic 'Suffrages'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

Fairbairn, Brett. "Authority vs. Democracy: Prussian Officials in the German Elections of 1898 and 1903." Historical Journal 33, no. 4 (December 1990): 811–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013777.

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The suffrage for the German Reichstag had by the 1890s become the most potent symbol of democratic ideas in imperial Germany. ‘Universal, equal, secret, and direct’, as contemporaries described it, the Reichstag suffrage stood in contrast to restrictive state suffrages as a model of liberty and fairness. By the turn of the century, 70–80 per cent of adult male German citizens took advantage of their right to participate in this, the freest of all German political arenas.

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2

Maillard, Sébastien. "Suffrages et marchandages à la Commission." Esprit Octobr, no. 10 (2019): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/espri.1910.0032.

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3

Duret, Pascal. "Les suffrages « Front national », reflets d’identités blessées." Lien social et Politiques, no. 53 (November 4, 2005): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011643ar.

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Les individus votant extrême droite sont souvent donnés pour des personnalités autoritaires qui se nourrissent d’exclusion et de rejet. Des portraits sociologiques de cette enquête de terrain montrent différentes formes de construction d’identité politique liées à un manque de reconnaissance familiale et professionnelle. Le vote est alors perçu comme une forme de réhabilitation de soi, une manière de se reprendre en main tout en cherchant à préserver le lien social.

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4

Morse, Ruth. "“The Suffrages of the multitude” : Pierre-Antoine de La Place." Cahiers Charles V 45, no. 1 (2008): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cchav.2008.1528.

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5

Retallack, James. "Mapping the Red Threat: The Politics of Exclusion in Leipzig Before 1914." Central European History 49, no. 3-4 (December 2016): 341–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938916000662.

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AbstractLong before Adolf Hitler’s appearance clouded democracy’s prospects in Germany, election battles had provided a means to disadvantage “enemies of the Reich” in the polling booth. Such battles were waged not only during election campaigns but also when new voting laws were legislated and district boundaries were redrawn. Maps produced during the Imperial era informed voters, statesmen, and social scientists how the principle of the fair and equal vote was compromised at the subnational level, and new maps offer historians an opportunity to consider struggles for influence and power in visual terms. This article argues that local, regional, and national suffrages need to be considered together and in terms of their reciprocal effects. On the one hand, focusing on overlaps and spillovers between electoral politics at different tiers of governance can illuminate the perceptions and attitudes that are constitutive of electoral culture. On the other hand, using cartography to supplement statistical analysis can make election battles more accessible to nonspecialist audiences. Combining these approaches allows us to rethink strategies of political exclusion in Imperial Germany’s coexisting suffrage regimes. Focusing on Leipzig and its powerful Social Democratic organization opens a window on larger issues about how Germans conceived questions of political fairness in a democratizing age.

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6

Poirson, Martial. "Multitude en rumeur : des suffrages du public aux assises du spectateur." Dix-huitième siècle 41, no. 1 (2009): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dhs.041.0222.

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7

Kodumthara, Sunu. "“The Right of Suffrage Has Been Thrust on Me”: The Reluctant Suffragists of the American West." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 7, 2020): 607–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000341.

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AbstractFrom nearly the moment the woman's suffrage movement began at Seneca Falls in 1848, anti-suffragists actively campaigned against it, claiming that woman suffrage would only destroy both American politics and the American family. However, despite their best efforts, states in the American West passed equal suffrage laws. Interestingly, once it passed in their states, anti-suffragists in the American West—albeit begrudgingly—exercised their right to vote. As equal suffrage continued to expand, the Western anti-suffragist strategy became the strategy of anti-suffragists everywhere. This essay examines three states that represent pivotal moments in the development of the anti-suffrage movement: Colorado, California, and Oklahoma. Shortly after Colorado passed equal suffrage in 1893 and California passed equal suffrage in 1911, anti-suffragists organized state and national associations. By the time Oklahoma passed its equal suffrage law in 1918, anti-suffragists were not only voting—they were also willing to run for office. Anti-suffragist strategy and rhetoric relied on how suffrage worked in the West, or at least anti-suffrage perceptions of it. In other words, women's suffrage in the West served as a catalyst for the anti-suffragist movement.

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8

Kriegel, Maurice. "Nation et Religion: Aux origines des « néo-messianismes » dans l'Israël d'aujourd'hui." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 54, no. 1 (February 1999): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1999.279733.

