Journal articles on the topic 'Sufism Sufi literature Islam'

ABSTRAKAjaran tasawuf tidak dapat dipisahkan seiring perkembangan Islam di Indonesia.Masuknya Islam ke Indonesia yang kerap dikatakan secara damai, tidak luput dari penyebaranajaran tasawuf. Tumbuhnya ajaran tasawuf dan ‘sepak terjang’ para sufi di awalmasuknya Islam ke Indonesia terekam dalam sejumlah manuskrip yang dapat dikatakansebagai ‘hikayat hagiografis’. Munculnya hagiografi tersebut dikarenakan para sufi dikagumidan dipuja sebagai ‘orang suci’ karena menarik diri dari kenikmatan duniawi (zuhd),melakukan perjalanan panjang, mengembara, demi pencapaian spiritual dan dakwah kepadaorang lain. Diyakini bahwa pencapaian spiritual ini membuat mereka mampu menampakkantindakan-tindakan di luar kebiasaan (khawariq al-‘adat). Tulisan ini akan mengkajinaskah Asal Usul Besi Kharsani (AUBK) yang di dalamnya berbicara tentang ilmu BesiKharsani sebagai warisan sejarah dan budaya masyarakat Kerinci, yang berbentuk bungarampai dan merupakan bagian dari sastra Melayu klasik yang bergenre Hagiografi. Strukturgenre tersebut mengandung unsur hikayat, syair, sejarah, silsilah, dan hidayat. Juga termasukadanya unsur mitologi penelitian ini dikerjakan dengan metode kajian filologi.Kata kunci: sufisme, hagiografi, Kerinci, besi kharsaniABSTRACTThe teachings of Sufism can not be separated as the development of Islam in Indonesia.The entry of Islam into Indonesia that can be said peacefully, did not escape the spread ofSufism teachings. The growth of Sufism and the action of the Sufis in the early entry of Islaminto Indonesia is recorded in a number of manuscripts that can be said as ‘hagiographic saga’.The emergence of hagiography is due to The Sufis are admired and revered as ‘saints’ bywithdrawing from worldly pleasures (zuhd), Making long journeys, wandering, for the sakeof spiritual attainment and preaching to others. It is believed that this spiritual achievementenables them to manifest unbelievable acts (khawariq al-’adat). This paper will examinethe manuscripts of the Origin of Besi Kharsani (AUBK) in which it speaks of the science ofBesi Kharsani as a historical and cultural heritage of Kerinci society, which is in the formof a potpourri and is part of the classical Melayu literature of the Hagiography genre. Thestructure of the genre contains elements of saga, poetry, history, genealogy, and hidayat. Alsoincluded mythological elements. This research is done by the method of philological studies.Keywords: sufism, hagiography, Kerinci, besi kharsani

ABSTRAKAjaran tasawuf tidak dapat dipisahkan seiring perkembangan Islam di Indonesia.Masuknya Islam ke Indonesia yang kerap dikatakan secara damai, tidak luput dari penyebaranajaran tasawuf. Tumbuhnya ajaran tasawuf dan ‘sepak terjang’ para sufi di awalmasuknya Islam ke Indonesia terekam dalam sejumlah manuskrip yang dapat dikatakansebagai ‘hikayat hagiografis’. Munculnya hagiografi tersebut dikarenakan para sufi dikagumidan dipuja sebagai ‘orang suci’ karena menarik diri dari kenikmatan duniawi (zuhd),melakukan perjalanan panjang, mengembara, demi pencapaian spiritual dan dakwah kepadaorang lain. Diyakini bahwa pencapaian spiritual ini membuat mereka mampu menampakkantindakan-tindakan di luar kebiasaan (khawariq al-‘adat). Tulisan ini akan mengkajinaskah Asal Usul Besi Kharsani (AUBK) yang di dalamnya berbicara tentang ilmu BesiKharsani sebagai warisan sejarah dan budaya masyarakat Kerinci, yang berbentuk bungarampai dan merupakan bagian dari sastra Melayu klasik yang bergenre Hagiografi. Strukturgenre tersebut mengandung unsur hikayat, syair, sejarah, silsilah, dan hidayat. Juga termasukadanya unsur mitologi penelitian ini dikerjakan dengan metode kajian filologi.Kata kunci: sufisme, hagiografi, Kerinci, besi kharsaniABSTRACTThe teachings of Sufism can not be separated as the development of Islam in Indonesia.The entry of Islam into Indonesia that can be said peacefully, did not escape the spread ofSufism teachings. The growth of Sufism and the action of the Sufis in the early entry of Islaminto Indonesia is recorded in a number of manuscripts that can be said as ‘hagiographic saga’.The emergence of hagiography is due to The Sufis are admired and revered as ‘saints’ bywithdrawing from worldly pleasures (zuhd), Making long journeys, wandering, for the sakeof spiritual attainment and preaching to others. It is believed that this spiritual achievementenables them to manifest unbelievable acts (khawariq al-’adat). This paper will examinethe manuscripts of the Origin of Besi Kharsani (AUBK) in which it speaks of the science ofBesi Kharsani as a historical and cultural heritage of Kerinci society, which is in the formof a potpourri and is part of the classical Melayu literature of the Hagiography genre. Thestructure of the genre contains elements of saga, poetry, history, genealogy, and hidayat. Alsoincluded mythological elements. This research is done by the method of philological studies.Keywords: sufism, hagiography, Kerinci, besi kharsani

; "> This article explores the style of sufism from the perspective of Muhammadiyah.It is a literature study on the official fatwa given by Muhammadiyah on sufism as a part of spiritual dimension in Islamic teaching. This study places a number of Muhammadiyah figures as the subject of study. This study concludes that the views of Muhammadiyah and its figures on sufism are very positive. Sufistic life in fact also becomes a trend among the followers of Muhammadiyah. Important styles of Muhammadiyah sufism include: first, Muhammadiyah sufistic teachings are based on pure monotheism. The second, Muhammadiyah sufistic is practiced under the frame of shari‘ah, on the basis of the Qur’an and Hadith. Third, the substance of sufism in the Muhammadiyah perspective is noble character that should be realized in daily life. Fourth, the orientation of Muhammadiyah sufism emphasizes the dimension of righteous deeds, social praxis, and of moving from theory to practice. Fifth, Muhammadiyah sufism presents sufistic teachings adjusted to the spirit of modernity so that it may be called modern sufism. Sixth, Muhammadiyah sufism is expressed in more active and dynamic styles. A sufi is not allowed to do nothing, but is obliged to work actively and to interact with society. Seventh, Muhammadiyah sufism stays away from the philosophical sufism discourse that may potentially cause debates. Muhammadiyah views that to become sufi, one should not become the member of sufi order with the style of “teacher-centered” in practice.Artikel ini membahas corak sufisme dalam perspektif Muhammadiyah. Kajianini merupakan studi literatur terhadap fatwa resmi Muhammadiyah terhadap sufisme sebagai bagian dari dimensi spiritual ajaran Islam. Kajian ini juga menempatkan sejumlah tokoh Muhammadiyah sebagai subjek studi. Kajian ini menyimpulkan bahwa perspektif Muhammadiyah dan tokoh-tokohnya terhadap sufisme sangat positif. Kehidupan sufistik dalam kenyataannya juga menjadi trend di kalangan pengikut Muhammadiyah. Corak sufisme Muhammadiyah yang penting meliputi: pertama, ajaran sufisme Muhammadiyah berbasis pada tauhid murni. Kedua, sufisme Muhammadiyah dipraktekkan dalam bingkai syariah, berdasar al-Qur’an dan hadits. Ketiga, substansi sufisme dalam perspektif Muhammadiyah adalah akhlak mulia dan harus diwujudkan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Keempat, orientasi sufisme Muhammadiyah menekankan dimensi amal salih, praksis sosial, dan bergerak dari teori ke praktek. Kelima, sufisme Muhammadiyah menampilkan ajaran tasawuf yang disesuaikan dengan spirit modernitas sehingga layak disebut tasawuf modern. Keenam, sufisme Muhammadiyah diekspresikan dalam corak yang lebih aktif dan dinamis. Seorang sufi tidak boleh berpangku tangan, melainkan harus aktifbekerja dan berinteraksi dengan masyarakat. Ketujuh, sufisme Muhammadiyahmenjauhi wacana tasawuf falsafi yang potensial mengundang perdebatan.Terakhir, Muhammadiyah berpandangan untuk menjadi sufi, seseorang tidakharus menjadi anggota tarekat yang dalam prakteknya bercorak guru sentris.

To what extent can a national hero be a Sufi? This article examines the much contested yet still underexplored relationship between the public discourse of modernity and Sufism by looking at how television producers dealt with Sufi elements in ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm Maḥmūd’s (1910–78) biography. The Egyptian public remembers ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm Maḥ­mūd as a Shaykh al-Azhar and a distinguished scholar of Sufism of the 1970s. His biopic series broadcast on national television during the Ramadan of 2008 showed the delicate nature of exposing Sufi practices in public Islam. ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm’s career path leading up to the level of a high-ranking scholar of al-Azhar was celebrated as the result of strong faith in God. However, his Sufi practices were modified to correspond to the television producers’ understanding of correct Sufism and to show how “private” spiritual pursuits would not hinder one from being an economically productive individual in the public sphere.

