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Journal articles on the topic 'Sumerians, religion'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

EMELIANOV, VLADIMIR V. "B.A. TURAEV AND THE STRUGGLE FOR SUMEROLOGY IN RUSSIAN SCHOLARSHIP AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY." Study of Religion, no. 3 (2020): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2020.3.5-18.

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The article studies the circumstances of the emergence of Sumerology in Russia based on the personal archives of B.A. Turaev and P.K. Kokovtsov. It was stated that: a) Turaev, who studied Assyriology in Berlin, was the first Russian Sumerologist and strongly supported W.G. Schileico in his desire to study the history and religion of the Sumerians; b) the “father of Russian Assyriology” M.V. Nikolsky at the beginning of the century doubted the existence of the Sumerians and was ready to side with the position of J. Halévy and Kokovtsov, who considered the Sumerian writing to be an allography of the Babylonian priests; c) together with Schileico, the future coptologist P.V. Jernstedt was engaged in Assyriology, who was forced to withdraw from cuneiform classes as a result of a poorly thought out training program by Kokovtsov; d) it was Nikolsky who recommended the first articles by Schileico on the history of the Sumerians to European journals; e) the whole history of Russian Assyriology could have gone differently if Nikolsky in 1908, despite Kokovtsov’s discontent, had been elected professor at St...

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Hashim Taher, Asst Prof Isra. "القمر في الثقافة العراقية القديمة: اعادة قراءة لرواية" الهلال" لديانا ابو جابر و"طشاري" لأنعام كججي." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 58, no. 2 (June 12, 2019): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v58i2.879.

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Man used to attribute good and evil in his life to celestial bodies. Therefore, ancient civilizations paid much attention to astronomy which had a lasting impact on mythology and religion. In ancient Iraqi mythology, sad and happy events like war and peace, death and fertility, flood and famine, were attributed to the appearance and disappearance of the moon.Among the post-modern writers who wrote novels about Iraq are the Arab-American Diana Abu Jaber (1959 -) and the Paris-based Iraqi Inaam Kachachi (1952 -). Abu Jaber's Crescent (2003) tells a love story between an Iraqi professor and an Iraqi-American girl. The crescent of the title has to do with the Islamic ritual of marking the beginning of a lunar month like Ramadhan. As the novel suggests it has to do with patience and the unknown as represented by the sudden and unexpected reappearance of the protagonist (Hanif) after a long time of absence. Whereas Kachachi's Tashari (2013) details the scattering of Iraqis in different parts of the world after the-2003 events. It attributes this tragedy to the Pope's refusal to visit the city of Ur, the birthplace of Prophet Abraham which also used to be the residence of Nana, the moon god of the ancient Sumerians. While apparently both novels deal in part with the religious beliefs and practices related to the moon in Islam and Christianity, they, however, make no direct reference to ancient Iraqi myths. Although Abu Jaber expressed the wish of writing about "the legacy of Iraq", "the cradle of civilization" and Kachachi wrote mainly about Iraq and its " good old days", but rarely they made a direct reference to the moon and its significance in ancient Iraqi culture. Nevertheless, both novels implicitly abound in references to the moon that can be analyzed in terms of its status and the lasting impact it had on ancient Iraqi culture, which will be the focus of this paper.

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Lambert, W. G. "Book Reviews : The Sumerians." Expository Times 103, no. 1 (October 1991): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469110300107.

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Feldt, Laura. "Religion, Nature, and Ambiguous Space in Ancient Mesopotamia: The Mountain Wilderness in Old Babylonian Religious Narratives." Numen 63, no. 4 (June 15, 2016): 347–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341392.