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Les juifs de l'empire tsariste, dans les dernières années du 19e siècle, s'ils quittaient le giron de l'orthodoxie1, pouvaient rallier l'un ou l'autre des mouvements politiques qui se disputaient leurs suffrages : la socialdémocratie, l'autonomisme majoritairement socialiste, ou encore le sionisme. Mais entre l'inscription continuée à l'intérieur de l'orthodoxie et l'adhésion à l'un de ces mouvements, la différence de démarche ne sépare pas seulement les tenants d'options politiques opposées : elle crée un fossé entre les défenseurs d'un type d'identité juive qui mobilise pour lui l'autorité de la tradition, et les partisans soit d'un abandon de cette identité, de quelque façon qu'elle soit comprise, soit de sa refondation.

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9

Lumsden, Linda. "Suffragist: The Making of a Militant." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 72, no. 3 (September 1995): 525–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909507200304.

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The Suffragist newspaper performed several important functions for its publisher, the National Woman's Party, which picketed the White House in 1917 to protest for votes for women. The newspaper gave women a voice, offered them community, kept the suffrage issue alive during wartime, legitimized the demand for a federal suffrage amendment, and advanced the NWP viewpoint regarding the controversial pickets. Suffragist became more militant as suppression of the pickets intensified and was a key factor in the NWP's eventual successful confrontation with the White House and American patriarchal political power. This early example of the twentieth-century feminist press used vivid and impassioned reporting, dramatic photographs, righteous editorials, republican rhetoric, clever illustrations, and emotional first-person accounts by imprisoned suffrage pickets to make its case.

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10

Ciappara, Frans. "Strategies for the Afterlife in Eighteenth-Century Malta." Studies in Church History 45 (2009): 301–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002588.

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According to Protestant eschatology, the dead are no longer with us. In the forceful words of Eamon Duffy they are ‘gone beyond the reach of human contact, even of human prayer’. But if this was the most devastating change in the mind of Protestants, Catholics affirmed Tridentine teaching on the cult of the dead by an ‘obsessional multiplication’ of suffrages or intercessory prayers, especiallypost mortemmasses. This belief was still strong in eighteenth-century Catholic Europe. Italy, Spain and south-west Germany all exhibited such religious ‘frenzy’. Only France may be cited as an example to the contrary. Michel Vovelle has successfully proved that in Provence the will became simply a legal act distributing fortunes, with no reference to the pious clauses. However, we cannot extend this thesis, as Philippe Aries has mistakenly done, to the entire Catholic West.

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11

Kewes, Paulina. "“I Ask Your Voices and Your Suffrages”: The Bogus Rome of Peele and Shakespeare's Titus Andronicus." Review of Politics 78, no. 4 (2016): 551–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670516000589.

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AbstractThis essay provides a contextual reading of Titus Andronicus, paying close attention to the play's collaborative authorship. Peele and Shakespeare are shown to have manufactured a superficially compelling but in reality utterly fake image of the Roman state as an imaginary laboratory for political ideas, especially the elective principle. Topical allusions and deliberate anachronisms encourage the audience to relate the subject matter to the present, viz., late Elizabethan England in the throes of a succession crisis and rent by confessional divisions. Unlike Peele's solo works, which exhibit a potent anti-Catholic bias, Titus remains confessionally elusive. The play invites the audience to reflect on the viability of particular modes of succession without committing itself either way, and shows that it is not institutional structures and processes but those who use and abuse them that make the difference to the state of the polity.

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12

TOWNS, ANN. "The Inter-American Commission of Women and Women's Suffrage, 1920–1945." Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 4 (November 2010): 779–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x10001367.

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AbstractIn studies of the international dimensions of women's suffrage, the role of international organisations has been overlooked. This article examines the suffrage activities of the Pan-American Union (PAU), and in particular those of the Inter-American Commission of Women (IACW), between 1920 and 1945. Attentive to historical context, the examination suggests that international organisations can be both bearers of state interests and platforms for social movement interests. The article also argues that while not independent bureaucracies, the PAU and IACW nevertheless had some importance for suffrage that cannot be attributed either to their state members or to the suffragist movements.

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13

Rosner, Lisa. ""To Ask the Suffrages of the Patrons": Thomas Laycock and the Edinburgh Chair of Medicine, 1855. Michael Barfoot." Isis 88, no. 1 (March 1997): 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/383665.