<p class="IIABSBARU">This study reveals the Sufi healing, a therapy in the literature of Sufism. This study focuses on behaviors associated with the Sufi healing or prevention of disease, both physically and mentally, and then determines the aspects that support a system of rational and empirical therapy. The result achieved through this research is the discovery of an alternative treatment or prevention of appropriate disease in accordance with the tendency of society in the current era, the digital age. After investigation, it is revealed that Sufi healing is a form of alternative therapy that is done by taking the values of Sufism as a means of treatment or prevention. This model has been known in the community since Islam and Sufism itself evolved. Scientific references about the work system of medicine or healing in this manner, was found in a variety of transpersonal psychology theories, in which consciousness become one focus of the study. Medically, it is also known by the term psycho-neurons- endocrine-immunology, where the conclusion states that there is a relationship between mind and body in the health problems for everyone. In other word, the mind influences health.</p><p class="IKa-ABSTRAK">***</p>Kajian ini mengungkap tentang <em>sufi</em><em> healing</em>, yaitu terapi di dalam literatur tentang sifisme. Kajian ini memfokuskan pada perilaku yang berasosiasi dengan sufi healing atau pencegahan penyakit, baik secara fisik maupun mental, dan kemudian menentukan aspek-aspek yang mendukung sistem terapi rasional dan empirik. Hasil yang diperoleh dari kajian ini adalah penemuan <em>treatment</em> alternatif atau preventif terhadap penyakit secara tepat yang sesuai dengan tuntutan masyarakat saat ini. Ditemukan bahwa sufi healing merupakan bentuk terapi alternatif yang dilakukan dengan menggunakan nilai-nilai sufisme se­bagai cara treatment atau pencegahan. Model ini telah dikenal dalam ma­syarakat sejak Islam dan sufisme berkembang. Rujukan ilmiah dari mengenai sistem kerja peng­obatan­nya dapat ditemukan dalam berbagai teori psikologi transpersonal, di mana kesadaran menjadi fokus kajian. Secara medis, pengobatan ini juga disebut psycho-neurons-endocrine-immunology, yang kesimpulannya adalah adanya hubungan antara fikiran dan tubuh dalam kesehatan manusia,

In December of 1984, Zhang Chengzhi, a thirty-six-year-old ethnologist from Beijing and an important novelist in contemporary Chinese literature, reached a small village on the loess plateaus of northwestern China. An impoverished farmer, Ma Zhiwen, hosted Zhang during his brief stay and introduced him to the local community of Muslims who practiced Sufism, a form of mystical Islam. Night after night, the Muslim villagers sought Zhang out to tell him about events in the history of their Sufi order, the Zheherenye. Zhang learned that Zheherenye Sufis carefully cultivated historical memories reaching back to the mid-eighteenth century when the order was founded by a Chinese Sufi returned from Yemen. Since then, the order had been led by amurshid, the Arabic word for mentor or spiritual guide. During the last dynasty of the Chinese empire, which fell in 1911, the Zheherenye were often outlawed and clashed repeatedly with the imperial army in regional wars that the Sufis always lost. Interpreting their defeats as martyrdom, the Zheherenye narrated the lives of the successivemurshidin their transmission of oral histories, but also in handwritten histories that were often written in Persian or Arabic.

In the medieval Middle East, the Sufi experience was not only a male enterprise. Women also participated in the development of this mystical representation of Islam in different ways. Despite the existence of scholarly studies on Sufism in medieval Anatolia, the role played by women in this period has generally been overlooked. Only recently have studies started to highlight the relevance that some of these Sufi ladies had in spreading Sufism in the Middle East. Accounts of women’s deeds are especially abundant in hagiographic literature produced in the seventh/thirteenth and eighth/fourteenth centuries. However, it has been generally downgraded as historically unreliable for consisting of biased ‘inside accounts’ of the lives of Sufi shaykhs and their followers. This article has a twofold goal: first, to investigate what information hagiographies provide about the role of women in medieval Anatolia; and second, to try to vindicate the option of using hagiographic literature as a relevant source of information in researching aspects of cultural history that cannot be found in other source materials.

This article discusses some of the Sufism concepts, al-walayah, al-khalwah, al-dhikr, al-tafakkur and al-tawakkal according to Al-Tha'alibi, Muslim scholar from Algeria in the 8th and 9th centuries in Tafsi>r Al-Jawa>hir al-H{isa>n fi> Tafsi>r al-Qur'a>n. Using the descriptive-analytic method, this literature study found that Al-Tha'alibi in his tafsir in interpreting the verses was influenced by Sufi scholars who supported the Sunni Sufi concept, namely the Sufi way of life guided by al- Qur`an, Hadith, and the journey of life of the Companions and Salaf al-Ummah. As a Sufi and 'a>lim fi> al-di>n, Al-Tha'alibi certainly practiced the Sufi life patterns according to what he believed, namely the Sunni Sufi which was different from the Sufi understanding practiced by the majority of the Algerian population at that time which was considered to have come out of many demands Islam. It is caused by political, economic, and social conditions that are unstable and have a significant impact on the religious life of the Algerian population, especially in the understanding and practice of Sufism.

Literature has been a medium to express and explore the depths of human life and Truth. This is accurate of Islamic literature that has been produced across the globe over hundreds of years. This paper seeks to highlight key mystical aspects of classical Islamic literature and their relevance to world literature and culture. Mysticism is essentially understood in this context as a set of beliefs and practices that lead to a form of proximity or union with the Divine. The paper explores key manifestations of mysticism in prominent works of Islamic literature by renowned classical figures such as Rumi, Ibn ‘Arabī, ’Al-Ghazālī, Ibn ‘Al-Fāriḍ and Rābi‘ah. These manifestations include prevalent themes such as divine essence and attributes, gnosis and knowledge, the concept of mystical path and divine love. The paper concludes that contemporary Muslim writers and literary commentators have a rich tradition that can be re-examined, revived and matched to renew and rejuvenate the literatures of Muslim nations. Keywords: Islamic literature, Mysticism, Mystical literature, Sufism, Sufi poetry. Abstrak Kesusasteraan merupakan satu medium untuk menzahir dan meneroka kehidupan manusia dan kebenaran. Ini bertepatan dengan kesusasteraan Islam yang terhasil dari seluruh dunia sejak ratusan tahun dahulu. Makalah ini bertujuan untuk menyoroti aspek tasawuf dalam kesusasteraan Islam klasik dan kaitannya dengan kesusasteraan dan budaya dunia. Tasawuf dalam konteks ini pada asasnya difahami sebagai satu set kepercayaan dan amalan yang membawa kepada suatu bentuk kedekatan atau kesatuan dengan ketuhanan. Makalah ini meneroka manifestasi utama dalam karya-karya kesusasteraan Islam oleh tokoh terkenal seperti Rumi, Ibn 'Arabī,' Al-Ghazali, Ibn 'Al-Fāriḍ dan Rābi'ah. Manifestasi ini termasuk tema lazim seperti intipati dan sifat ketuhanan, gnosis dan pengetahuan, konsep tasawuf dan ketuhanan. Makalah ini menyimpulkan bahawa para pengarang Islam kontemporari dan pengulas kesusasteraan telah ditinggalkan dengan tradisi yang kaya untuk dikaji, dihidupkan semula dan dipadankan untuk memperbaharui dan memperkasa kesusasteraan Islam. Kata Kunci: Kesusasteraan Islam, Tasawuf, Persuratan Tasawuf, Sufism, Puisi sufi.

Sa`id Hawwa was a prominent figure of the post-Ottoman Islamic revival. As well as being a member of the Muslim Brotherhood of Syria, he was also grounded in Sufi tradition and education. He exerted an effort to re-organize the orientation of understanding about the tradition of Islamic knowledge in order to answer the challenge of the Western thoughts. His work is impregnated with new ideas related to the forms of interactions towards the Islamic disciplines which come in equilibrium; this includes the knowledge of tasawwuf. The objective of this study is to identify the Sufi framework which underlies Sa'id Hawwa’s works. The study also examines his perspective in revitalizing Sufi discourse in relation to current reality. Another objective of the study is to analyse his recommendations in endorsing the current understanding and practice of Sufism. This research was based on literature review through the documentation method in collecting data related to the research questions as well as data analysis method; thaht was the process of identifying the form of data collected for interpretation. The study finds that Sa'id Hawwa’s works are centered on purifying the conceptions of the Muslim community in their interaction with the world and Sufism. He stressed on the link between tasawwuf with other Islamic branches of knowledge. In the theoretical context, he reaffirmed that Sufism, as a stage of experiential faith (dhawqi), is a consequence of the monotheistic creed of Islam, which is a stage of intellectual faith (aqli). In the practical context, he emphasized the importance of orientating Sufism so as not to neglect the demands of the current obligations (wajib al-waqt) based on the current Islamic scenarios. The study concludes that Sa'id Hawwa made several contributions to the field of Sufism: they are the integration of Sufi discourse with perspectives from other forms of Islamic knowledge; and the revitalization of Sufi discourse by acknowledging current reality; and the criticism of those apsects of Sufism that are deemed to have deviated from the authentic Sufi path. He also linked aspects of the practice of Sufism with spiritual preparation for the restoration of the caliphate system. In other words, Sa’id Hawwa’s perspective is centered on the re-interpretation of Sufism, as a medium to elevate the status of the Islamic Sharia comprehensively. Keywords: Sa`id Hawwa; contemporary tasawwuf perspective; Sufism tradition. Sa`id Hawwa adalah tokoh idea kebangkitan Islam pasca-Uthmaniyyah. Selain menceburi gerakan al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin Syria, keperibadian beliau berlatarkan tradisi dan pendidikan kesufian. Dalam konteks keilmuan, beliau berusaha menyusun semula kerangka tradisi ilmu agar siap menghadapi bentuk cabaran dan serangan pemikiran Barat. Karya beliau sarat dengan idea pembaharuan berhubung bentuk interaksi terhadap disiplin ilmu Islam secara sepadu dan seimbang, termasuk ilmu tasawuf. Kajian ini bertujuan mengenal pasti sudut pandang yang melatari karya tasawuf Sa`id Hawwa. Penulisan ini turut mengkaji perspektif beliau dalam menyegarkan wacana tasawuf menurut realiti semasa. Termasuk dalam objektif kajian adalah menganalisis saranan beliau dalam memperbaiki aspek kefahaman dan pengamalan tasawuf semasa. Penulisan ini diasaskan kepada kajian kepustakaan menerusi metode dokumentasi dalam mengumpulkan data penting berkaitan persoalan yang dikaji dan metode analisis data iaitu proses mengesan bentuk data yang telah dikumpul untuk melakukan interpretasi. Kajian mendapati, karya Sa`id Hawwa adalah berpaksikan pemurnian semula konsepsi umat Islam dalam berinteraksi dengan tasawuf. Beliau menekankan pertautan di antara ilmu tasawuf dengan panduan ilmu-ilmu Islam lainnya. Dalam konteks teoretikal, beliau menegaskan kedudukan ilmu tasawuf yang berupa iman di peringkat rasaan (dhawqi) sebagai susulan ilmu akidah tauhid yang berupa iman di peringkat akliah (aqli). Dalam konteks praktikal, beliau menekankan kepentingan orientasi penghayatan tasawuf yang tidak mencuaikan tuntutan kewajipan semasa (wajib al-waqt) menurut senario umat Islam. Kajian merumuskan sumbangan utama Sa`id Hawwa di bidang tasawuf iaitu mengintegrasikan tasawuf dengan perspektif ilmu-ilmu Islam lain, mengaitkan wacana tasawuf dengan realiti semasa dan mengkritik gejala penyimpangan dari landasan tasawuf yang sahih. Beliau turut mengaitkan aspek pengamalan tasawuf sebagai persiapan rohani dalam mengembalikan semula sistem khilafah. Dalam erti kata lain, perspektif Sa`id Hawwa berpaksikan kepada pemaknaan semula tasawuf sebagai wahana memartabatkan syariat Islam secara komprehensif. Kata kunci: Sa`id Hawwa; perspektif tasawuf kontemporari; tradisi kesufian.