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This article discusses the nexus of religion and nature by means of an investigation of the mountain wilderness space in ancient Mesopotamia. Drawing inspiration from theories of social space and the field of religion and nature, it pays special attention to the mediality of the sources embedding the wilderness space by analyzing the literary-narrative form of a set of Old Babylonian, Sumerian religious narratives related to the deities Inana and Ninurta and the heroes Lugalbanda and Gilgamesh. Contrary to previous research, which has seen the mountain wilderness as a dangerous and inimical chaos region, this article argues that the mountain wilderness is also ascribed benign connotations and functions. It is a wild and dangerous region, but it is also naturally abundant, primeval, and harbors forms of agency and force. It is an arena for magical transformation, heroic acts, and for direct communication with the deities. It is thus a more ambiguous space than has previously been recognized, and it should be understood in the context of the social space of the scribal milieu. Finally, the article suggests that cosmology studies and the relationships between natural domains and deities, in the general history of religions, are reconsidered in light of theories of social space and in light of the mediality of the sources.

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Anor, Netanel. "Joseph Halévy, Racial Scholarship and the “Sumerian Problem”." Philological Encounters 2, no. 3-4 (August 16, 2017): 321–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-12340033.

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This article deals with the different racial approaches that influenced the academic debate known as “The Sumerian problem”. The so-called “problem” under discussion was the racial affiliation of the inventors of the first writing system, the cuneiform script. The notion of ‘race’, which tied religion, language and culture into one essence, played a key role here. Some scholars were eager to prove the “non-Semitic character” of such a major invention. Others were convinced that only “Semites” inhabited ancient Babylonia and thus were the only possible inventors of writing. The focus of this paper is Joseph Halévy, who was the determined leader of the “anti-Sumerist” camp. This article will show that Halévy shared many essentialist views with his anti-Semitic protagonists. He did this by applying a ‘pro-Semitic’ approach to the ‘Sumerian-problem’.

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Hallo, William W. "Biblical Abominations and Sumerian Taboos." Jewish Quarterly Review 76, no. 1 (July 1985): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454539.

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Abdullah al-Ahsan. "Law, Religion and Human Dignity in the Muslim World Today: An Examination of OIC's Cairo Declaration of Human Rights." Journal of Law and Religion 24, no. 2 (2008): 569–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400001715.

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Human dignity is the recognition and respect of human need, desire and expectation one individual by another. This recognition is indispensable because no human being survives alone: Human dignity creates the foundation of society and civilization. Our knowledge of history suggests that religious ideas have provided this basic foundation of civilization. Describing the first recognized civilization in history one historian says, “Religion permeated Sumerian civic life.” According to another historian, “Religion dominated, suffused, and inspired all features of Near Eastern society—law, kingship, art, and science.” Based on these observations while defining civilization Samuel Huntington asserts, “Religion is a central defining characteristic of civilizations.”In Islam, the Qur’an declares that: “We have bestowed dignity on the progeny of Adam.” The verse then continues to remind the whole of mankind of God's special favor unto them with physical and intellectual abilities, natural resources and with superiority over most other creatures in the world. This dignity is bestowed through God's act of creating Adam and breathing into him His Own Spirit. Since all human beings originated from Adam and his spouse, every single human being possesses this dignity regardless of color, race, religion and tribe. The whole of mankind, as khalīfah (vice-resenf) is responsible for establishing peace on earth through divinely ordained values such as amānah (trust), ‘adālah (justice) and shūra (consultation).

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Khaletskyj, O. V. "World-development of historical and spiritual that is its event-idea-development as a world of faith." Scientific Messenger of LNU of Veterinary Medicine and Biotechnologies 21, no. 92 (May 11, 2019): 147–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32718/nvlvet-e9225.