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14

Elinson, Elaine. "Selina Solomons, Iconoclastic Suffragist of San Francisco." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.151.

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This essay describes the efforts of Selina Solomons, a San Francisco suffragist, and her perspectives on two California suffrage campaigns, the failed 1896 effort and the success in 1911. Born to a distinguished Jewish family that had fallen on hard times, Solomons felt the suffrage movement was hindered by its reliance on elite society women. She organized the Votes for Women Club and took bold public action to bring working-class women into the movement and to secure the votes of immigrant and laboring men.

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15

Elinson, Elaine. "Selina Solomons, Iconoclastic Suffragist of San Francisco." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.151.

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This essay describes the efforts of Selina Solomons, a San Francisco suffragist, and her perspectives on two California suffrage campaigns, the failed 1896 effort and the success in 1911. Born to a distinguished Jewish family that had fallen on hard times, Solomons felt the suffrage movement was hindered by its reliance on elite society women. She organized the Votes for Women Club and took bold public action to bring working-class women into the movement and to secure the votes of immigrant and laboring men.

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16

Pedersen, Susan. "Ben Pimlott Memorial Lecture 2018The Women’s Suffrage Movement in the Balfour Family." Twentieth Century British History 30, no. 3 (May 20, 2019): 299–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwz010.

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Abstract Given on the centenary of women's suffrage, this lecture explores the tensions and conflicts the claim for the vote raised among elite women already enmeshed in parliamentary and political circles. Drawing on the unbuttoned and sometimes angry correspondence among A.J. Balfour's suffragist sisters-in-law Lady Frances Balfour and Lady Betty Balfour, Frances' collaborator (and suffragist leader) Millicent Fawcett, Lady Betty's militant suffragette sister Lady Constance Lytton, and their old friend (and wife of the anti-suffragist Prime Minister) Margot Asquith, it explores the appeal but also the costs of this democratic claim for such “incorporated” women - and explains why some nevertheless supported it.

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17

Blair, Karen J. "Pageantry for Women's Rights: The Career of Hazel Mackaye, 1913–1923." Theatre Survey 31, no. 1 (May 1990): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004055740000096x.

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The early twentieth century found American suffragists experimenting with a diverse array of techniques to argue their cause. Among those who gave their talents to this effort was a skilled theatrical professional, Hazel MacKaye (1888–1944). A radical suffragist, MacKaye was a charter member of the Congressional Union, which in 1914 formally split off from the National American Woman Suffrage Association and evolved into the militant wing of the suffrage movement, the National Woman's Party. Hazel MacKaye created four women's rights pageants to propagandize for the suffragists between the years 1913 and 1923, which this paper will describe and examine.

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18

Bonner, Thomas Neville. "Book Review: "To Ask the Suffrages of the Patrons": Thomas Laycock and the Edinburgh Chair of Medicine, 1855." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 71, no. 1 (1997): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.1997.0029.

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19

Newman, Louise M. "REFLECTIONS ON AILEEN KRADITOR'S LEGACY: FIFTY YEARS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE HISTORIOGRAPHY, 1965–2014." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 14, no. 3 (July 2015): 290–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000055.

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AbstractThis article assesses the impact that Aileen Kraditor's classic monograph, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement (1965) has had on fifty years of suffrage historiography. Kraditor is best known among scholars for offering the terms “justice” and “expediency” to distinguish between two strains of suffragist argumentation, the former of which she associated with the nineteenth century and the latter with the Progressive Era. Although specialists no longer believe in a firm divide between the two periods, many continue to differentiate between principled (egalitarian) arguments that called for suffrage as a universal right of citizenship and instrumental (expedient) claims that often contained racist assumptions about white women's superiority. The majority of scholars now accept Kraditor's fundamental insight that a political movement devoted to the extension of democracy contained within it antidemocratic and racist elements, but they have challenged other key aspects of Kraditor's work, including her characterization of white southern women's advocacy of suffrage and her Turnerian assumptions about why statewide suffrage referenda succeeded first (and primarily) in the West. In addition, scholars have expanded the terrain of women's political activism to include analyses of black women's suffrage activities and understandings of citizenship; in so doing they have connected the regional histories of the South and the Midwest, displacing Kraditor's national narrative. Collectively the field has moved far beyond Kraditor's focus on the National American Woman Suffrage Association to emphasize the enormous range of suffrage activities that took place before the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified, demonstrating how woman suffrage encompassed new understandings of citizenship that were inseparable from the histories of Reconstruction, U.S. expansion, and western imperialism.