The spread of Islam in the Archipelago was closely tied to the roles of Sufi ulama. The circulation of Sufi work in Nusantara proves a strong connection between this region and the Middle East. In West Java, a number of these work expose Sufi teachings in the form of Sundanese Sufi literature, such as the work by Haji Hasan Mustafa. He is considered the greatest Sundanese poet whose work features strong influences of wahdat al-wujud. This paper aims to examine Sundanese Sufism expressed in Mustafa’s work of Asmarandana Ngagurit Kaburu Burit. This study shows that this work contains Sufi’s path that explores the self and its encounters with Supreme Being and the self’s diffusion, where there is no longer existence except the One. Mustafa called his Sufi poetry imperfect suluk because it was written in late afternoon. His work reveals local Sufi accommodation to wah}dat al-wujud in Sundanese language and culture.

This article discusses the idea of Prophetic Literature or Sufi Literature that developed along the same lines as Transcendental Literature, founded by Kuntowijoyo. The core philosophies behind Transcendental Literature are the teachings of Sufism and mysticism. With Islam Kejawen (Javanese Sufism) as a background, Transcendental Literature emphasizes the spiritual experience and effort by humans to seek the love of Allah. It also emphasizes on traditional elements such as the “return to the roots of local culture”, including Kejawen (Javanese Sufism) as a source to respond to the post-colonial literary discourse. In comparison, in Malaysia, Genuine Literature, pioneered by Mohd. Affandi Hassan, attempts to differentiate between the term and concept of kesusasteraan (literature), which is linked to Western fiction, and persuratan (writing), Mohd. Affandi Hassan’s ambitious venture was to liberate Muslim authors from Western colonization. Genuine (Islamic) Literature focuses on ‘ ilm or knowledge, hence excluding aspects of superstition and imagination in literary works. Also, in Genuine Literature, the real beauty in literary works lies in the “combination of aesthetics and intellect”. Genuine Literature also rejects absolute freedom for authors, with creativity no longer taken to be a measure of creativity. As an early discussion, this paper will highlight aspects of the Transcendental Literature of Indonesia and Genuine Literature of Malaysia and how they were presented as a response to the Western discourse. Both clearly try to provide “Islamic Literature” with distinctive features to create a more meaningful post-colonial discourse. Keywords: Islamic Literature, Transcendental Literature, Genuine Literature, Javanese Sufism, Post Colonial Literature

Abstract This article aims to introduce some inquiries concerning travel as a customary mode of ascetic life among early Sufis in the period between the third/ninth and sixth/twelfth centuries. Two prominent concepts are involved in this discussion: siyāḥa and safar. While safar was a general term that refers to a wide spectrum of traditions and customs included in the medieval Islamic culture of travel, the term siyāḥa indicated the custom of roving in solitude without provisions undertaken by some early ascetics and Sufis. The use of both terms over the course of the period under discussion was subjected to different shifts and developments in Sufi spheres. Critical censure against the early custom of siyāḥa was made essentially out of fear of ignoring the communal religious duties of Islam. Although siyāḥa seems to have been adopted by early ascetics, it was gradually replaced by Sufi authors and theoreticians with the term safar instead. After the fifth/eleventh century, the process of the “stabilization” of Sufi activities in particular spaces contributed to change the early Sufi principle in which spiritual progress was combined with, or even conditioned upon, spatial and physical mobility. However, individual cases in which the early ideal of siyāḥa was preserved should not be neglected.

In many scholarly discussions, the network of Malay-Indonesian ulama has gained important attention as it is maintained as the major element contributing to the process of Islamization in Sunda region (West Java), whereas the articulation of Islam in the lights of the indigenization efforts of Islam is often neglected. The article discusses dangding as one of Sundanese metrical verses by a renown Sundanese poet, Haji Hasan Mustapa (1852-1930). It is argued that dangding of Mustapa demonstrates a type of dialogue between sufism and Sundanese culture. Through his dangding, Mustapa successfully brought Islamic mysticism into Sundanese minds. The main focus of this study is to emphasize the significances of the position of Mustapa’s dangding in the light of network of Islamic scholars in the archipelago and of the contribution of Sundanese mystical dangding to the local literacy traditions and to the making of Sundanese-Islamic identity.[Pendekatan jaringan ulama Melayu-Indonesia selalu mendominasi banyak kajian Islamisasi di wilayah Sunda (Jawa Barat), sementara artikulasi Islam dalam artian pribumisasi Islam di wilayah tersebut kerap kali dikesampingkang. Artikel ini membahas dangding sebagai salah satu bentuk sastra Sunda, khususnya yang ditulis oleh Haji Hasan Mustapa (1852-1930). Penulis berpendapat bahwa dangding tersebut merupakan salah satu ekspresi budaya yang mengakulturasikan tasawuf dalam konteks masyarakat Sunda. Artikel ini mengulas signifikansi dangding yang dikreasi oleh Haji Hasan Mustapa dalam konteks jaringan kesarjanaan muslim di Indonesia dan kontribusi dangding dalam pembentukan identitas Islam Sunda.]

<p>This paper aims to illustrate that Sufism does not fully lead to scepticism and passivity in fighting for the benefit of Muslims. Sufism was originally a zuhud (ascetic) movement in Islam, and in its development, gave birth to the tradition of Islamic mysticism. Some Islamic thinkers argue that Sufism is an exile from the people who are more concerned with spiritual life so that they no longer think about the problems of Muslims. Sufism experts, as described the Sufis do not care about what is happening around them, let alone strive for the religion of Allah and also as defined by the public. This article is a literature study and uses the content analysis method from several documents about the history of Sufism. This paper proves that not all accusations about Sufism are true. It could see from the reality on the ground, and it turns out that the Sufis and their students play a lot of roles in helping the struggle of Muslims. Both in eradicating evil, re-implementing the Islamic Shari'a, abolishing polytheism, and Jihad. Jihad that has long been forgotten by Muslims in the late Ottoman period. The struggle of heroic Sufis will never fade from the pages of history. True Sufism is Sufism, which follows the instructions of Allah and His Messenger towards the cleanliness of the spirit, the glory of morals and manners, which finally knows Allah with bright eyes. The Holy Jihad is for the sake of perfection, Jihad against self, greed, against tyranny.</p>

This article aims to analyze the esoteric interpretation of the Qur'an written in Sundanese. The object of the study is theQuranul Adhimiof Haji Hasan Mustapa (1852-1930). Through the analysis of hermeneutics, this study shows that the local exegesis can not be assumed that it has the same character as the Malay-Indonesian exegesis. Indeed, it shows local creativity born out of the diversity of cultural backgrounds. It also shows the process of the dialogue between Sufism and the inner of Sundanese people in the frame of Qur'anic exegesis. This can be proven in three ways: the interpretation centered on the inner meaning, the use of natural metaphors, and the nuances of Sundanese literature. The significance of Mustapa 'sexegesis lies in the process of indigenization of the Qur'an (Islam) to the characteristics of the local Islamic tradition through the work of Quranic exegesis. This work clearly indicates the local creativity in responding to the intellectual tradition of Sufism, especially the Sufi interpretation. Not only through metrical poetry, he also interprets mystical experiences through theexegesis. Key words: exegesis, Quran, Sufism, Inner, Sundanese

The Manunggaling Kawula lan Gusti concept was found in Serat Nawa Ruci in the Middle Ages of Java in the 16th Century AD and was re-transformed into the New Javanese era in Dewa Ruci Fiber, Cabolek Fiber, Malaya Syeh Fiber until the 20th century AD in Fiber Sastra Jendra (Literature Aji Endra) which is still used today. Over five centuries, the concept experienced distortion of meaning far from the purpose and purpose of its writing. This study was analyzed using the theoretical basis of the R. G. Collingwood Historical Philosophy aimed to find out the development of Sufism in Java, the transformation of the spread of the concept in several Islamic Javanese texts derived from the Nawa Ruci Fiber, and its interpretation in the Fiber of Jendra's Literature. using historical research methods with heuristic steps, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The manuscripts used obtained from utilizing manuscripts as a result of philological research or translation that have never been studied by others. This research found that in Indonesia, Sufi propagators of Islam in Java preached by combining local traditions with Islam, which led to the birth of Javanese Sufism.

Qalandars have often been depicted in negative terms in medieval and pre-modern literature by Sufis themselves, clerics and historians. Treatises composed by Qalandars are rare, thus the possibility of producing a balanced survey of their form of Sufism and contribution to the socio-political and religious climate of any given period is difficult. One such text, the “Sulīmān Qalandar Nāma”, however, completed in 1668, offers an intriguing perspective of Qalandars in late Safavid Iran. An analysis of this text, along with a focus on the dynamics of late Safavid religion and politics suggests that far from being antinomian and otherworldly Sufis, these Qalandars were supportive of the Shīʿa Safavid dynasty. The text offers an interesting marriage between traditional Qalandar themes and those inspired by Shīʿa Islam, and it testifies to the continuing importance of the Qalandars, providing evidence for the cultural continuity of this form of Sufism in the region.

This article aims to analyze the esoteric interpretation of the Qur'an written in Sundanese. The object of the study is theQuranul Adhimiof Haji Hasan Mustapa (1852-1930). Through the analysis of hermeneutics, this study shows that the local exegesis can not be assumed that it has the same character as the Malay-Indonesian exegesis. Indeed, it shows local creativity born out of the diversity of cultural backgrounds. It also shows the process of the dialogue between Sufism and the inner of Sundanese people in the frame of Qur'anic exegesis. This can be proven in three ways: the interpretation centered on the inner meaning, the use of natural metaphors, and the nuances of Sundanese literature. The significance of Mustapa 'sexegesis lies in the process of -indigenization of the Qur'an (Islam) to the characteristics of the local Islamic tradition through the work of Quranic exegesis. This work clearly indicates the local creativity in responding to the intellectual tradition of Sufism, especially the Sufi interpretation. Not only through metrical poetry, he also interprets mystical experiences through theexegesis.

Ritual prayer (salat), performed five times a day, belongs to the fundamental obligations of all Muslims. In addition to this fact, there is another type of prayer, associated with mystical orders in all Islamic countries. Repetitive prayer (dhikr) in mystical Islam (Sufism) belongs to the most central activities of the orders. Despite the geographic spread of the Sufi orders (turuq), accounts of the dhikr in the literature are rare. Psychological commentaries are even more scarce. The aim of this paper is to describe this ritual as it exists today within the Halveti-Jerrahi order of dervishes in Istanbul, Turkey, and to present a preliminary psychological analysis of the ritual.

