Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Suffragetten'

Denna uppsats ämnar finna de faktorer som drev före detta suffragetter till att ansluta sig till den fascistiska organisationen British Union of Fascists (BUF), samt redogöra för organisationens syn på kvinnors och kvinnors roll i samhället.  BUF grundades 1932 och var den största och mest framstående fascistiska gruppen i Storbritannien under mellankrigstiden. I samband med att organisationen nådde sin höjd i mitten av 1930-talet blev den ökänd för sina våldsamma möten och konfrontationer med politiska motståndare. De våldsamma metoderna som fascisterna använde skulle alienera dem från den breda brittiska politiken. När BUF proklamerade sitt stöd för Adolf Hitlers Nazityskland kom organisationen att fördömas av både den brittiska allmänheten och de etablerade partierna. British Union of Fascists skulle motsätta sig andra världskriget och uppmanade regeringen att förbjuda organisationen och arresterade många högtuppsatta medlemmar 1940. Fascismen var känd för att ha en patriarkal, traditionalistisk och reaktionär syn på kön och kvinnor. Men trots detta lyckades organisationen attrahera tidigare suffragetter. Så hur kunde de som tidigare kämpat för jämställdhet gå med i en rörelse som motsatte sig jämställdhet? Vilken syn hade BUF på kvinnan och kvinnorollen? För att svara på detta har jag studerat och analyserat ideologisk text skrivna av organisationens grundare och ledare Oswald Mosley samt andra fascistiska medlemmar. Jag har också använt mig av tillgänglig forskning från etablerade professorer och historiker för att nå en slutsats.   Resultatet visar att British Union of Fascists hade en mycket traditionalistisk och reaktionär syn på kvinnan och kvinnorollen. Svaghet betraktades och beskrivs som feminint och manlighet betraktades och beskrivs som styrka. BUF ansåg att kvinnan rent naturligt föredrog hemmet framför arbete och att moderskapet var kvinnans högsta kallelse i livet. Fascisterna betraktade kvinnors framgångar i kampen för jämställdhet som samhällets degeneration och förfall. Resultaten visar även att det fanns många faktorer som drev de tidigare suffragetterna till British Union of Fascists. Vilka faktorer som var avgörande beror på suffragetten i fråga. I min forskning har jag hittat tre exempel på tidigare suffragetter som gick med i BUF. Dessa var Norah Dacre Fox, Mary Sophia Allen och Mary Richardson. De faktorer som fick Norah Dacre Fox att ansluta sig till BUF var primärt möjligheten för sig och sin partner att få politiska karriärer. Fox hävdade att BUF var suffragettrörelsens arvtagare men jag har inte hittat några bevis för att detta var en primär faktor som fick henne att gå med i organisationen. De faktorer som fick Mary Sophia Allen att gå med i BUF var sannolikt krigsutbrottet 1939. Allen var sedan tidigare en beundrare av Adolf Hitler vilket troligtvis fick henne att motsätta sig ett krig mot dennes regim. Hon tjänstgjorde även under första världskriget och var troligtvis väl medveten om krigets fasor, något som kan ha bidragit till att hon motsatte sig ett nytt krig. De faktorer som fick Mary Richardson att gå med BUF var att hon ansåg att organisation och fascismen som ideologi var det enda som kunde rädda landet från stagnation. Richardson såg också mycket i BUF som påminde henne om suffragettrörelsen, och som en militant suffragett i sin ungdom kan BUFs militarism och paramilitära aktioner ha varit attraktiva. Det är därför troligt att de faktorer som fick Richardson att gå med i fascisterna var en kombination mellan att tro på dem som en politisk kraft såväl som deras militanta tillvägagångssätt. Richardson lämnade organisationen efter interna bråk och kom att anklaga organisationen för att i själva verket motarbeta kvinnors rättigheter. Strävan efter jämlikhet kan därför mycket väl ha varit en bidragande faktor till att hon anslöt sig till fascisterna, men jag har inte hittat några bevis som uttryckligen pekar på detta.
This essay revolves around the fascist organization British Union of Fascists (BUF) and their view on women and women’s role in society. It also examines former suffragettes who joined the organization, with the goal of establishing which factors contributed to them seeking membership in the organization.  Founded in 1932, the BUF was the largest and most prominent fascist group in the United Kingdom during the interwar period. Reaching its peak in the mid-1930s, the organization would become infamous for violent rallies and clashes with political opponents. The violent methods of the fascists would alienate them from mainstream British politics. And the organization would be condemned by both the British political establishment and British public after pleading their allegiance to Adolf Hitlers Nazi Germany. The British Union of Fascists would oppose the second world war, prompting the government to ban the organization and arresting numerous high-ranking members in 1940. Fascism was known for having a patriarchal, traditionalist and reactionary view on gender and women. But despite this fact, the organization managed to attract former suffragettes. So how come that those who fought for equality between the sexes would join a movement that opposed the same? How did British Union of Fascists view women and the female role?  To answer this, I have studied, and analysed ideological text written by the organizations founder and leader Oswald Mosley, alongside other fascist members. I have also used available research by established professors and historians to reach a valid conclusion.    The result shows that the British Union of Fascists had a highly traditional and reactionary view on women. Weakness was viewed and described as feminine, while masculinity was viewed and described as strength. The group regarded the home as women’s natural habitat, and childbirth as their highest calling in life. The fascists viewed women’s recent achievements in the struggle for equality as the degeneration and downfall of society.  The results also shows that there were numerous factors that drove the former suffragettes, each depending on the suffragette in question. In my research I have found three examples of former suffragettes who joined the BUF. These were Norah Dacre Fox, Mary Sophia Allen and Mary Richardson. The factors that made Norah Dacre Fox join the BUF was primarily the possibility of herself and her partner to gain political careers through the organization. Fox did argue that she viewed the BUF as successors to the suffragette movement, but I have not found any evidence that proves that this was a primary factor for her joining the BUF. The factors that made Mary Sophia Allen join the BUF were most likely the outbreak of the second world war. She was an admirer of Adolf Hitler which probably made her oppose a war against his regime. She also served during the first world war, something that might have contributed to her opposing a new war due the horrors of warfare. Mary Richardson joined the BUF because she believed that the organization and the ideology of fascism were needed to save to country from its downfall. Richardson also saw a lot in the BUF that remined her of the suffragette movement, and as a militant suffragette in her youth the BUFs militarism and paramilitary actions might have been attractive. It is therefore likely that the factors that made Richardson join the fascists were a combination between agreeing with their views on the degeneration of British society as well as their militant actions. Richardson did leave the organization after a falling-out with its leader, and she would accuse the group of working against women’s rights. The pursuit of equality might very well have been a contributing factor for joining, but I have not found any evidence that explicitly points to this.