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20

Tremblay, Manon. "L’élection fédérale de 2000 : qu’est-il donc arrivé aux candidates?" Politique et Sociétés 21, no. 1 (November 20, 2008): 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/040302ar.

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Résumé Cet article porte sur la performance électorale des candidates à l’élection fédérale de 2000. Il vise à comprendre pourquoi a alors cessé de croître la proportion de femmes élues à la Chambre des communes, comme cela a été le cas après chaque scrutin fédéral depuis les années 1980. L’analyse, qui repose sur la notion de « compétitivité », retient les candidatures féminines et masculines pour les cinq principales formations politiques en lice en 2000 qui ont été élues ou sont arrivées deuxièmes en termes du nombre de votes exprimés. Une conclusion veut que la stagnation du nombre des femmes élues à l’élection fédérale de 2000 ne soit pas imputable au fait que les candidates ont brigué les suffrages dans des conditions de moindre compétitivité que les candidats. La situation relève bien davantage du fait que, primo, en 2000 ce sont surtout des députées qui ont été réélues et, secundo, les candidates qui n’avaient jamais siégé à la Chambre des communes n’ont pas hérité de leur juste part des meilleures circonscriptions — les circonscriptions dites « héritières ». Si les partis politiques étaient sincères lorsqu’ils affirment souhaiter l’avènement de plus de femmes en politique, ils réserveraient en priorité aux femmes ces circonscriptions héritières et ce, pour quelques élections fédérales encore, soit le temps de redresser la situation au regard de la représentation des femmes et des hommes à la Chambre des communes du Canada.

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21

Cowman, Krista. "‘We intend to show what Our Lord has done for women’: the Liverpool Church League for Women’s Suffrage, 1913–18." Studies in Church History 34 (1998): 475–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013826.

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There was nothing unusual in the inauguration, in December 1909, of a Church League for Women’s Suffrage (CLWS). By January 1914, suffrage had become so expansive that fifty-three organizations competed for or shared a membership divided by tactics, religion, political allegiance, ethnic origin, or metier, but united in their desire to see the parliamentary franchise awarded to women. At the time of the League’s formation, the centre stage of suffrage politics was largely occupied by three groups: the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), suffragettes whose commitment to direct militant tactics brought them spectacularly into both the public eye and the prison cell; the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies (NUWSS), whose suffragist members condemned all militancy, describing themselves as ‘law-abiding’; and the Women’s Freedom League (WFL), militants who had quit the WSPU in 1907 in a dispute over constitutional democracy. Whilst they were often virulently opposed to each other, these three groups shared a commitment to an all-female membership and also the political will to prioritize the franchise above the broader feminist issues which adjoined their public campaigns. By contrast smaller suffrage groups, including the Church League, added extra dimensions to the suffrage campaign. They allowed members of the three main groups to explore issues other than suffrage whilst simultaneously providing alternative arenas for suffrage activity to those who did not feel able to commit themselves to the larger bodies. Thus the Church League did restrict its membership to practising Anglicans, but welcomed both militants and constitutionalists, and men as well as women into its ranks. Whilst the achievement of the parliamentary franchise remained its main aim, it also provided space for those who wished to explore ‘the deep religious significance of the women’s movement’. This paper uses the example of the Liverpool branch of the Church League to examine in greater detail to what extent, if any, such explorations resulted in an alteration of the gendered nature of space within Edwardian Anglicanism.

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22

Danowitz, Erica Swenson. "The Woman's Tribune." Charleston Advisor 23, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 58–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.23.1.58.

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The Woman's Tribune is a database that provides full-text access (both in digitized and text formats) to the biweekly newspaper of the same name published between 1883-1909. It contains the full run of all 724 issues of this title, which was the second-longest-running women's suffrage newspaper in the United States. It was highly regarded by suffrage movement leaders and Elizabeth Cady Stanton contributed frequently to this publication. This newspaper was intended for general circulation and reached a wide audience as its founder, Clara Bewick Colby, included a variety of topics relevant and important to women especially individuals living in the rural Midwest and West. Content found in this resource includes advertisements, book reviews, domestic new stories, editorials, poetry, recipes, and international coverage of suffragist issues. This resource would support the research needs of faculty, advanced undergraduates, and graduate students.