AbstractThis article examines an Arabic commentary on the American self-help pioneer Dale Carnegie's How to Stop Worrying and Start Living, written by a one-time leading intellectual of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, Muḥammad al-Ghazālī. Ghazālī’s 1956 commentary was perhaps the earliest manifestation of an influential genre of literature within the Islamic world today: “Islamic self-help.” Although scholars treat Islamic self-help as an effect of neoliberalism, this article reorients the study of Islamic self-help beyond neoliberalism by showing first, that Ghazālī’s early version of it emerged through a critical engagement with several ideological forms that relate in complex ways to neoliberalism's antecedent, liberalism; and second, that his Islamic self-help is best understood in terms of an Islamic encounter with American metaphysical religion made possible by Carnegie's text. It argues that Ghazālī’s Islamic self-help constituted a radical reconfiguration of Western self-help, one that replaced the ethics of self-reliance and autonomy with Islamic ethical sensibilities clustered around the notions of human insufficiency and dependence upon God. In doing so, it highlights how scholars of contemporary Islam might fruitfully pose the question of how novel intellectual trends and cultural forms, like self-help, become Islamic, instead of limiting their analysis to how Islam is reshaped by modern Euro-American thought, institutions, and practices.

Tales of God’s Friends: Islamic Hagiography in Translation, an anthologythat honors Sufis from every corner of the Muslim world, provides an easilyaccessible overview of Sufism’s history and the particularities of individualSufi experiences that helped spread Islam throughout the world. A valuablecontribution to the contemporary literature of Sufi studies, this volume alsooffers an excellent overview of the Sufi path and philosophy as well as classictexts of Islamic mysticism. The wide-ranging and eclectic collection of sources is a particular strength, and manuscripts have been edited with referencesto several authors who knew the life history of these Sufis.The book contains twenty illustrations; a preface; six parts (divided intotwenty-seven chapters); an appendix and a glossary; notes about the contributors;an index of names; an index of concepts, themes, places, and booktitles; and a Qur’an index. The editor claims that it is the first truly globalEnglish-language anthology of Islamic hagiography, both historically andgeographically – it is translated from seventeen languages of origin, with thehelp of two dozen Islamic scholars specializing in broad spectrum of languages(pp. xi-xiv) ...

This paper analyzes the historical conditions of Yemen’s Sufi movement from the beginning of Islam up to the rise of the Rasulid dynasty in the thirteenth century. This is a very difficult task, given the lack of adequate sources and sufficient academic attention in both the East and theWest. Certainly, a few sentences about the subject can be found scattered in Sufi literature at large, but a respectable study of the period’s mysticism can hardly be found.1 Thus, I will focus on the major authorities who first contributed to the ascetic movement’s development, discuss why a major decline of intellectual activities occurred in many metropolises, and if the existing ascetic conditions were transformed into mystical tendencies during the ninth century due to the alleged impact ofDhu’n-Nun al-Misri (d. 860). This is followed by a brief discussion ofwhat contributed to the revival of the country’s intellectual and economic activities. After that, I will attempt to portray the status of the major ascetics and prominent mystics credited with spreading and diffusing the so-called Islamic saintly miracles (karamat). The trademark of both ascetics and mystics across the centuries, this feature became more prevalent fromthe beginning of the twelfth century onward. I will conclude with a brief note on the most three celebrated figures of Yemen’s religious and cultural history: Abu al-Ghayth ibn Jamil (d. 1253) and his rival Ahmad ibn `Alwan (d. 1266) from the mountainous area, andMuhammad ibn `Ali al-`Alawi, known as al-Faqih al-Muqaddam (d. 1256), from Hadramawt.

This paper analyzes the historical conditions of Yemen’s Sufi movement from the beginning of Islam up to the rise of the Rasulid dynasty in the thirteenth century. This is a very difficult task, given the lack of adequate sources and sufficient academic attention in both the East and theWest. Certainly, a few sentences about the subject can be found scattered in Sufi literature at large, but a respectable study of the period’s mysticism can hardly be found.1 Thus, I will focus on the major authorities who first contributed to the ascetic movement’s development, discuss why a major decline of intellectual activities occurred in many metropolises, and if the existing ascetic conditions were transformed into mystical tendencies during the ninth century due to the alleged impact ofDhu’n-Nun al-Misri (d. 860). This is followed by a brief discussion ofwhat contributed to the revival of the country’s intellectual and economic activities. After that, I will attempt to portray the status of the major ascetics and prominent mystics credited with spreading and diffusing the so-called Islamic saintly miracles (karamat). The trademark of both ascetics and mystics across the centuries, this feature became more prevalent fromthe beginning of the twelfth century onward. I will conclude with a brief note on the most three celebrated figures of Yemen’s religious and cultural history: Abu al-Ghayth ibn Jamil (d. 1253) and his rival Ahmad ibn `Alwan (d. 1266) from the mountainous area, andMuhammad ibn `Ali al-`Alawi, known as al-Faqih al-Muqaddam (d. 1256), from Hadramawt.

AbstractIn terms of the number of followers, the Tijāniyya is the largest Sufi order in sub-Saharan Africa. Geographically, it is strongest in West Africa, but also plays a significant role in the Maghreb and Eastern Sudanic Africa. This article highlights the development of the Tijāniyya in three locations during the twentieth century by focusing on three of its leading figures, who all happen to be called Ibrāhīm: Ibrāhām Niasse (1900-1975) from Kaolack (Senegal), sharīf Ibrāhīm Sālih (born 1939) from Maiduguri (Nigeria), and sharīf Ibrāhīm Sīdī (1949-1999) from El Fasher (Sudan). Through a comparative analysis of their biographies and some of their writings, the paper shows how these three personalities were instrumental in adapting Tijānī doctrines and practices to changing contexts and circumstances that reflect both local conditions and global influences. The study is based on extensive fieldwork conducted by the author over an extended period of time and proposes to view Sufi communities as dynamic entities, rather than static expressions of “traditional Islam”, in order to explain the continuing relevance of Sufism in African Muslim societies. As the paper demonstrates, the process of remaking the Tijāniyya can lead to rather contradictory results.

In his Religion and Revolution: Spiritual and Political Islam in Ernesto Cardenal,John Morrow has manifested his years-of-research incorporated knowledgein Hispanic, Native American, and Arabic-Islamic studies to shed lighton two poorly understood themes – both in the East and, particularly, in theWest – via a specific narrative. The themes are, broadly speaking, those ofSufism and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The narrative is the story of ReverendFather Ernesto Cardenal, a Nicaraguan revolutionary Christian priest who hadprogressively acquired some spiritual and revolutionary interests in Islam aftervisiting certain Middle Eastern countries, especially Iran.Whether Cardenal is seen as merely a medium for Morrow to expresshis own findings on Sufism and Iran or as an end in itself is up to the reader.Either way, Morrows’ on-the-whole impartial and unbiased interpretation ofIslam, Sufism, and Iran, indirectly through the personality and writings ofCardenal, constitutes a calibre of work rarely seen or read in the westernmedia and literature. This is mostly due to its seemingly close, albeit academic,sympathy with elements of Iran’s right “conservative” and “hardline”elite. Perhaps that is why, at times, one feels that the author has stepped uphis defence a shadow too much. The manner he has raised and evaluatedsome of the data he presents, as well as some of the rumours – against Sufismand especially Iran – he refutes, clearly demonstrates that he has exploredand gained access to (1) the pristine image of Sufism and notable Sufis and ...

Islam is not just a legalistic-formalistic side, but it also has an esoteric dimension. Sufism is an important element in Islam which is more focused on the esoteric aspects of Islam. This inward aspect of Islam is more influenced by feelings (zauq) and is personal and in re-vealing its teachings often uses figurative words (matsal) and symbols (ramz). The aim of the Sufi is toget as close as possible to God, so that he can see God with the eyes of the heart, even his spirit can be united with the spirit of God. Islamic mysticism does not deny science, even Islamic mysticism contributes a lot of ideas in the fields of philosophy, literature, music, dance, psychology, and modern science. The problem of alienation is a psychological problem. Humans play a role as the cause of the emergence of alienation and at the same time as a victim who must bear the consequences. In the context of Islamic teachings, to overcome the alienation of the human soul and free from the pain of alienation, it must instead make God the ultimate goal, the Supreme Being and the Absolute. All relative and relative existence is meaning-less before the existence of the absolute.

AbstractThis study examines the basic components of the Druze doctrine which had become crystallized at the beginning of the eleventh century by five dā‘īs (propagators). The study attempts to introduce some new insights for understanding the Druze faith as articulated by its founders and as interpreted by the guwwānī (internal) literature of the Druze ‘uqqāl. Although the Druze doctrine follows Ismaili terminologies and the Ismaili esoteric interpretation of the Qur’ān, it adds many new elements that placed the Druze doctrine outside the main stream of Ismā‘īliyya. The study argues that the Druze doctrine elaborates early Ismailism where bātin is set above zāhir and ta’wīl above tanzīl and the ritual acts are considered as divine punishment. The Qur’ānic verses were invariably quoted to differentiate between three stages of believers: ahl al-zāhir, i.e. the Sunnis, ahl al-bātin i.e. the Shiites and the Ismailis, and finally ahl al-tawhīd i.e. the Druze. With its allegorical interpretation of the Qur’ānic verses, the Druze faith considers the seven pillars of Islam (five for the Sunnis and two for the Shiites and Kharijites) as rituals meant only for those who accept the outward meanings of the Qur’ānic verses in the literal sense. The Druze faith substitutes these seven da‘ā’im taklīfiyya (the ritual pillars) with seven Unitarian principles. It would appear that the derogatory attitude of the Druze doctrine toward ritual obligations was strongly influenced by Sufi extremists who argued that God should be reached without intermediaries. Druze guwwānī literature holds Sufism in high regard and greatly reveres Sufi behavior.