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According to modern scientific and philosophical representations, the world is its creation as development. Because of anthroponoospherization, world development appears as a historical and spiritual development. A measure of progressive development are: 1) the completeness of the implementation of legislative tendency (directions) of development, 2) the superiority of the old to new, 3) the increase of consciousness and spiritual factors of development. In the development of society, the historical-spiritual appear to it: 1) degrees, 2) local ways (civilization) actually happen-ideas-development, which are: 1) initial with the stages of anthroposociogenesis, tribal community of collectors and hunters, the clan community of farmers and herders, 2) agrarian society with the stages of the first civilizations of the copper stone age (Ancient Egyptian, Sumerian-Babylonian, Indo, Aegean, Hatto-Smallasian Early Chinese, Ancient American) iron age from the 1st millennium BC of ancient (Middle East, Antique, Ancient Indian and Ancient Chinese) and medieval (Far Eastern, Indian, Austrian, Central Asian, Iranian-Islamic, Eastern Christian and West Christian local civilizations) and so-called industrial society with preindustrialization XVIІІ-mid. ХVІІ century, industrialization the middle of ХVІІ–ХІХ centuries, industrial first half of Twentieth century and, the middle of XX century, the globalization-information stages of development with the corresponding all of them-events-ideas-development. Stages of development are determined by their main direction. Civilizations can be defined as local socio-culturaland organisms that are inherent in the physiognomic unity of distinctive features. In the process of historical development there is a growth of conscious-spiritual factors of development (socio-cultural paradigm), mainly as the implementation of various socio-cultural projects, which prompts the creation of consciously projected, intellectually creative, idea-creative, spiritually-constructed world as it happens-idea- development. Events are actingknowledged as ideas, and ideas are projected as development. All further history of mankind is the deduction and embodiment of consciously-projected ideas. Socio-cultural projects require the realization, and that’s why historical development is somehow dejected, and is carried out as some kind of enthusiasm. Religion - faith in God through the cult, what is the act of consciousness (faith) of world creation (God) through its activation in itself (the cult). The historical-spiritual world-development are as follows: 1) the continuation of the world creation, 2) the belief of realization as a kind of locomotive, because of what 3) religious socio-cultural projects of spiritual world transformation are currently the largest. From the New Times monotheism comes into the secular phase of practicing faith. From the seventeenth century humanity passes to industrial ways of development and to the twentieth century. the world economy is formed, world politics and world spirituality that are from the middle of Twentieth century turn into the globalization-informational period of “the inventive future”, when any social and cultural projects can be implemented. There is a world civilization as a cathedral unity of national cultures. In the field of religious, there is not immorality, but newly-religions as a God's gradual faith. Innovation faith occurs as: 1) ecumenization, 2) secularization, and 3) new secular dynastic theologians. A peculiar “spiritual evaporation” of globalization processes is the maturation of the so-called universal religion. There can be no universal religion, only a universal faith can be. Universal religion is not a separate religion, but the unity of all religions of the world as its spiritual transformation. Universal religion arises as 1) activation of the creative forces of man, 2) the locomotive of socio-cultural projects that require the faith realization, 3) as a social and cultural project for the spiritual transformation of the world (God's reign, etc.). The unity of all religions in the world is currently the most expressed in theistic evolutionism, which in modern universal evolutionism receives a scientific and philosophical justification, where a new process-creative-centric image of the world for its transformation arises. Secular gradual faith passes into the development of the world, world-wide – the consciousness of the world as its development, which is achieved by the event-idea-development. The world of faith appears in three hypostases: 1) as the unity of all religions of the world as its spiritual transformation, 2) the world is not religion, but faith, and 3) acts consciousness of the world as its development. Concentration of the meanings of spiritual uplift form the so-called spiritual republics (Zion, Shambhala, mountainous Jerusalem, etc.) as our antisocial spiritual homeland. World-development of historical-spiritual appears as an intelligent world development (World building).

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9

Peterson, Jeremiah. "A New Occurrence of the Seven Aurae in a Sumerian Literary Passage Featuring Nergal." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 8, no. 2 (2008): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921208786611773.

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AbstractA brief and fragmentary newly reconstructed Sumerian literary passage contains a portion of a hymn to Nergal or a hymnic passage centered around Nergal. Most notably, it contains a rare reference to seven aurae (ni2 imin), which is attested elsewhere only in conjunction with Huwawa.

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10

Postgate, J. N. "J.A. HALLORAN, Sumerian Lexicon: A Dictionary Guide to the Ancient Sumerian Language." Journal of Semitic Studies 54, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 255–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgn055.