This thesis examines women's bodies in public spaces, as represented in texts produced by and about British suffragettes active in the militant campaign for women's enfranchisement (1905- 14). The texts under discussion here include suffragette fiction, autobiography, history and journalism. This thesis argues that these suffragette representations, in which the specificities of women's bodies are central, constitute not only a contestation of the political domain but a reconfiguration of the public sphere. Drawing on the work of Jurgen Habermas and recent feminist critiques of liberal political theory, it is further argued that the emphasis on bodily performance in suffragette tactics implicitly critiqued the grounding assumptions of the modern liberal state such as the privileging of disembodied reason. This thesis also proposes that, concomitant with this refiguring of the political domain, the performative tactics of the suffragette campaign constructed a distinctive suffragette subjectivity. Drawing on the notion of Michel Foucault that subjectivity is located in specific discursive practices, it is argued that the suffragette performances of dissent need to be understood as acts of self-formation by suffragettes. Through a range of practices where the emphasis was consistently on political agency and bodily specificity (from fashion and processions to arson and hunger-striking), suffragette protest constituted the women as subjects within "the sphere of political communication" (Habermas 1989 8). In suffragette texts, it will be seen, representations of protesting suffragette bodies are central to this construction of a suffragette subjectivity, but are also sites of struggle, as the issue of whether this subjectivity is located in peformance or interiority is explored.