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">This paper aims to provide an overview of how the implementation of Client Centered therapy in the perspective of Sufistic psychology. The application of client centered therapy itself is often done in the counseling guidance process in schools. However, counseling based on Sufi Psychology with the secular has a very significant difference, especially if it is associated with improving one's mental health. Sufistic psychology itself is the result of the integration of scientific scholarship and Sufism. The literature search method is carried out on a number of research journals on related themes. The data is then analyzed and the results of this study indicate that therapy in Islam is an activity with the intention of transferring behavior, namely the change of bad behavior in a more positive direction, by promoting personality development. Client Centered Theraphy can be applied to mental therapy with worship. This is done through prayer; zakat and alms; fasting; pilgrimage; patience; seek forgiveness and repentance; remembrance; and prayer.</span></p>

This article presents two famous collections of the lives of saints: ʿAṭṭār’sTaḏkirat al-awliyāʾand Jāmī’sNafaḥāt al-uns. Every collection of the lives of saints shares the common tradition of Arabic-language works. Indeed, Hujvīrī’sKašf al-maḥjūband Anṣārī’sṬabaqāt al-ṣūfiyyahensured the transition with Sufi literature written in Arabic. However, theTaḏkirat al-awliyāʾis the first truly original work in Persian. ʿAṭṭār and Jāmī sought to make known to their respective communities of belief the words and deeds of spiritual masters, but they did so in two different ways. ʿAṭṭār chose a limited corpus of saints that, in his eyes, represented the primary movements of the first centuries of Sufism. Jāmī instead favoured exhaustiveness, amassing a great number of biographies, especially on the shaykhs of the Naqshbandi order. While Jāmī conveyed the paths of saintliness in accordance with the religious orthodoxy of his order, ʿAṭṭār showed a special attachment to the ecstatic masters. TheTaḏkirat al-awliyāʾandNafaḥāt al-unsthus represent two different ways of commemorating the memory of the spiritual masters who embodied the mystical thought of Islam.

AbstractThis article problematizes the general assumption about the inherent anti-Sufi tendency of the Salafiyya by looking closely at the thought of the Syrian Salafi thinker Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī. The primary text analysed in this article is a brief chapter of Qāsimī's book Dalā'il al-tawhīd, entitled Butlān al-hulūl wa-l-ittihād (The Invalidity of Incarnation and Union). Here Qāsimī discusses the notions of hulūl (incarnation) and ittihād (union), and defends the idea of wahdat al-wujūd (unity of being) attributed to the shaykh akbar Ibn 'Arabī which led Qāsimī to stand up against the shaykh al-islām Ibn Taymiyya who accused Ibn 'Arabī of being a heretic. This article discusses Qāsimī's defense of Ibn 'Arabī within a broader context of the Salafi approach to Sufism. In this context, the case of Qāsimī presents us with an insight that the Salafis took a more nuanced position than is sometimes supposed. We will conclude with a brief reflection on how we could situate Qāsimī's view of Ibn 'Arabī within the ongoing debate about the relationship between the Salafiyya and Sufism in more recent scholarship.

Este artículo analiza la doctrina de la Ṭā’ifa Ŷazūliyya, una orden sufí populista y políticamente activa que dominó el misticismo marroquí a lo largo de todo el siglo xvi. Esta doctrina se centraba en el concepto de santidad paradig mática (quṭbiyya) en el que confluían dos modelos diferentes de autoridad religiosa. El primer modelo vería la autoridad como una propiedad adquirida del šayj Sufi que mejor reproducía las características del Profeta. El segundo modelo veía la autoridad como una propiedad adscrita, la gracia o baraka transmitida por nacimiento dentro del linaje del Profeta. En los escritos del šayj ŷazūlī ‛Abd Allāh al-Gazwānī (935/1528-9) ambos modelos de autoridad se consideran partes de la «herencia profética» reunidos por la doctrina de la «soberanía del imamato». En esta doctrina, el santo axial del sufismo marroquí a quien al-Ghazwānī llama Ŷaras o «campana» se yergue como sucesor (jalīfa) del Profeta y primer intérprete del Islam. Adquirió de esta manera muchas de las cualidades del Imam Šī‛í y planteó serios peligros a los jefes políticos contemporáneos.

Abstract In recent years, we have witnessed an efflorescence of research on Islamic esoteric traditions and occult thought. Such scholarly activity has established that the occult sciences are part of Islamic intellectual history that cannot be overlooked; rather, they constituted a primary mode by which people thought about the hidden, the extraordinary, and their potential for partaking in the divine and wondrous. Occult beliefs and practices are thus inextricably embedded in philosophical, scientific, and religious discourses. This article focuses on occult thought in medieval Islam (second-seventh/eighth-thirteenth centuries), particularly in its relation to the ways in which nature and the divine were perceived and experienced. I argue that medieval Islamic occult sciences distinguished themselves from forbidden siḥr or sorcery by identifying legitimate conditions of acquiring power on the basis of two differing paradigms: by association with natural philosophy on the one hand, and by association with Sufism on the other. A shift of emphasis occurred in the medieval period: from the second/eighth to the fifth/eleventh centuries, legitimisation of occult practices derived mainly from natural philosophy, stressing causation and knowledge of signs as the core principles of magical efficacy. By the seventh/thirteenth century, however, occult practices were increasingly justified on the basis of mystical and Sufi doctrines. During the first phase, magic was generally deemed natural, inasmuch as it functioned according to a causality proven empirically and understood rationally; during the second phase, the power of extraordinary acts, including magic, became the prerogative of a select group who has achieved non-rationalised revelation and theophany, which undermined natural causality and transformed signs from indicators of natural links into tokens of God and the spiritual agents mediating between Him and the gnostic. Scholars such as Pierre Lory, Constant Hamès, and Toufic Fahd have noted the difference between the magic of early Islam and that of the later Middle Period; however, this article elaborates on the epistemological transformations in this period and their implications for cosmological and ontological structures that had a direct impact on magical theory and practice.

<p>Syi’ir Tanpa Waton, a work of KH Mohammad Nizam As-shofa, is a sufi poem. It is a<br /> cultural endeavor to response the modern problems of Muslims who easily judge others<br /> infidels without realizing their own infidelity. This poem is used as a closing recitation of<br /> Reboan Agung (Islamic regular study forum of Muslim conducted in every Wednesday night learning the book of Jamī’ al-uṣul fi al-uliyā’ the work of Shaykh Ahmad Dhiya 'uddin Musthofa Al-Kamisykhonawi) and the book of Al-Fatḥurrabbani wa al-Faiḍurrahmani the work of Shaykh Abdul Qadir al-Jilani. The forum took place at Islamic boarding school of Ahlus-Shofa Wal Wafa Sidoarjo, East Java. This research is inspired by spiritual emptiness caused by the modernization and the shallow understanding of Islamic teachings. Islam is studied and practiced at the level of shari'a without deepening it into higher stages of Sufism i.e. tariqa, haqiqa and even marifa. This study employs content analysis and qualitative approach aims at analyzing the message or moral values contained in the literature. Then, I classifies basic thoughts into some themes and selects these themes to find the central idea of the text. Substantively, the verses were structurely written ranging from understanding comprehensively the teachings of Islam, teachings self-awareness, the teachings of social piety (humanism) and the teachings of Sufism namely suluk practice. Suluk in Syi’ir Tanpa Waton is devided into two parts, namely: small suluk (khalwat fi al-khalwat) and big suluk<br /> (khalwat fi al-jalwat). Meanwhile, suluk nafs/soul purification and suluk Qalb/heart<br /> purification are called takhalli/purgativa. In addition to that, sirr emptying (tahalli/contemplative) followed by soul enlightening (Tajalli/Illuminativa) is a chain of<br /> process or stages that should be passed in the form of small and big suluk which take place in suluk Qalb (takhalli/purgativa) and sirr emptying (tahalli/contemplative). Suluk in the present context is urgently needed for peaceful soul to face negative effects of<br /> modernization and spiritual crisis of modern human by doing seclusion physically and<br /> mentally (qalb/jasad) from the crowd of human life. Seclusion is a symbol of taqarrub ilallāh by self-equipping with spiritual values to depend on nothing but Allah. This process will consruct oneself to be calm, patient, active, productive, firmly independent, consistent, having integrity and good personality</p>

This article aims to discuss a Sufi-inspired traditional art and performance popular in Cirebon, the so-called “Brai”. The Brai is a traditional Islamic Sufism music popular among the Cirebonese. This traditional music combines sounds, lyrics, and dance that invite the practitioners and audiences to exercise the spiritual stages through music. The Brai performance follows the hierarchy of Sufi-state of minds and spiritual stages (suluk and raka’at). Thus, as this article argues, the Brai is a par excellence model for the entanglement between Islam and local culture. The Brai is indeed a way of the Cirebonese both to introduce Sufi-form of Islam and provides a performance where the profane arts and spiritual-Islamic Sufims are mutually entangled.

This paper delivered the need for Islamic thought to confront the Takfiri thought, through the return of Sufi thought. Sufism does not have fatwa to kill others, Sufism talks about tolerance, the love of the Prophet, and the non-compulsion of others tojoin either Islam or the way the murid belongs to. Sufism represents the spiritual and faithful state of Islam, the core of Islam. This paper find out the role of Sufism in the spread of Islam; in the past, and the contemporary in the fight against atonement. The aim of this paper is to describe the culture of Sufism, this paper studies the intellectual of Sufism, Sufim cultural, and politics as well. This paper studied about three main axis of Sufism; the culture and history of Sufism, the role of Sufism in spreading Islam, and the role of Sufism in addressing the Takfiri thought. Based on this study, the Islamic institution and government should adopt and adapt the Sufi thought, and to address the Takfiri culture, to prevent Muslim from joining the Takfiri groups

Abstract. In Sufi order (tarekat), Islam-Sufi is the practice of Islam that is bound in the teacher-student relationship. Can Islam-Sufi be implemented in universities? The study aims to examine the effectiveness of the madhhab typology learning models (Islam-Sufi and Islam-Syari’at) to improve the understanding and tolerance of madhhab among students. This research uses the RD approach. The initial stage of testing the limited model at Universitas Islam Bandung (UNISBA) and Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia (UPI). The results of the study show that the learning model of madhhab typology is effective in increasing students’ understanding and tolerance of the diversity madhhabs. Before lecturing, students looked at Sufism as foreign entity influenced by non-Islamic teaching. But after lectures (six times meetings), they mostly accepted and argued that Sufism had a strong basis from the Quran, the Sunnah, and the practice of pious Ulamas. Abstrak. Dalam tarekat, Islam-Sufi adalah pengamalan Islam yang diikat dalam hubungan guru-murid. Bisakah Islam-Sufi diimplementasikan di universitas? Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji efektivitas model pembelajaran tipologi mazhab (Islam-Sufi dan Islam Syari’at) untuk meningkatkan pemahaman dan toleransi bermazhab di kalangan mahasiswa dalam perkuliahan Pendidikan Agama Islam. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan RD. Tahap awal uji-coba model dilakukan secara terbatas di Universitas Islam Bandung (UNISBA) dan Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia (UPI). Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa model pembelajaran tipologi mazhab (Islam-Sufi dan Islam-Syari’at) terbukti efektif dalam meningkatkan pemahaman dan toleransi mahasiswa terhadap mazhab yang berbeda. Sebelum perkuliahan mahasiswa umumnya memandang asing Islam-Sufi. Bahkan sebagian kecil dari mereka kurang menerimanya dengan tuduhan Islam-Sufi sebagai pengaruh non-Islam. Tetapi setelah perkuliahan (enam kali tatap muka), mereka kebanyakan menerimanya dan berpendapat bahwa Islam-sufi memiliki basis yang kuat dari Al-Quran, Al-Sunnah, dan praktek para Ulama saleh.