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11

Kenanidis, Ioannis K., and Evangelos C. Papakitsos. "Culturally Important Objects as Signs of Cretan Protolinear Script." Humanities and Social Science Research 1, no. 1 (May 19, 2018): p21. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/hssr.v1n1p21.

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This paper presents seven “syllabograms” of the Cretan Protolinear script (signs used for Consonant-Vowel [CV] syllables). This presentation is conducted following the theory of the Cretan Protolinear (CP) script as the one that all the Aegean scripts evolved from, including Linear A, Cretan Hieroglyphics and Linear B. The seven syllabograms of this particular set depict inanimate objects or constructions that were very common or important in everyday life, economy and religion. It is also demonstrated that the phonetic value of each syllabogram corresponds to the Sumerian name of the object depicted by the syllabogram, in a conservative dialect. Thus, more light is shed on the linguistic ancestry of the Aegean scripts, the practice followed for their creation, and, indirectly, on some cultural aspects of the Minoan Civilization.

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Espinoza Rivera, Jerry. "Presentación del Dossier: Religión y política en el mundo antiguo y contemporáneo." Estudios, no. 35 (December 5, 2017): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/re.v0i35.31606.

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A lo largo de la historia, la relación entre religión y política ha sido escabrosa y conflictiva. Ha sido una relación de encuentros y malentendidos, pero también de sometimiento y complicidad.En las sociedades antiguas, en las que predominaba la heteronomía y escaseaba la autonomía, la religión ocupaba un lugar prominente, ya que ésta era la garante de la ley y del “orden natural de las cosas”. Por esta razón, cuestionar la autoridad del emperador o del faraón en Sumeria, en Egipto o en Persia constituía un gravísimo delito, pues literalmente significaba cuestionar el orden establecido por los dioses. Se estableció así una estrecha alianza entre el poder político y los sacerdotes.

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Böck, Barbara. "ÜBERLEGUNGEN ZU EINEM KULTFEST DER ALTMESOPOTAMISCHEN GÖTTIN INANNA." Numen 51, no. 1 (2004): 20–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852704773558214.

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AbstractThe present study aims at interpreting a Sumerian hymn pertaining to the cult of the ancient Mesopotamian goddess of love and war, Inanna/Ištar. Though this literary composition belongs to the realm of royal religion, and centres on the relationship between the goddess and the royal personage, the hymn also provides an insight into a cultic feast of rather popular character. The text describes a ritual; its inner logic follows the course of a cultic ceremony. Accordingly, the term "implicit ritual" as opposed to "explicit ritual", or liturgical order, can be applied. Until now the Sumerian hymn in question has been treated mainly from a text critical point of view. Certain aspects of the ritual performance, viz. the playful change of gender roles, are expressed through the epithets of the goddess. Recently, attention has been given to those epithets that allude to the power of the goddess to change her sex, and it has been proposed that they show a shamanistic side of the goddess. In what follows we shall put forward an alternative interpretation of the change of gender roles by using the concept of play and game as intrinsic to a religious system. The cultic feast of the goddess Inanna/Ištar will thus be traced back to a ritual of inversion which serves to reconstitute the moral and social order as well as to consolidate religious belief. Since our hymn is considered to be one of the main sources for the reconstruction of the so-called "sacred marriage" we shall also touch upon this ancient rite.

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Marcuson, Hannah, and Theo van den Hout. "Memorization and Hittite Ritual: New Perspectives on the Transmission of Hittite Ritual Texts." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 15, no. 2 (March 18, 2016): 143–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341272.

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Scholarly discussion of Hittite ritual texts in recent years has centered around scribal context and textual transmission. Using the method already demonstrated by Paul Delnero for Sumerian literary texts, the authors show that certain Hittite rituals were memorized, and that the variations among some exemplars resulted from errors in memory. The influence of conscious redaction on these texts must therefore be reassessed, and the questions of textual purpose, authorship, and context cast into new light.