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23

Hayes, William A. "“A Mighty Impartial Personage”: Disraeli’s Entry into the Tory Party." Historical Papers 14, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030839ar.

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Résumé A la lumière de certaines sources récemment mises à jour, l'auteur se propose de jeter un nouveau regard sur les débuts de la carrière politique de Benjamin Disraeli, c'est à dire sur les années qui précèdent son affiliation au parti conservateur. Si les historiens ont perçu le caractère désordonné et quelque peu excentrique de ces années comme étant tout simplement imputable à l'opportunisme de Disraeli, on estime ici que cet opportunisme doit être qualifié et que l'évolution qu'il a subit au cours de ces premières années a été vitale dans l'option apparemment abrupte qu'a prise Disraeli en faveur de ce parti. Ces années ont, de fait, été des plus utiles. Les premières défaites ont vite instruit l'homme des enjeux de la politique et elles l'ont incité à réviser sa stratégie en fonction de buts à plus long terme ; de plus, il appert que, même si Disraeli a d'abord brigué les suffrages en tant que radical, il fut toujours, jusqu'à un certain point, un conservateur déguisé. Enfin, l'auteur souligne que, contrairement à ce que l'on a toujours cru, sa décision de se joindre aux conservateurs a été antérieure au manifeste de Peel et qu'elle n'a rien à voir avec les changements qui se sont opérés par la suite au sein du parti. En somme, Disraeli s'est joint au parti de Wellington et de Lyndhurst et non à celui de Peel. Sa décision reflétait son désir de réintégrer une idéologie avec laquelle il avait des affinités ; elle manifestait sa confiance dans le futur et témoignait du mûrissement de sa perception d'un parti politique.

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24

Hernawati, Mala. "Book Review: Women After All: Sex, Evolution, and the End of Male Supremacy." Jurnal Humaniora 28, no. 2 (November 12, 2016): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.v28i2.16407.

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Konner’s Women After All begins with thequotation from Elizabeth Cady Stanton, a leading figure of the American suffragist, “Because man and woman are the complement of one another, we need woman’s thought in national affairs to make a safe and stable government.” This quotation was a part of her address to the National Woman Suffrage Convention in Washington D.C., on January 19, 1869. However, the idea on equality between man and woman is just a starting point toward Konner’s thesis which is far beyond equality: women are not equal to men – they are superior to men.

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25

Lawrence, J. "Women Against the Vote: Female Anti-Suffragism in Britain * Suffrage Outside Suffragism: Women's Vote in Britain, 1880-1914." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 506 (February 1, 2009): 223–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen370.

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26

Carlson, Susan. "Politicizing Harley Granville Barker: Suffragists and Shakespeare." New Theatre Quarterly 22, no. 2 (April 19, 2006): 122–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x06000364.

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The importance of Granville Barker’s association with J. E. Vedrenne in the seminal Court seasons of 1904-1907 is one of the ‘givens’ of twentieth-century theatre history, as are Barker’s later, groundbreaking productions of Shakespeare at the Savoy. Yet these and much of his intervening work were also in many ways collaborative achievements, now in association with his wife, the actress Lillah McCarthy – their later divorce helping to rewrite the history of their partnership. Lillah McCarthy was also a prominent suffragist, and Granville Barker allied himself with many other men and women who were working actively in support of the extended franchise. Susan Carlson argues that many of Granville Barker’s productions should be seen, in part, as artistic extensions of suffrage activism, and in this article she explores the ways in which his support for the suffragists manifested itself on as well as off the stage. Susan Carlson, Associate Provost and Professor of English at Iowa State University, has most recently published essays on suffrage theatre, focusing on its political use of comedy and its connections to productions of Shakespeare.

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27

Barnhart, Joslyn N., Robert F. Trager, Elizabeth N. Saunders, and Allan Dafoe. "The Suffragist Peace." International Organization 74, no. 4 (2020): 633–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818320000508.