В статье содержатся результаты исследования усвоения арабо-персидских лексических заимствований в индонезийском (малайском) языке. Актуальность исследования обусловлена интересом к истории распространения арабо-мусульманской письменной традиции в ареале Малайского архипелага, а также способами усвоения иноязычных слов носителями индонезийского языка. В статье рассматриваются фонетические, морфологические и лексико-семантические изменения арабо-персидских заимствований в индонезийском языке на материале словарей современного индонезийского языка. Методологической и теоретической базой для исследования стали труды отечественных и зарубежных языковедов и востоковедов. Арабо-персидские лексические заимствования начали проникать в язык малайцев одновременно с их знакомством с исламом примерно с XIV века. Изначальной формой присутствия ислама на Малайском архипелаге был суфизм, который органично вписался в местную культуру, так как имел общие черты с индуизмом и буддизмом. Появление суфизма здесь очевидно связано с деятельностью индийских и иранских торговцев. Благодаря суфиям распространилась грамотность среди населения, началось знакомство с образцами арабо-персидской мусульманской литературы; так язык малайцев стал насыщаться арабизмами и иранизмами. Хотя в индонезийском языке количество арабских заимствований значительно больше, чем персидских, тем не менее возможно предположить, что арабизмы попали в индонезийский язык уже после усвоения мусульманами, говорящими на индоиранских языках, а не от арабов напрямую. Арабо-персидские заимствования в структурном плане приобрели индонезийские фонологические и морфологические черты. The article contains the results of the study on the assimilation of the Arabic and Persian lexical loanwords in the Indonesian (Malay) language. The relevance of the study is due to the interest in the history of the spread of the Arab-Muslim written tradition in the area of the Malay Archipelago, as well as the ways of assimilation of foreign words by native speakers of the Indonesian language. The article considers the phonetic, morphological and lexical-semantic changes of the Arabic and Persian lexical loanwords in the Indonesian language based on the material of the dictionaries of the modern Indonesian language. The methodological and theoretical basis for the study is the works of the domestic and foreign linguists and orientalists. The Arabic and Persian lexical loanwords began to appear in the Malay language at the time when the Malay people became acquainted with Islam in the 14th century. The initial form of the presence of Islam in the Malay Archipelago was Sufism, which organically fit into the local culture as it had common features with Hinduism and Buddhism. The emergence of Sufism here is obviously associated with the activities of Indian and Iranian merchants. Thanks to the Sufis, literacy spread among the population, the Malays got acquainted with the samples of the Arab-Persian Muslim literature. Thus, the Malay language began to get saturated with Arabisms and Iranisms. Although the number of the Arabic lexical loanwords in the Indonesian language is much larger than the Persian ones, it is nevertheless possible to assume that the Arabisms entered the Indonesian language after being adopted by Muslims speaking the Indo-Iranian languages, and not directly from Arabs. The Arabic and Persian lexical loanwords structurally acquired Indonesian phonological and morphological features.

Al-Gazālī plays an important role in purifying Sufism and directing it into the right path of Islam. Prior to his time, many people misunderstood Sufism. While some of them were concerned only with sufi theories but lost its practices, some others simply practiced Sufism without sufficient knowledge. In his time, where splits of religious sects and disintegration spread among Muslims, he emerged to offer his notion that integrates Sufi concepts of intuition, knowledge and spiritual path to achieve the highest objective of happiness. He himself reached these sufi paths through several stages in his life and spirituality. Meanwhile Ibn Taymiyya acknowledges the validity of experimental sufi but encourages a method of external examination, namely the basic teachings of Islam, to examine the validity of Sufism. According to him, Sufism is a form of religious expressions that must be built on the Qur’an and Sunna and has to refer to the practices of the Companions.

The book reviewed here is a welcome addition to the library of works seek- ing to construct a richer picture of the early Islamic landscape after the wane of radical revisionist theories of Islamic origins of Islam. Salem has presented a thoughtful study of the scholar-ascetic-warrior ‘Abdallāh ibn al-Mubārak (d. 181/797), and what the outlines of his life reveal about the proto-Sunnī milieu of the second Islamic century. Whereas early academic explorations of the development of Sunnī orthodoxy focused on theology and law, with Scott Lucas later highlighting the crucial role of ḥadīth, Salem has focused on the hitherto neglected dimension of ethics. The book is well laid out with an introduction, then a chapter outlining Ibn al-Mubārak’s life, followed by chapters analyzing his activities in the fields of ḥadīth, ji- hād, and zuhd respectively, wrapped up with a brief concluding chapter. Chapter 1 begins with a succinct overview of the ‘descriptive’ and ‘skeptical’ approaches among scholars of early Islamic history, followed by the relevant observation that interpretation of source material almost in- evitably reflects some of the assumptions of the scholar interpreting them. Salem makes the (unobjectionable) assertion that the contents of historical reports in early sources are indicative of attitudes and conceptions that ex- isted among Muslims at the time of authorship, regardless of whether they are historically genuine in all their details. She then presents a representa- tive selection of biographical details that paint Ibn al-Mubārak as a devout worshipper with high moral character, a scholar of ḥadīth and fiqh, yet also a wealthy and philanthropic trader and a brave man who spent much time guarding the frontiers. Nathan Hofer, in his review of the book, has cor- rectly pointed out that the historical sources Salem draws on span eight centuries, and criticizes her for failing to distinguish between material from different time periods. This criticism could have been avoided had Salem included an acknowledgment of this fact, along with a brief exposition of her assumptions about the nature of the sources and transmission into later biographies of materials not found in extant earlier chronicles. It is likely that excluding later biographical sources would not radically alter Salem’s central arguments—but the historiographically curious reader might won- der about some of the details, such as (for example) the genuineness of attribution of certain theological positions to Ibn al-Mubārak, given the highly-charged sectarian tensions that emerged in subsequent centuries, and the rather diverse early milieu that makes it difficult—as hadith master al-Dhahabī (d. 748/1348) observed—for adherents of later orthodoxy to find pure ideologues from that early period. Chapter 2 details Ibn al-Mubārak’s prowess in hadith. The sourc- es seem to be in agreement that he amassed a large number of hadiths, a feat that Salem traces to a combination of his wide travels in search of knowledge and his readiness to write down hadiths at a time when such re- cording was still controversial. (Chapter 3 brings up a third relevant factor: his interactions with other scholars while guarding the frontiers.) We are also given a useful overview of Ibn al-Mubārak’s works, both unpublished (including lost) and published. The absence of mention of one edited ver- sion of the Kitāb al-Zuhd (Sa‘īd al-Asmarī’s 824-page MA dissertation at Umm al-Qurā University from 2012) is understandable given it was not yet available at the time Salem finished her initial manuscript. This survey is followed by a sketch of Ibn al-Mubārak’s scholarly network, including both his major teachers and prominent students. Salem asserts that these net- works show the importance of both direct teacher-to-student transmission of knowledge, a mutual awareness among its members, and acknowledged (theological and ethical) criteria amongst them for legitimation of scholar- ly authority through acceptance in this network. Salem has made reference to Lucas’ important work on this, but does not reference William Graham’s essay on Traditionalism, a source that I think deserves mention regarding the continuity of the Islamic scholarly tradition. Chapter 2 also contains some important historiographical observa- tions. Salem finds that the biographical sources show an internal consis- tency and coherence that strongly suggest their overall reliability, and make it difficult to accept revisionist theories that dismiss them entirely as later inventions that were back-projected. For example, the critique of Ḥasan al-Baṣrī as a hadith narrator, in spite of the near-unanimous praise for his piety, suggests the hadith biographers were resistant to the natural tenden- cy to “aggrandize” popular persons. Salem also rightly observes that the in- formation from biographical dictionaries can undermine some of Schacht’s assumptions, but I would have liked to have seen more engagement with the academic debates (involving Schneider, Berg, Motzki and others) over whether the biographical dictionaries are actually independent sources of information. In Chapter 3, Salem argues that although the concept of martial valor as a form of piety was well known in the Late Antique Near East, it is a mistake to assume that post-expansion Muslims simply adopted it from the Christians they came in contact with. She cites Qur’ānic references to these concepts as well as numerous narrations in Ibn al-Mubārak’s Kitāb al-Jihād that chronologically mention battles in which the Prophet Muhammad was involved, as evidence that early pietist-martial men like Ibn al-Mubārak saw their activity as a continuation of indigenous Islamic teaching and practice regarding noble and ethical combat (granted of course that their understanding may have continued to evolve under other influences). For Islamic scholars to participate in guarding the frontiers, she adduces, was considered a superior form of piety than for them to live a luxurious city life. The existence of ‘religious scholars’ and ‘Qur’ānic reciters’ as a distinct class of people during this time ties in well with Salem’s assertions in the previous chapter about the transmission of religious knowledge. It might have been useful for her to cite here the work of Mustafa Shah and oth- ers who have discussed the early qurrā’ communities. A significant part of Chapter 3 discusses selected hadiths from the Kitab al-Jihād with regard to how Ibn al-Mubārak (and the community at that time) perceived jihād. In Chapter 4, Salem shows, through a comparative analysis of the early zuhd literature, that the virtuous ideal of zuhd was interpreted in diverse ways in the early community. Ibn al-Mubārak, in his own Kitāb al-Zuhd as well as in what biographical sources coherently tell us about his personal life, was a proponent of a “sober and moderate” form of zuhd as detachment of the heart from material things, along with an overarching attitude of piety, so that there is no contradiction between being wealthy and practic- ing zuhd. This stands in sharp contrast to more austere interpretations of zuhd (such as that of his contemporary, Mu‘āfā ibn Ibrāhīm) who advocat- ed a renunciation of the things of this world. While this latter group might well have been influenced by Christian ascetic practices, Salem credibly argues that a major sector of the community (typified by Ibn al-Mubārak) viewed zuhd as a broad ethical framework taken from the teachings of the Qur’ān and the Prophet Muhammad. This normative early zuhd literature, she proffers, formed the kernel of what later became Sufism, although later Sufism (and in particular the ṭarīqas) came to differ in sometimes signif- icant (and potentially problematic) ways from the earlier zuhd tradition. Hence, Salem makes a case for a “primitive” Sufism that represents a primal ethical core of Islam, in contrast to later Sufism that probably did syncreti- cally incorporate beliefs and practices from other (non-Islamic) religious traditions. Even though the book is geared towards bigger-picture arguments more than details, there could have been more precision in translation in some cases. I understand the pressures of completing a dissertation and the impossibility of perfection, and hence these critiques should not be taken to undermine the book’s worth. I found rather jarring the anachronism of translating ṣannafa/taṣnīf as “printing” (rather than the expected “author- ing” or “compilation”) when attributed to figures in the early centuries of Islam. A description of the famous Egyptian judge Ibn Lahī‘ah (d. 174/790) as muḍṭarib...yuktabu ḥadithuhū ʻalā al-iʻtibār (59), is correctly identified by Salem as a critique of his accuracy in hadith transmission, but is rather opaquely translated as “problematic....wrote hadiths for recognition.” I per- sonally would have preferred that titles like “al-Ḥāfiẓ”, “al-Imām”, and “al- ‘Alam” (at 10, for example) be translated, or at least placed before the actual name of the person in question, rather than risk non-specialists assuming these to be part of the name (though I understand that the book is directed towards specialists). Vocalizations of uncommon Arabic names are some- times inaccurate (e.g. “Sammāk” should be “Simāk”), but Salem has been exceptionally meticulous in marking in diacritics. She demonstrates a solid grasp of the overall framework of hadith-sciences and of the Arabic lan- guage, and so there are no imprecisions so egregious as to undermine her broad arguments and conclusions. Grammatical errors are extremely few. I understand that Salem’s more recent work focuses on later time pe- riods, but I would welcome further articles from her that leverage her ex- perience with the figure of Ibn al-Mubārak and her familiarity with the source materials. One possible area of further exploration for which the constraints of the dissertation did not allow but which would be useful, is some quantitative prosopographical data analysis. This could include stud- ies of the narrators of ḥadīths in Ibn al-Mubārak’s books as well as a thematic classification of all the narrations therein, which might show more clearly that the data she has cited in support of her assertions is indeed representative of the overall contents. Salem’s conclusion reads extremely well, and she has adeptly summa- rized her major findings and observations. In my estimation, the major contribution of her book has been to articulate a two-pronged centrality of ethics and morals in Sunnī orthodoxy: first, that the early zuhd genre of literature was the carrier of ethics before being subsumed later by the field of taṣawwuf; and second, that the living practice of morality and eth- ics by identified individuals in early society was central to the processes of legitimation, authority, and formation of orthodoxy (as shown by the importance of moral accreditation for being an acceptable transmitter of knowledge). Suheil LaherDean of Academics and Senior InstructorFawakih Institute for Classical Arabic