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Cooper, Jerrold S. "Sumerian and Aryan : Racial Theory, Academic Politics and Parisian Assyriology." Revue de l'histoire des religions 210, no. 2 (1993): 169–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rhr.1993.1437.

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Burkert, Walter. "Pleading for Hell: Postulates, Fantasies, and the Senselessness of Punishment." Numen 56, no. 2-3 (2009): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852709x404955.

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If the ideal of justice includes effective punishment of offenders, an extension into afterlife must be postulated. This still involves all the questionable aspects and paradoxes of punishment that make rational and enlightened argumentation difficult. A historical survey of ancient tentatives at hell lore shows diverse starting points and interests. There is just a germ of such speculations in Sumerian. When hell fire first appears in Egypt, it goes together with the fear of magic from the dead; in Zoroastrianism and Judaism it is partisan interest which makes the adherents of the wrong religion destined for hell. In Greece we find various ethical and poetical motifs interfering, from the powerful yet enigmatic images in the Odyssey to a general proclamation of punishments in the Hymn to Demeter. The most graphic and horrible descriptions of something like hell are finally found in Plato, whose sources — besides Homer — can be postulated but not identified.

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Widell, Magnus. "A note on the Sumerian expression SI-ge₄-de₃/dam." Sefarad 62, no. 2 (December 30, 2002): 393–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/sefarad.2002.v62.i2.565.

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Feder, Yitzhaq. "The Semantics of Purity in the Ancient Near East: Lexical Meaning as a Projection of Embodied Experience." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 14, no. 1 (May 27, 2014): 87–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341258.

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This article analyzes the primary terms for purity in Biblical Hebrew, Ugaritic, Sumerian, Akkadian and Hittite. Building on insights from cognitive linguistics and embodiment theory, this study develops the premise that semantic structure—even of seemingly abstract concepts—is grounded in real-world bodily experience. An examination of purity terms reveals that all of them can be related to a concrete sense pertaining to radiance (brilliance, brightness, shininess). The article then traces the semantic development of purity terms in distinct experiential contexts and shows how semantic analysis can elucidate the inner logic of fundamental religious concepts.

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Clemens, Jr., Walter C. "Review Essay: The Beginnings of Civilization." Netsol: New Trends in Social and Liberal Sciences 6, no. 1 (May 28, 2021): 70–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24819/netsol2021.05.

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What can contemporary social scientists learn from ancient history? Key features of modern civilization began in the fertile crescent of today’s Middle East many thousands of years ago. Thanks to geography and other factors, these innovations spread—east and west. Not just agriculture and engineering but monotheistic religion and alphabetic writing took root there. Parallels to or offshoots of Sumerian culture emerged in the Indus River, Persia, and Egypt. Their distinctive ways of life took shape, waxed, and then waned. Social scientists who try to keep up with a world in turmoil by listening to the BBC or reading Le Monde may be tempted to ask: “How did all this begin and where are we going?” The Singapore-based political analyst Parag Khanna answers: “Asia.” Civilization began in Western Asia and is now being shaped by “Asianization” of the planet. (See Khanna, The Future is Asian, 2019). Whether or not Khanna’s hypothesis about the future proves correct, the importance of Western Asia in global history is documented in the books Uruk and Mesopotamia.

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Postgate, J. N., and J. S. Cooper. "Sumerian and Akkadian Royal Inscriptions I: Presargonic Inscriptions." Vetus Testamentum 38, no. 4 (October 1988): 508. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519331.

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Hurowitz†, Avigdor. "An Underestimated Aspect of Enki/Ea." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 13, no. 1 (2013): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341242.

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Abstract The god Enki (Sumerian)/Ea (Akkadian) is central to Mesopotamian myth, ritual and scholarship but there is still disagreement as to precisely what he is the god of. He governs subterranean water, magic, and ‘wisdom’—but what kind of wisdom was it? A traditional argument in Assyriology claims that Enki is more trickster than sage; his knowledge has to do with craft and cunning, not ethics or rectitude. This essay analyzes important neglected associations of Enki with Mesopotamian wisdom literature, demonstrating parallels with ideals found in the biblical book of Proverbs. In these texts Enki is associated with the proper conduct of human life, making him not just crafty and cunning but wise.