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AbstractPreferences for conflict and cooperation are systematically different for men and women: across a variety of contexts, women generally prefer more peaceful options and are less supportive of making threats and initiating conflict. But how do these preferences affect states’ decisions for war and patterns of conflict at the international level, such as the democratic peace? Women have increasingly participated in political decision making over the last century because of suffragist movements. But although there is a large body of research on the democratic peace, the role of women's suffrage has gone unexplored. Drawing on theory, a meta-analysis of survey experiments in international relations, and analysis of crossnational conflict data, we show how features of women's preferences about the use of force translate into specific patterns of international conflict. When empowered by democratic institutions and suffrage, women's more pacific preferences generate a dyadic democratic peace (i.e., between democracies), as well as a monadic peace. Our analysis supports the view that the enfranchisement of women is essential for the democratic peace.

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28

Oldfield, Sybil. "Mary sheepshanks edits an internationalist suffrage monthly in wartime: jus suffragii 1914-19." Women's History Review 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13664530300200350.

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29

Offen, Karen. "Myriam Boussahba-Bravard (ed.), Suffrage Outside Suffragism: Women’s Vote in Britain, 1880-1914." Clio, no. 28 (December 15, 2008): 275–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/clio.9102.

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30

Offen, Karen. "Women And The Question of ?Universal? Suffrage in 1848: A Transatlantic Comparison of Suffragist Rhetoric." NWSA Journal 11, no. 1 (April 1999): 150–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/nws.1999.11.1.150.

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31

Keene, Jennifer D. "DEEDS NOT WORDS: AMERICAN SOCIAL JUSTICE MOVEMENTS AND WORLD WAR I." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 4 (September 27, 2018): 704–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000336.

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This essay investigates how the repressive wartime political and social environment in World War I encouraged three key American social justice movements to devise new tactics and strategies to advance their respective causes. For the African American civil rights, female suffrage, and civil liberties movements, the First World War unintentionally provided fresh opportunities for movement building, a process that included recruiting members, refining ideological messaging, devising innovative media strategies, negotiating with the government, and participating in nonviolent street demonstrations. World War I thus represented an important moment in the histories of all three movements. The constructive, rather than destructive, impact of the war on social justice movements proved significant in the short term (for the suffragist movement) and the long term (for the civil rights and civil liberties movements). Ultimately, considering these three movements collectively offers new insights into American war culture and the history of social movements.

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32

Quéro, Laurent, and Christophe Voilliot. "Du suffrage censitaire au suffrage universel." Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 140, no. 5 (2001): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/arss.140.0034.

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33

Kristmundsdóttir, Sigríður Dúna. "Men and the Suffrage." Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 12, no. 2 (December 19, 2016): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2016.12.2.4.

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Around the turn of the last century the suffrage was a crucial political issue in Europe and North America. Granting the disenfranchised groups, all women and a proportion of men, the suffrage would foreseeably have lasting effects on the structure of society and its gendered organization. Accordingly, the suffrage was hotly debated. Absent in this debate were the voices of disenfranchised men and this article asks why this was so. No research has been found on why these men did not fight for their suffrage while women ́s fight for their suffrage has been well researched. Within this context, the article examines the case of Iceland, in terms of issues such as the importance of urbanization, social change and culturally defined perceptions of men and women as social persons. It is argued that men did not have the same impetus as women to fight for their suffrage, and that if they had wanted to they were in certain respects disadvantaged compared to women. The gendered organization of society emerges as central in explaining why women fought for their suffrage and men did not, and why women’s suffrage received more attention than men’s general suffrage. As a case study, offering a microcosmic view of the subject in one social and cultural context, it allows for comparison with other like studies and with ongoing social processes.

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Burt, Elizabeth V. "The Ideology, Rhetoric, and Organizational Structure of a Countermovement Publication: The Remonstrance, 1890–1920." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 75, no. 1 (March 1998): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909807500109.

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This article examines the anti-suffrage ideology, rhetoric, and structure of The Remonstrance, the publication of the Massachusetts Association Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women. As a counter- movement publication, The Remonstrance was principally reactive, that is, driven to respond to suffrage claims and strategies. Basic themes illustrated the ideology of the anti-suffrage movement. Further, the anti-suffrage ideology was reflected in the organizational structure of both the MAOFESW and The Remonstrance. Although they changed over time, they failed to keep step with the broad social changes affecting women's lives in the early twentieth century.

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McDonagh, Eileen L., and H. Douglas Price. "Woman Suffrage in the Progressive Era: Patterns of Opposition and Support in Referenda Voting, 1910-1918." American Political Science Review 79, no. 2 (June 1985): 415–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956657.