The book reviewed here is a welcome addition to the library of works seek- ing to construct a richer picture of the early Islamic landscape after the wane of radical revisionist theories of Islamic origins of Islam. Salem has presented a thoughtful study of the scholar-ascetic-warrior ‘Abdallāh ibn al-Mubārak (d. 181/797), and what the outlines of his life reveal about the proto-Sunnī milieu of the second Islamic century. Whereas early academic explorations of the development of Sunnī orthodoxy focused on theology and law, with Scott Lucas later highlighting the crucial role of ḥadīth, Salem has focused on the hitherto neglected dimension of ethics. The book is well laid out with an introduction, then a chapter outlining Ibn al-Mubārak’s life, followed by chapters analyzing his activities in the fields of ḥadīth, ji- hād, and zuhd respectively, wrapped up with a brief concluding chapter. Chapter 1 begins with a succinct overview of the ‘descriptive’ and ‘skeptical’ approaches among scholars of early Islamic history, followed by the relevant observation that interpretation of source material almost in- evitably reflects some of the assumptions of the scholar interpreting them. Salem makes the (unobjectionable) assertion that the contents of historical reports in early sources are indicative of attitudes and conceptions that ex- isted among Muslims at the time of authorship, regardless of whether they are historically genuine in all their details. She then presents a representa- tive selection of biographical details that paint Ibn al-Mubārak as a devout worshipper with high moral character, a scholar of ḥadīth and fiqh, yet also a wealthy and philanthropic trader and a brave man who spent much time guarding the frontiers. Nathan Hofer, in his review of the book, has cor- rectly pointed out that the historical sources Salem draws on span eight centuries, and criticizes her for failing to distinguish between material from different time periods. This criticism could have been avoided had Salem included an acknowledgment of this fact, along with a brief exposition of her assumptions about the nature of the sources and transmission into later biographies of materials not found in extant earlier chronicles. It is likely that excluding later biographical sources would not radically alter Salem’s central arguments—but the historiographically curious reader might won- der about some of the details, such as (for example) the genuineness of attribution of certain theological positions to Ibn al-Mubārak, given the highly-charged sectarian tensions that emerged in subsequent centuries, and the rather diverse early milieu that makes it difficult—as hadith master al-Dhahabī (d. 748/1348) observed—for adherents of later orthodoxy to find pure ideologues from that early period. Chapter 2 details Ibn al-Mubārak’s prowess in hadith. The sourc- es seem to be in agreement that he amassed a large number of hadiths, a feat that Salem traces to a combination of his wide travels in search of knowledge and his readiness to write down hadiths at a time when such re- cording was still controversial. (Chapter 3 brings up a third relevant factor: his interactions with other scholars while guarding the frontiers.) We are also given a useful overview of Ibn al-Mubārak’s works, both unpublished (including lost) and published. The absence of mention of one edited ver- sion of the Kitāb al-Zuhd (Sa‘īd al-Asmarī’s 824-page MA dissertation at Umm al-Qurā University from 2012) is understandable given it was not yet available at the time Salem finished her initial manuscript. This survey is followed by a sketch of Ibn al-Mubārak’s scholarly network, including both his major teachers and prominent students. Salem asserts that these net- works show the importance of both direct teacher-to-student transmission of knowledge, a mutual awareness among its members, and acknowledged (theological and ethical) criteria amongst them for legitimation of scholar- ly authority through acceptance in this network. Salem has made reference to Lucas’ important work on this, but does not reference William Graham’s essay on Traditionalism, a source that I think deserves mention regarding the continuity of the Islamic scholarly tradition. Chapter 2 also contains some important historiographical observa- tions. Salem finds that the biographical sources show an internal consis- tency and coherence that strongly suggest their overall reliability, and make it difficult to accept revisionist theories that dismiss them entirely as later inventions that were back-projected. For example, the critique of Ḥasan al-Baṣrī as a hadith narrator, in spite of the near-unanimous praise for his piety, suggests the hadith biographers were resistant to the natural tenden- cy to “aggrandize” popular persons. Salem also rightly observes that the in- formation from biographical dictionaries can undermine some of Schacht’s assumptions, but I would have liked to have seen more engagement with the academic debates (involving Schneider, Berg, Motzki and others) over whether the biographical dictionaries are actually independent sources of information. In Chapter 3, Salem argues that although the concept of martial valor as a form of piety was well known in the Late Antique Near East, it is a mistake to assume that post-expansion Muslims simply adopted it from the Christians they came in contact with. She cites Qur’ānic references to these concepts as well as numerous narrations in Ibn al-Mubārak’s Kitāb al-Jihād that chronologically mention battles in which the Prophet Muhammad was involved, as evidence that early pietist-martial men like Ibn al-Mubārak saw their activity as a continuation of indigenous Islamic teaching and practice regarding noble and ethical combat (granted of course that their understanding may have continued to evolve under other influences). For Islamic scholars to participate in guarding the frontiers, she adduces, was considered a superior form of piety than for them to live a luxurious city life. The existence of ‘religious scholars’ and ‘Qur’ānic reciters’ as a distinct class of people during this time ties in well with Salem’s assertions in the previous chapter about the transmission of religious knowledge. It might have been useful for her to cite here the work of Mustafa Shah and oth- ers who have discussed the early qurrā’ communities. A significant part of Chapter 3 discusses selected hadiths from the Kitab al-Jihād with regard to how Ibn al-Mubārak (and the community at that time) perceived jihād. In Chapter 4, Salem shows, through a comparative analysis of the early zuhd literature, that the virtuous ideal of zuhd was interpreted in diverse ways in the early community. Ibn al-Mubārak, in his own Kitāb al-Zuhd as well as in what biographical sources coherently tell us about his personal life, was a proponent of a “sober and moderate” form of zuhd as detachment of the heart from material things, along with an overarching attitude of piety, so that there is no contradiction between being wealthy and practic- ing zuhd. This stands in sharp contrast to more austere interpretations of zuhd (such as that of his contemporary, Mu‘āfā ibn Ibrāhīm) who advocat- ed a renunciation of the things of this world. While this latter group might well have been influenced by Christian ascetic practices, Salem credibly argues that a major sector of the community (typified by Ibn al-Mubārak) viewed zuhd as a broad ethical framework taken from the teachings of the Qur’ān and the Prophet Muhammad. This normative early zuhd literature, she proffers, formed the kernel of what later became Sufism, although later Sufism (and in particular the ṭarīqas) came to differ in sometimes signif- icant (and potentially problematic) ways from the earlier zuhd tradition. Hence, Salem makes a case for a “primitive” Sufism that represents a primal ethical core of Islam, in contrast to later Sufism that probably did syncreti- cally incorporate beliefs and practices from other (non-Islamic) religious traditions. Even though the book is geared towards bigger-picture arguments more than details, there could have been more precision in translation in some cases. I understand the pressures of completing a dissertation and the impossibility of perfection, and hence these critiques should not be taken to undermine the book’s worth. I found rather jarring the anachronism of translating ṣannafa/taṣnīf as “printing” (rather than the expected “author- ing” or “compilation”) when attributed to figures in the early centuries of Islam. A description of the famous Egyptian judge Ibn Lahī‘ah (d. 174/790) as muḍṭarib...yuktabu ḥadithuhū ʻalā al-iʻtibār (59), is correctly identified by Salem as a critique of his accuracy in hadith transmission, but is rather opaquely translated as “problematic....wrote hadiths for recognition.” I per- sonally would have preferred that titles like “al-Ḥāfiẓ”, “al-Imām”, and “al- ‘Alam” (at 10, for example) be translated, or at least placed before the actual name of the person in question, rather than risk non-specialists assuming these to be part of the name (though I understand that the book is directed towards specialists). Vocalizations of uncommon Arabic names are some- times inaccurate (e.g. “Sammāk” should be “Simāk”), but Salem has been exceptionally meticulous in marking in diacritics. She demonstrates a solid grasp of the overall framework of hadith-sciences and of the Arabic lan- guage, and so there are no imprecisions so egregious as to undermine her broad arguments and conclusions. Grammatical errors are extremely few. I understand that Salem’s more recent work focuses on later time pe- riods, but I would welcome further articles from her that leverage her ex- perience with the figure of Ibn al-Mubārak and her familiarity with the source materials. One possible area of further exploration for which the constraints of the dissertation did not allow but which would be useful, is some quantitative prosopographical data analysis. This could include stud- ies of the narrators of ḥadīths in Ibn al-Mubārak’s books as well as a thematic classification of all the narrations therein, which might show more clearly that the data she has cited in support of her assertions is indeed representative of the overall contents. Salem’s conclusion reads extremely well, and she has adeptly summa- rized her major findings and observations. In my estimation, the major contribution of her book has been to articulate a two-pronged centrality of ethics and morals in Sunnī orthodoxy: first, that the early zuhd genre of literature was the carrier of ethics before being subsumed later by the field of taṣawwuf; and second, that the living practice of morality and eth- ics by identified individuals in early society was central to the processes of legitimation, authority, and formation of orthodoxy (as shown by the importance of moral accreditation for being an acceptable transmitter of knowledge). Suheil LaherDean of Academics and Senior InstructorFawakih Institute for Classical Arabic