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Crisostomo, C. Jay. "Writing Sumerian, Creating Texts: Reflections on Text-building Practices in Old Babylonian Schools." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 15, no. 2 (March 18, 2016): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341271.

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Sumerian lexical and literary compositions both emerged from the same social sphere, namely scribal education. The complexities of inter-compositional dependence in these two corpora have not been thoroughly explored, particularly as relevant to questions of text-building during the Old Babylonian period (c. 1800–1600 bce). Copying practices evident in lexical texts indicate that students and scholars adopted various methods of replication, including visual copying, copying from memory, and ad hoc innovation. They were not confined to reproducing a received text. Such practices extend to copying literary compositions. A study of compositions from Advanced Lexical Education in comparison with several literary compositions shows a complex inter-dialectic between the corpora, in which lexical compositions demonstrate dependence on literary compositions and vice versa. Thus, Old Babylonian students and scholars could experiment with multiple text-building practices, drawing on their knowledge of the lexical and the literary, regularly creating new versions of familiar compositions.

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Abusch, I. Tzvi. "Alaktu and Halakhah Oracular Decision, Divine Revelation." Harvard Theological Review 80, no. 1 (January 1987): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781600002349x.

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This paper contains some thoughts about words. It is a modest undertaking and is meant to do no more than elaborate upon and set forth the reasoning underlying a proposal that I advanced some years ago regarding the meaning of Akkadian alaktu and its relation to the Jewish terms Hebrew hălāḵā and Aramaic hilḵĕṯā. In preparing this paper, I have had before me two distinct goals and have, accordingly, divided the paper into two separate sections. First, I try to establish an additional (and thus far unnoticed) set of meanings for alaktu (= Sumerian a.rá) and to track this meaning especially when alaktu appears in combination with the verb lamādu. Then, turning to halakhah, I set out some of the implications of our inner Assyriological examination for the origin of the Hebrew and Aramaic terms hălāḵā and hilḵĕṯā. In doing so, I register my dissent from a previous proposal of a particular Akkadian term (ilku) as the source of the word halakhah, and present a set of alternative hypotheses as to the derivation of the Jewish terms. The opinions expressed about even alaktu are tentative and in need of further refinement, and our thoughts on the relation of alaktu and halakhah remain perforce in the realm of conjecture.

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Homan, Michael M. "Date rape the agricultural and astronomical background of the sumerian sacred marriage and genesis 38." Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament 16, no. 2 (January 2002): 283–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09018320210000420.

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Mettinger, T. N. D. "PIRJO LAPINKIVI, The Sumerian Sacred Marriage in the Light of Comparative Evidence." Journal of Semitic Studies 52, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 137–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgl041.

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26

Noegel, Scott B. "Job iii 5 in the Light of Mesopotamian Demons of Time." Vetus Testamentum 57, no. 4 (2007): 556–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853307x204592.

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AbstractThis brief communication examines two cruces in Job iii (μ/yî yrEyrIèm]Kiâ in iii 5 and μ/y=AyrEr"ao in iii 8) in the light of Sumerian, Akkadian, and later Mandaic performative texts which identify elements of time as cosmic, and potentially demonic, entities. After establishing the shared contexts and features of the texts (i.e., affliction by the Satan/a demon, an illocutionary pronouncement against personified elements of time, and an association between demons and warfare), I argue that the rendering of μ/yî yrEyrIèm]K in Job iii 5 as “day-demons”, proposed already by Rashi and Ibn Ezra, is to be preferred, and that one should understand μ/y=AyrEr"ao as “those who curse a day”.

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Cooley, Jeffrey. "Early Mesopotamian Astral Science and Divination in the Myth of Inana And Šukaletuda." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 8, no. 1 (2008): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921208786182446.