Mary Wollstonecraft et Emmeline Pankhurst ont joué un rôle important dans la lutte pour les droits des femmes. Elles ont fait de l’écriture et du militantisme politique un moyen de lutte contre les injustices subies par les femmes. La plupart des historiens se sont concentrés sur les revendications révolutionnaires portées par les deux féministes. Cette recherche a au contraire pour dessein d’explorer leur utilisation de la "conformité stratégique" pour faire avancer leurs revendications émancipatrices. Il s’agit d’examiner la manière dont les deux féministes se sont conformées de manière stratégique à certaines notions de moralité, de statut matrimonial, de maternité et de féminité, afin d’ atténuer le radicalisme de leurs revendications et de leurs actions, et du même coup, discréditer les accusations de leurs critiques. Cette recherche vise par ailleurs à évaluer l’efficacité de la conformité comme moyen de lutte émancipatrice des deux féministes et à démontrer que la conformité stratégique constitue un instrument politique tout aussi important que la rébellion
Mary Wollstonecraft and Emmeline Pankhurst played a leading role in the fight for women’s rights, the former through writing and the latter through political activism. While most historians have focused on the revolutionary claims and means that Wollstonecraft and Pankhurst used in their struggle for women’s rights, my research aims to explore their use of ‘strategic conformity’ to further advance their emancipatory claims. It investigates how the two feminists strategically conformed to certain notions of morality, wifehood, motherhood and femininity so as to soften their radical claims and means, and hence discredit their critics’ accusations. Besides, this research attempts to assess the efficiency of the two feminists’ strategy of conformity by examining the contemporary reception of their ideas and actions. Eventually, this research stresses “strategic conformity” as an equally significant and efficient political means as rebellion

From 1906 to 1912 the British police contended with the struggles of militant suffragettes and active unionists. In facing the disturbances associated with the suffragette movement and union mobilization, the police confronted the dual problems of maintaining the public order essential to the survival and welfare of the kingdom while at the same time assuring to individuals the liberty necessary for Britain's further progress. This dissertation studies those police activities in detail.

The purpose of this essay is to study the similarities and differences in the rhetoric of the Swedish organisation” LKPR” and the English Suffragette’s. How they present their idea of the political vote for women, what kind of metaphors are used e.tc. The study is based on the voting women’s newspapers, as well as letters and a speech. The study is also supposed to discuss the various reasons why the militant methods and rhetoric in the democratization from the suffragette’s in England did not influence the voting women of Sweden in a more comprehensive way, and why Swedish activist did not use the militant methods. This has many complex explanations. The rhetoric of the suffragettes was far more militant and associated with the concept of war. In Sweden, it was more about motherhood, family and home, the Swedish activist did not embrace the militant methods of the suffragette’s. That’s partwise because of the concept of femininity, the fear of further conflicts, dependence on men etc. Even if the two organisations were distinctly different, one thing they shared was the concept of “a new kind of woman”. It was a woman who broke the social structures, gender structures and in some cases even laws to get what they wanted. It was a woman who no longer pleased with what they were assigned, but now looked for what they considered to be entitled to. It was a new type of woman who came to stay.

This thesis is a comparative case study of the Suffragette movement and the Gulabi Gang, two women’s movements using violence as a political strategy to fight patriarchal structures. Studying vigilante women’s movements is important as the current literature on the relationship between women and violence is deficient, focusing on women as victims of violence but neglecting the idea of women as contributors to violence. This study therefore aims to challenge the idea of female pacifism and to acknowledge women as rational, and sometimes violent, actors. This will be done by comparing the Suffragette movement and the Gulabi Gang, two most-different cases of vigilante women’s movements, with the purpose to find the motivations behind their strategic choice of violence. The study is of an explorative kind, aiming to contribute to the existing theories of vigilantism with why some women’s groups have felt compelled to step outside of traditional stereotypes and norms attributed to women to achieve their goals. The result shows that the existing theories explaining the motivations to vigilante actions coincide with the Suffragettes and the Gulabi Gang. They are however also proven to not adequately explain why some women’s movements use violence. This study therefore contributes, to the existing theories, with the conclusion that women’s movements use violence, generally seen as a masculine strategy, to shock and surprise the people and the decision-makers. The use of violence, in other words, creates a disturbance in the societal structures as a result of women generally being unexpected to use such strategies. It furthermore creates opportunities for the groups to increase the attention devoted to them in ways that would not have been possible if the groups would use more feminine strategies.

La Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), fondée en 1903 par Emmeline Pankhurst, est une organisation suffragiste britannique. Poursuivant son but d’obtenir l’octroi du droit de vote aux femmes, cette organisation élabore une propagande très développée pour faire entendre son message auprès du gouvernement et du public. C’est de cette propagande que nous faisons l’étude à travers l’analyse des trois hebdomadaires successifs que la WSPU a publiés de 1907 à 1917 : Votes for Women, The Suffragette et Britannia. Dans un premier temps, nous montrons que la diffusion du message de la WSPU repose largement sur le périodique. Notre étude nous conduit ensuite à analyser la production et le contenu de ces périodiques, la façon dont ceux-ci rendent compte de l’évolution de la WSPU et de son rôle avant et pendant la Première Guerre mondiale. Enfin, nous analysons la réception de cette propagande par le public, ainsi que l’impact que les actions de la WSPU ont eu sur le mouvement suffragiste et sur la société britannique, jusqu’à ce que les femmes obtiennent le droit de vote en 1918
The Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), founded in 1903 by Emmeline Pankhurst, is a British suffragist organisation. It aims at gaining votes for women and works out highly developed propaganda techniques to convince the government and the population. In this thesis, we study the propaganda of the WSPU through the analysis of the three successive weekly newspapers published by the organisation between 1907 and 1917: Votes for Women, TheSuffragette and Britannia. First, we try to show that the message of the WSPU is largely conveyed through those periodicals. Our study then leads us to analyse the production and the contents of those periodicals, the way they show the evolution of the WSPU and its role before and during the First World War.Finally, we focus on the way the WSPU propaganda was received by the public,and on the impact that the deeds performed by the WSPU had on the suffragist movement and the British society before women got the right to vote in 1918

women. The womens social movements for emancipation and equality within marriage created both freedom and anxiety among the population. A Swedish suffragette, Ellen Key was in the forefront to form opinions that reached the population. In addition, she also became a friend to the Swedish journalist and writer Hjalmar Soderberg. In this way, Key influenced Soderbergs social knowledge and writing. Most likely she had an impact on his novel Doctor Glas, which he worked on during their long acquaintance. Moreover, several of the Nordic novelists during the period, were introduced to the writings of the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche. Particularly, Key was one of the first women to read Nietzsche as she could oversee with his misogyny and turned it into benefits to the emancipation. The aim of this essay is to examine the influence of the emancipation debates on the novel Doctor Glas. In addition, I also examine the influence of the German philosopher on the thinking of the Nordic writers. Particularly, I will try to explain the behaviour of the protagonist of the novel that ended in the death of the priest. My conclusion is a misled doctor by a twisted mind filled with philosophical beliefs of “superior” mentality.

The purpose of this essay is to study articles from the newspaper Tidevarvet during the newspapers first years 1923-1924, and the newspapers last year, 1936. The main focus will be on the topics about women’s right and the peace issue.  The main research questions are the following: What is Tidevarvets opinions on the topics of peace and the women´s issue? Did these opinions change from the newspapers start in 1923 to it´s final year in 1936? Can their opinions somehow be reflected in the modern convention about human rights? The method that is used is a qualitative content analysis. Some of the articles in todays convention of human rights can be seen in the newspaper. Tidevarvet were a production of it´s time, were the topics of the time dominated the discussion. The suffragette movement was a big subject in the newspapers first years, when the women just two years before had ben given the right to vote. But when the war in Europe was approaching in the newspapers later years, the issues of peace became more dominant.