This paper explores what the meaning of jihad and Sufi is and how a Sufi jihad. The aim of this research is to correct the wrong understanding of Sufism and Sufi teachings and explain that Sufism in Sufism never lags in jihad with its various aspects. Jihad is all forms of maximum effort for the application of Islamic teachings and eradication of tyranny, both for oneself, society and the universe by not knowing despair, surrender, and strings attached, both through physical struggle, emotions, possessions, energy, and science in order reach the pleasure of Allah Almighty. Being Sufi is a person who tries to purify and decorate himself with commendable qualities to draw closer to Allah. Sufis not only adorn themselves with praiseworthy qualities and mahdhah worship rites only to God Almighty, but a Sufi person is still required to draw closer to Allah swt with jihad efforts such as spiritual jihad, ethical jihad, intellectual jihad and politics. Keyword: Islam; Jihad; Sufi

Today there have been many studies of Sufism, but not many studies have discussed the involvement and contribution of women in the realm of Islamic mysticism in particular. This fact cannot be used as an excuse to say that Sufism, especially Islam, completely ignores the position and contribution of women. The few studies, once again, cannot be used as an excuse that women have little contribution and position in the development and spread of Sufism's teachings, doctrines and prac- tices.This paper discusses the equality of women and men not only in the conceptual level as stated in the Qur'an and Hadith. Furthermore, a number of female Sufi fig- ures such as Rabi'ah Adawiyah, Aishah al-Ba'uniyyah, Jahan Malek Khatun, Mahsati Ganjavi (Persia), Habba Khatoon, Jahanara Begum (India), were shown, which proved that women had equal opportunities in achieving spiritual knowledge.

Sufism is a mystical thread of Islam, which when practiced as a cultural system, creates Sufi culture, which is considered significantly different from orthodox, normative or official versions of Islam. Women's contribution to this Sufi culture, which often assimilates indigenous cultural values, has not been fully explored, thus causing ambivalence about Sufi women's lives and their roles. This paper attempts to fill this gap by exploring a variety of aspects of Sufi women's role and contribution to the enrichment of Sufi traditions and local culture in Pakistan through the case study of Mai Sahiba and her shrine, Sahi Sharif, in Punjab. This paper has two main sections. Section one, drawing upon secondary sources, highlights complex perspectives on gender and role of Sufi women in general within Sufism. Section two, drawing upon primary textual sources about Mai Sahiba's life and ethnographic fieldwork at her shrine, offers a glimpse of her life and shows how her devotees celebrate her as a Sufi who challenged hierarchical structures that exist within Sufism and in Pakistan.

The phenomenon of strengthening religious activity in the urban middle-class society in Yogyakarta Special Region in the last decade has been remarkable. The shift from the traditional Sufism to the model of piety associated with this middle-class Sufism further reinforce the middle class's religiosity. This study focused on the problem of the middle-class Muslim community when involving in Sufi practices. Through an in-depth interview with Sufi members and observation on their Sufi practice, this study shows that the urban middle-class Sufism pattern in Yogyakarta places emphasis on aesthetic-symbolic values. On the one hand, the tendency of religious patterns of Muslim communities is a form of negotiation between the values of spirituality in Islam and the forms and practices of global culture. On the other hand, the Sufi practice constitutes negotiation of the models of piety with economic-business motives. This Sufism is not institutionalized in conventional Sufism, commonly known as sufi order (tarekat) such as qadariyya, naqshabandiyya, and shattariyya, among the most popular Sufi order. Middle-class Sufism frames their distinctiveness in the form of economic, political, and cultural networks.

The critical task of textualization of Sufi practices in the 10-13 centuries was legitimization and establishing Sufism within the framework of "orthodox" Islam. That is why the authors of this period strive to present Sufism as an authoritative "science," which uses other Muslim sciences' methods and techniques. Another important aspect of legitimizing the Sufi movement was creating its pious history, which traces the roots of Sufi teachings back to the Prophet Muhammad's time. The authors of Sufi bio- and hagiographic works of this period constructed the history of Sufism that involved the early Islamic renunciants and representatives of the local mystic-ascetical movements that Sufism encountered after spreading its influence outside Baghdad. One of those movements was the "Path of Blame" (malāmatiyya) representatives, which was initially one of Sufism's regional competitors. However, as the 10-13 century sources demonstrated, its representatives, ideas, and practices were actively incorporated into the "Sufi science." They became part of the history of Islamic piety constructed by the Sufi authors.

Scholars have predicted that Sufism and other forms of traditional Islamic practices would disappear as modernity comes into society. Considering this view on religion and the modern, based on the literary study, this paper examines the historical development of Islam, Sufism, and pesantren in Indonesia, or previously known as Nusantara. Sufi preachers, known as walisongo, brought Islam to Indonesia and in a very short of time brought most of Indonesians into voluntary conversions. After walisongo, Indonesian ulama carried the dakwah Islamiyah through different Sufi networks and pesantrens. In the modern era, Sufism and other means of traditional practices face the challenges of disappearance and then transform themselves into neo-Sufism. The discussions in this paper show how Sufism, through its various ways, mingle with the different era in Indonesia and reshape the meaning of traditional and modern in Indonesia. Keywords:Islam Indonesia, Sufism, and pesantren,

A widely presumption holds that Sufism is a male domain. The claim may be not totally misleading since many references that exist up to the present support this assumption. A great number of stories and scholarly works are dominated and authored by male sufis. Almost none of female sufi left a crucial legacy in the field, except the stories of female sufi piety narrated by male sufi scholars. However, this study challenges this assumption, contending that female sufis have played roles since the beginning of Islam up to the medieval periods. The study attempts to describe such roles. It also sheds light on their role in sufi organization (tarekat) up to the present time in Indonesia. The discussion starts by elucidating female sufi figures throghout the history of sufism in Islam and then the discussion of female sufis in Indonesia follows.

This paper discusses the essence of the concepts of Sufism (Sufism) mahabbah and ma'rifah and how and in what context the concepts of Sufism are formulated. These two concepts are the teachings of Sufism from three Sufi figures namely Rabi'ah al-Adawiyah, Zunnun al-Mishri and al-Gahazali. Can be concluded that the three Sufis in laying the foundations of Sufism teachings did not escape from the context of his time. Rabi'a and Zunnun both live in situations where people are busy taking care of the exoteric things that do not penetrate to the esoteric dimensions of Islam. Both have shifted from the paradigm of worship held by Muslims of his day, from fear of God to love to God. While al-Ghazali lives in a state of contradiction between various Islamic groups. Mahabbah and ma'rifah taught by the three Sufis is the implementation of piety in the process of truth-seeking encompassing plurality and cosmopolitanism in a phase of civilization.Makalah ini membahas hakikat konsep-konsep tasawuf (sufisme) mahabbah dan ma’rifah dan bagaimana dan dalam konteks apa konsep-konsep tasawuf itu dirumuskan. Kedua konsep ini merupaka ajaran tasawuf dari tiga tokoh sufi yaitu Rabi’ah al-Adawiyah, Zunnun al-Mishri dan al-Gahazali. Dapat disimpulkan bahwa ketiga sufi dalam meletakkan dasar-dasar ajaran tasawuf tidak luput dari konteks zamannya. Rabi’ah dan Zunnun sama-sama hidup dalam situasi dimana umat sibuk mengurus hal-hal yang sifatnya eksoteris yang tidak menembus pada dimensi esoteris Islam. Keduanya telah menggeser dari paradigma ibadah yang dipegangi oleh umat Islam di zamannya, dari takut kepada Allah menjadi cinta kepada Allah. Sedangkan al-Ghazali hidup dalam keadaan pertentangan antar berbagai golongan Islam. Mahabbah dan ma’rifah yang diajarkan oleh ketiga sufi merupakan implementasi kesalehan dalam proses pencarian kebenaran yang dilingkupi pluralitas dan kosmopolitanisme dalam suatu fase peradaban.

Abstract: This article aims to elaborate on Sufism reform movement in Indonesia. There former of Islam in Indonesia realize that Sufism is an integral part of Islam, therefore they are not hostile to Sufism, but tends to purify the Sufism of deviant practices. Irregularities which they saw in the midst of the Muslim community but claimed as part of Sufism must be cleaned. Sufism must be free of elements of heresy or shirk that could tarnish the purity of Islam. In this article, the author presents the figure of Hamka as a representation of Sufism reform movement in Indonesia. Although Hamka very appreciative, even followers of Sufism, he was never affiliated to the sufi order schools anywhere in the world.He also never made a separate congregation flow, as was common in the realm of the sufi order. Abstrak: Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengelaborasi gerakan pembaruan tasawuf di Indonesia. Para pembaru Islam di Indonesia menyadari bahwa tasawuf merupakan bagian integral dalam Islam, karena itu mereka tidak memusuhi tasawuf, tetapi cenderung untuk memurnikan tasawuf dari praktik-praktik yang menyimpang. Penyimpangan yang mereka lihat di tengah-tengah masyarakat Muslim tetapi diklaim sebagai bagian dari ajaran tasawuf haruslah dibersihkan. Tasawuf harus terbebas dari unsur-unsur bid’ah atau syirik yang dapat menodai kemurnian ajaran Islam. Dalam artikel ini, penulis menyajikan sosok Hamka sebagai representasi dari gerakan pembaruan tasawuf di Indonesia. Sekalipun Hamka sangat apresiatif, bahkan pengamal tasawuf, ia tidak pernah berafiliasi ke aliran tarekat mana pun di dunia ini. Ia juga tidak pernah membuat aliran tarekat tersendiri, sebagaimana lazimnya dalam dunia tarekat. Keywords: neo-sufisme, bid’ah, al-Quran, al-Sunnah, tarekat.