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AbstractThe Sumerian tale of Inana and Shukaletuda recounts how the goddess Inana is raped by a homely gardener upon whom she seeks and ultimately finds revenge. Though this general plot has long been understood, certain elements of the story have remained largely unexplored. Previous scholarship has often suggested that within Inana and Shukaletuda, the goddess Inana is often described in her astral manifestation (e.g. S. Kramer 1961, 117; K. Volk 1995, 177-179 and 182-183; B. Alster 1999, 687; J. Cooper 2001, 142-144). Nevertheless, to date there has been no systematic treatment of this assumption and this study seeks to fill this gap. It is my thesis that certain events of the story (i.e. Inana's movements) can be related to a series of observable celestial phenomena, specifically the synodic activity of the planet Venus. This also explains the heretofore enigmatic climax of the story, in which Inana crosses the entire sky in order to finally locate her attacker, as a celestial miracle required by the planet Venus' peculiar celestial limitations. Furthermore, since in ancient Iraq the observation of astronomical phenomena was often done for the purpose of celestial divination, I suggest that certain events within the story may be illuminated if situated within that undertaking.

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Worthington, Martin. "The Image of the Netherworld in the Sumerian Sources. By Dina Katz. Bethesda, Md.: CDL Press, 2003. Pp. xx+ 488. $50.00." History of Religions 44, no. 1 (August 2004): 80–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/426660.

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29

Yoder, Tyler R. "Ezekiel 29:3 and Its Ancient Near Eastern Context." Vetus Testamentum 63, no. 3 (2013): 486–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341121.

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Abstract The chief aim of this essay is to posit a well-known Mesopotamian royal and divine epithet, ušumgallu “great dragon,” as the source behind Ezekiel’s enigmatic description of Pharaoh in 29.3, hattannīn haggādôl, “the great dragon.” This relationship sheds new light and meaning on an old problem: why does Ezekiel refer to Pharaoh as a dragon? Rather than viewing this prophetic expression as a pejorative, the cognate evidence argues for the converse by rooting it in an enduring tradition of regal titles. Replicating Akkadian ušumgallu (Sumerian UŠUM.GAL) as efficiently as possible and drawing upon Israelite cosmological history (viz. Gen. 1.21a), Ezekiel feigned including Pharaoh within a venerable, long line of Mesopotamian kings and deities to receive this title. Instead, and as is characteristic of Ezekiel’s rhetoric, he upended the putative associations of the “great dragon,” thereby exposing its true subordinate position under the hegemony of YHWH.

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Biggs, Robert D. "Religion, Literature, and Scholarship: The Sumerian Composition “Nanše and the Birds.”. By Niek Veldhuis. Cuneiform Monographs 22. Leiden and Boston: Brill/Styx, 2004. Pp. xii + 405 + 37 pls." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 66, no. 4 (October 2007): 291–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/524157.

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Lambert, W. G. "Ištar of Nineveh." Iraq 66 (2004): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001595.

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Ištar of Nineveh at first glance presents a dilemma for the researcher. While she was a most important goddess, patron of a major town in north Mesopotamia, very little is known about her. As to her importance, in Hurrian religion Teššub and Ša'uška of Nineveh were heads of the pantheon. Here she is given her Hurrian name, Ša'uška. Thus the Mitanni king Tušratta in the Amarna letter no. 23, to Amenophis III, writes that Ša'uška of Nineveh, lady of all the lands (dMÙŠ šauruni-i-na nin kur-kur gáb-bi-i-ši-na-ma), wanted to travel to Egypt and to return. She is further called “lady of heaven” (nin ša-me-e) and “our lady” (nin-ne). Amarna letter no. 24, from the same Mitanni king to the same Pharaoh, refers to Ša'uška of Nineveh as “my goddess” (uruni-i-nu-a-a-we dša-uš-ka-a-wa de-en-ni-iw-wu-ú-a: VS XII 200 iii 98). One might conclude that “lady of heaven” alludes to her as Venus in the sky, but it might also mean the abode of the good gods without any astral allusion. It has been alleged that her wish to travel to Egypt was in the capacity of a goddess of healing, to cure the Pharaoh of his malady, but this is mere speculation. The letter gives no hint of this.This brief international affair illustrates the problems excellently. There is a mass of cuneiform material bearing on the Sumerian Inanna and her Babylono-Assyrian counterpart Ištar, especially hymns and prayers. From them one can extract her major attributes — sexuality and war — and her astral presence in the planet Venus. The occurrence of related gods in other ancient Near Eastern regions — Aštart and Anat in Syria, Aṯtar in Arabia — suggests that the origins of the cult go back perhaps to neolithic time or even earlier, and the certain relationship with the Greek Aphrodite and Roman Venus attests to the power of this cult, however one explains the connection. However, in each Mesopotamian well-established centre of this cult one can assume that local customs and traditions will have added something to the basic “theology” we extract from our general knowledge of the goddess. For Ištar of Nineveh the episode of Tušratta may or may not allude to her star Venus, but otherwise it is totally uninformative about her “theology”. And that is typical for most of the other dated and precisely located evidence.