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Sources of opposition and support for woman suffrage are analyzed with the use of the responses of male voters to constitutional referenda held in six key states during the Progressive era. Traditional axes of opposition and support for suffrage are examined, establishing that stable sources of suffrage support originate most often from Protestant and northern European constituencies (with the exception of Germans), whereas southern Europeans and Catholics (except for Germans) generally show no consistent patterns. Opposition to suffrage is most constant from Germans—both Catholic and Protestant—and from urban constituencies. A structural model indicating the greater importance of prohibition as an intervening variable compared to partisanship or turnout at the grass-roots level of voting behavior explicates the sources of direct and indirect support for suffrage while it also demonstrates the influence of educational commitment in determining suffrage voting patterns. Except in the West, opposition to suffrage was intense and greater at the grass-roots level than among legislative elites. The ultimate success of the federal amendment is discussed in the context of state referenda, the changed political climate after American entry into World War I, and the innovative efforts of state legislatures to grant “presidential” suffrage, thereby circumventing what proved to be the difficult referenda route.

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Jansz, Ulla. "VROUWENKIESRECHT ALS OMSTREDEN KWESTIE ONDER NEDERLANDSE FEMINISTEN, 1870-1900." De Moderne Tijd 1, no. 3 (January 1, 2017): 277–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2017.03-04.004.jans.

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WOMEN’S SUFFRAGE AS A CONTROVERSIAL ISSUE AMONG DUTCH FEMINISTS, 1870-1900 Female suffrage was not the Dutch women’s movement’s central issue from the beginning, nor did contemporary social reformers conceive it as part of the democratisation process they favoured. This article explores the public debate on women’s suffrage against the backdrop of the movement towards universal suffrage in its first three decades. Due to sources refraining from stating the obvious, it remains obscure why exactly parliamentary politics continued to be seen as an exclusively male domain for so long. What is clear, is that conservative feminists associated the demand for women’s suffrage with a radical strand of feminism which they abhorred.

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Shore, Amy. "Suffrage Stars." Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 21, no. 3 (2006): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-2006-010.

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Dupart, Dominique. "Suffrage universel, suffrage lyrique chez Lamartine, 1834-1848." Romantisme 135, no. 1 (2007): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rom.135.0009.

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Cowman, Krista. "Suffrage days: stories from the women's suffrage movement." Women's History Review 7, no. 2 (June 1, 1998): 261–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029800200356.

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Mayhall, Laura E. Nym, and Sandra Stanley Holton. "Suffrage Days: Stories from the Women's Suffrage Movement." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 30, no. 2 (1998): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053597.

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Prieto, Laura R. "Gallery Scrapbook as Suffrage Archive: Macbeth’s Suffrage Exhibition." Archives of American Art Journal 60, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 4–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/714299.

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Pennington, Carolyn. "MICHAEL BARFOOT (ed.) — "To ask the Suffrages of the Patrons": Thomas Laycock and the Edinburgh Chair of Medicine, 1855Medical History, Supplement No. 15. London. Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, 1995, pp.281, £25.00." Scottish Economic & Social History 17, PART_2 (January 1997): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sesh.1997.17.part_2.161.

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Carpenter, Daniel, Zachary Popp, Tobias Resch, Benjamin Schneer, and Nicole Topich. "Suffrage Petitioning as Formative Practice: American Women Presage and Prepare for the Vote, 1840–1940." Studies in American Political Development 32, no. 1 (April 2018): 24–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x18000032.

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The American woman suffrage movement remade the U.S. Constitution and effected the broadest expansion of voting eligibility in the nation's history. Yet it did more than change laws and citizenship. It also plausibly shaped participatory patterns before and after the winning of voting rights for women. Drawing upon the idea of formative practice and reporting on a range of historical materials—including an original data set of 2,157 petitions sent to the U.S. Congress from 1874 to 1920 concerning women's voting rights—we focus on woman suffrage petitioning as both presaging the practice of voting and, in a sense, preparing tens of thousands of women for that activity. Our analyses reveal that, before 1920, suffrage petitioning activity was heightened in general and midterm election years (especially among Republican-leaning constituencies), suffrage petitioning both enabled and reflected organization in critical western states, and that post-suffrage women's turnout was immediately and significantly higher in states with greater pre-suffrage petitioning (controlling for a range of political, organizational, and demographic variables). In its claims, symbolism, habits, and temporality, suffrage petitioning differed from other petitioning in American political development and marked a formative practice for women on their way to voting.