Qualquer trabalho que se insira na área dos Estudos Anglo-Portugueses deverá ter como objectivo primordial reconhecer e analisar a presença de um Outro (estrangeiro) – o anglo ou o luso – num contexto nacional, o que pressupõe sempre uma reflexão de carácter comparatista fundamentada na imagologia e na relação entre culturas. No caso em apreço, propôs-se revisitar essa relação intercultural através do material produzido pela imprensa portuguesa, nas primeiras décadas do século XX, a propósito das sufragistas britânicas. Para tal, afigurou-se relevante apresentar um breve panorama das relações luso-britânicas entre 1903 e 1918 para, depois, analisar os movimentos das mulheres inglesas e portuguesas no respectivo período. Ao examinar o modo como as sufragistas inglesas foram veiculadas na imprensa periódica lusa percebeu-se também a forma como os(as) jornalistas portugueses(as) se projectaram a si próprios(as) e o Portugal contemporâneo nessa representação. Para tal, tornou-se fundamental conhecer o perfil dos(as) articulistas, caracterizar os periódicos que noticiaram os acontecimentos ocorridos em Inglaterra, bem como averiguar que jornais optaram por transmitir uma imagem positiva ou negativa das suffragettes. O eco das acções das sufragistas britânicas no periodismo português proporcionou um encontro com o universo da própria portugalidade, à época ainda muito avessa ao progresso feminino.
The primary objective of the any piece of work in the area of Anglo-Portuguese studies should be to recognise and analyze the role of a (foreign) Other – whether British or Portuguese – in a national context, which inevitably presupposes a comparative approach based on imagology and the relationship between the two cultures. In the present case, it was proposed to review this intercultural relationship through reports and articles on the British suffragette campaign which appeared in the Portuguese press during the first decades of the twentieth century. To do so, it was necessary to construct a brief overview of Portuguese-British relations between 1903 and 1918 to compare English and Portuguese women’s movements during the period. By analysing how the English suffragettes were portrayed in the Portuguese periodical press it became possible to understand how Portuguese journalists projected both themselves and contemporary Portugal in such articles. To achieve this aim, it was fundamental to discover the writers’ profiles, to characterize the newspapers that reported the events which took place in England, as well as to verify which newspapers chose to communicate a positive or a negative image of the suffragettes. The echoes of British suffragettes in the Portuguese press provided an encounter with Portugal itself, a Portugal which was still averse to female progress.

博士
國立高雄師範大學
英語學系
95
This dissertation aims to excogitate the dynamic vision in three plays presented in 1990s by three Native American female playwrights with reference to affiliated social and cultural study. Monique Mojica’s “Birdwoman and the Suffragettes: A Story of Sacajawea,” Annette Arkeketa’s “Ghost Dance,” and Diane Glancy’s “The Lesser Wars” are the very selected works. This dissertation will be divided into five chapters. Chapter One is a brief introduction in which I present the framework of this dissertation and basic ideas on Native American writing with the reference to the definition of the word, “dynamics.” In Chapter Two, I probe and scrutinize Monique Mojica’s “Birdwoman and the Suffragettes” based on dynamics as the keynote. How different genres in Mojica’s “Birdwoman and the Suffragettes” exert influence on the reading and how the ideology of Manifest Destiny lays stress on the play are the focal points for discussion. In Chapter Three, Mihesuah’s four stages of Indian life will be employed in the study of Annette Arkeketa’s “Ghost Dance” with the reference to Wovoka’s Ghost Dance and the ghost images in the play. Chapter Four puts emphasis on the trickster and tricksterism in Diane Glancy’s “The Lesser Wars.” How, especially, the trickSTAR, Tecoyo presents the white men’s history (Columbus’ as the main focus) and how Tecoyo transcends the experience and conflicts through her body are the main issues to discuss in this chapter. The last chapter gives a brief conclusion with the expectation of more research and studies on Native plays.

This project examines narrative encounters in space identified as “harem,” produced by authors with biographical ties to the vanguard of the American Suffrage Movement. I regard these feminists’ circulations East, to the domestic space of the Other, as a hitherto unstudied, yet critical component of transnationalism in the history of U.S. Suffrage. This literary record also crucially reveals the extent to which sentimentality was plotted as a potential force for the reform of other cultures. An urge to sympathize denied in the space of the harem illustrates the colonial anxieties that subtended sentimentality’s prospective deployment beyond national borders. In five chapters on the work of Anna Leonowens, Susan Elston Wallace, Demetra Vaka Brown, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and Edith Wharton, I examine how Suffrage-minded authors writing the harem strategically abandon an activist praxis of fellow feeling. Such a reluctance to transform sentimental literature into a colonial literature consequently informs that genre’s postbellum decline. The sentiments that run dry for American feminists in the harem additionally foreground the costly failures of Wilsonian Idealism, a doctrine that appropriated a discourse of sentimentality in order to script the United States’ expanded involvement in global affairs.

Dissertation