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Ceccarelli, Manuel. "Sumerische Titanen? Nein, danke!" Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 128, no. 1 (January 20, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaw-2016-0011.

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AbstractThis contribution aims to explain that, despite a proposal of Daniel E. Gershenson, the etymology of greek Τιτάν is surely not Sumerian, because there are no Sumerian words TI.TA.AN with the meaning »One who dwells in Heaven«.

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Samet, Nili. "Two Sumerian Parallels to Isaiah 55,10." Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 122, no. 3 (January 2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaw.2010.032.

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Azevedo Neto, Joaquim. "Una nota histórica sobre el origen del Culto al Rey en el Antiguo Cercano Oriente." Revista Theologika 25, no. 2 (July 21, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.17162/rt.v25i2.250.

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Una de las incógnitas de la historia universal es el acreditar al rey o monarca características o prerrogativas divinas. Esto es, la deificación de la persona del rey. Las simientes de esta institución religiosa empiezan en forma embrionaria en el periodo de Broce Temprano en el Antiguo Cercano Oriente (ACO) especialmente como fruto de la urbanización. Los tres factores del desarrollo de la religión sumeria más el factor urbano juntamente con la visión del estado tuvieron una gran influencia en este fenómeno de adoración al rey como una deidad.

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De la Garza, Mercedes. "Los "ángeles" mayas." Estudios de Cultura Maya 16 (February 18, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.ecm.1986.16.585.

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Frecuentemente se tiende a interpretar un símbolo universal, o un simple paralelismo, como influencia de una religión en otra. Esta es la inferencia mas inmediata, sobre todo si se trata de la religión católica y las indígenas de Mesoamérica. Pero profundizando un poco se nos revelan las distinciones, tanto formales como significativas, que nos permiten ubicar los conceptos y las creencias en su contexto, y vislumbrar así su procedencia y significación. Por ejemplo, la idea de una catástrofe cósmica ocasionada por un diluvio fue común a los grupos mesoamericanos prehispánicos (y aparece en muchas otras religiones antes de que se escribiera el Génesis, como en la sumeria), y el símbolo de la cruz representó entre los mayas la cuadruplicidad del cosmos, tanto del cielo (cruz formada por serpientes bicéfalas) como de la tierra (planta de maíz en forma de cruz) y lo encontramos representado en el arte maya por lo menos desde el siglo séptimo después de Cristo. Esta misma confusión se ha dado con relación a los seres divinos que los mayas de Yucatán llamaron Canhelob y los twtziles, tzeltales, chortis y otros grupos de Chiapas y Guatemala llaman hasta hoy Ángeles.

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Peterson, Jeremiah. "Christopher Metcalf: Sumerian Literary Texts in the Schøyen Collection, Volume 1: Literary Sources on Old Babylonian Religion. (Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 38). Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 2019. 168 S. 22,0 × 28,0 cm. ISBN 978-15-75-06730-8. Preis: $ 99.95." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie, November 27, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2020-0025.

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