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Sidorenko, Viktoriia. "Suffrage movement in Manitoba and maternal feminism: the activity of Nellie McClung as the leader of the movement." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 5 (May 2020): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.5.32837.

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This article discusses the role of Nellie McLung in the suffrage movement of Manitoba and the impact of her activity as the ideological and political leader upon success of the movement in achieving the set goals. The author examines the peculiarities of ideological basis and realization of the suffrage agenda and strategy by female movement in the province anchored by Nellie McLung, as well as analyzes the reasons for success of suffrage movement in Manitoba. The assessment of the role of Nellie McLung in the activity of suffrage movement of Manitoba and consolidation of the ideas of maternal feminism within the Russian historiography has not been previously conducted. The author comes to the conclusion on importance of the role of Nellie McLung as the leader of suffrage movement, who was able not only to distribute the ideas of maternal feminism in the province, but also hold an active campaign aimed at achieving the goals of suffrage movement, turning public opinion towards the necessity for acquisition of electoral right by women.

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Pennington, Carolyn. "MICHAEL BARFOOT (ed.) — "To ask the Suffrages of the Patrons": Thomas Laycock and the Edinburgh Chair of Medicine, 1855 Medical History, Supplement No. 15. London. Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, 1995, pp.281, £25.00." Scottish Economic & Social History 17, no. 2 (November 1997): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sesh.1997.17.2.161.

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Sangster, Joan. "Exporting suffrage: British influences on the Canadian suffrage movement." Women's History Review 28, no. 4 (July 5, 2018): 566–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2018.1493765.

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DeVries, Jacqueline R. "Suffrage Days: Stories from the Women's Suffrage Movement (review)." Victorian Studies 42, no. 3 (2000): 517–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2000.0057.

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Anderson, Susan D. "“Latter-Day Slavery”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.137.

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My research highlights little-known aspects of African American participation in the mobilization on behalf of women’s suffrage in California, an issue of vital importance to African Americans. The history of suffrage in the United States is marked by varying degrees of denial of voting rights to African Americans. In California, African Americans were pivotal participants in three major suffrage campaigns. Based on black women’s support for the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted black men the right to vote, black men and women formed a critical political alliance, one in which black men almost universally supported black women’s suffrage. Black women began and continued their activism on behalf of male and female voting rights, not as an extension of white-led suffrage campaigns, but as an expression of African American political culture. African Americans—including black women suffragists—developed their own political culture, in part, to associate with those of similar culture and life experiences, but also because white-led suffrage organizations excluded black members. Black politics in California reflected African Americans’ confidence in black women as political actors and their faith in their own independent efforts to secure the franchise for both black men and women.

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Anderson, Susan D. "“Latter-Day Slavery”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.137.

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My research highlights little-known aspects of African American participation in the mobilization on behalf of women’s suffrage in California, an issue of vital importance to African Americans. The history of suffrage in the United States is marked by varying degrees of denial of voting rights to African Americans. In California, African Americans were pivotal participants in three major suffrage campaigns. Based on black women’s support for the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted black men the right to vote, black men and women formed a critical political alliance, one in which black men almost universally supported black women’s suffrage. Black women began and continued their activism on behalf of male and female voting rights, not as an extension of white-led suffrage campaigns, but as an expression of African American political culture. African Americans—including black women suffragists—developed their own political culture, in part, to associate with those of similar culture and life experiences, but also because white-led suffrage organizations excluded black members. Black politics in California reflected African Americans’ confidence in black women as political actors and their faith in their own independent efforts to secure the franchise for both black men and women.

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Kose, Esra, Elira Kuka, and Na’ama Shenhav. "Women’s Suffrage and Children’s Education." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 13, no. 3 (August 1, 2021): 374–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.20180677.

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While a growing literature shows that women, relative to men, prefer greater investment in children, it is unclear whether empowering women produces better economic outcomes. Exploiting plausibly exogenous variation in US suffrage laws, we show that exposure to suffrage during childhood led to large increases in educational attainment for children from disadvantaged backgrounds, especially Blacks and Southern Whites. We also find that suffrage led to higher earnings alongside education gains, although not for Southern Blacks. Using newly digitized data, we show that education increases are primarily explained by suffrage-induced growth in education spending, although early-life health improvements may have also contributed. (JEL H75, I21, I22, J13, J15, J16, N32)

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