Books on the topic 'Support and obstacles'

Effective evidence-based psychotherapeutic regimens for psychogenic nonepileptic seizures (PNES) are available, but several obstacles still contribute to poor adherence to treatment. This chapter reviews the three stages at which patient dropout tends to occur in clinical practice and in studies. Patient-related, provider-related, and systemic causes of nonadherence are reviewed. Patient-related factors include a failure to accept or understand the diagnosis, psychiatric comorbidities, and ambivalence about change. Provider-related and systemic factors include a shortage of behavioral health specialists, gaps in care between neurologists and mental health providers, a lack of familiarity with the disorder, and stigmatization of patients. The chapter concludes with a review of potential interventions to address obstacles to treatment, including an integrated treatment team with joint presentation of the diagnosis, rapid and streamlined transition into psychotherapy, motivational interviewing, and engagement of patients’ family members and support systems.

This chapter describes strategies for assessing community readiness to adopt a community-wide prevention approach. The challenges likely to arise when trying to raise awareness and support for EBIs are reviewed and recommendations for overcoming these obstacles are identified. The chapter also describes methods for establishing broad-based, high-functioning community coalitions, including how communities can structure local coalitions to be high functioning, recruit members, and decide upon the roles and responsibilities of coalition members. The methods used in the CTC system to foster community readiness and support the creation and maintenance of community coalitions are reviewed.

We focus on the development of pain management in the Eastern European countries. Economic, political, and other disparities separate Eastern Europe from the rest of continent. Pain Management is often a neglected healthcare need. The main obstacles in the development of pain medicine and management are the lack of money, insufficient education, the lack of specialists and facilities for pain management, and no interest within healthcare institutions or the entire healthcare system to introduce national plans for pain management. National pain associations from Eastern European countries joined to the European Pain Federation (EFIC) have the federation’s support to improve situation in their countries. The support is given in the grants for education, fellowships, and scientific meetings, consulting and sharing experiences, participation in federation’s activities and the use of federation’s publications.

The afterlife of Macbeth on screen has been lively and often brilliant, occasioning more than a century of adaptations, appropriations, and revivals around the world, across an array of broadcast, recorded, and networked media. Students, scholars and fans exploring this robust and diverse corpus face a number of obstacles to any attempt at generalization or a systematic survey. This chapter sketches key challenges to that analytic work and points to useful resources that might support it, surveying a handful of adaptation strategies that span global variations of Macbeth in multiple languages and periods. These provide fruitful signposts for further study, as new engagements with Macbeth proliferate across various media.

Generally, the ketogenic diet is well tolerated. On average, sixty percent of patients remain on the diet for over six months; those who stop typically do so due to lack of efficacy rather than tolerability. Common side effects include constipation, vomiting, acidosis, and vitamin/mineral deficiencies. More significant side effects are rare, but include pancreatitis, hepatitis, kidney stones, and cardiomyopathy. With appropriate monitoring and supplementation, these adverse effects can be minimized so the patient can remain on the diet as long as indicated. In addition, there may be social issues, including refusal to eat and managing special occasions and holidays. With support and resources, most families are able to overcome these obstacles. Weaning from dietary therapy must be done gradually and with close supervision, as there may be an increase in seizures. Patients must be provided support and direction on how to safely discontinue the diet.

This concluding chapter provides legal strategies for empowerment of children and realization of child rights in practice. The chapter states the paradigm shift towards approached relating to children from welfare to rights. It enumerates the major concerns and obstacles in realizing the rights of the child in India. It provides recommendations for legislative reform in support of children in laws relating to child labour child abuse, child marriages, juvenile justice, child trafficking food security surrogacy, cyber-crimes, child witnesses, and victims. It suggests representation of children in courts, providing legal aid services to children. It suggests harmonization of laws and the working together approach for a child friendly justice for good governance and full enjoyment of child rights.

This chapter shows how identity contestation theory extends to state and non-state actors outside of Turkey, aiding understanding of how identity struggles spill over into foreign policy. It focuses on (1) the Israeli Likud Party’s efforts to shore up hardline, anti-Iran support in the US Congress; (2) India’s foreign policy shifts under the Hindu nationalist BJP; (3) Iranian moderates’ use of the nuclear deal as Western engagement to advance their position back home; and (4) anti-apartheid activists’ normative suasion tactics to force the United States to discontinue support of South Africa’s apartheid regime. The chapter demonstrates how these groups can also use foreign policy as an arena via institutions, diaspora groups, and transnational civil society to circumvent identity-based obstacles back home. These cases include the ongoing diplomacy of Turkey’s Kurdish movement with EU institutions and the Gülen movement’s efforts to spread Turkish Calvinism through its vast institutional network abroad.

Implementing an antimicrobial stewardship programme in an institution can be challenging. This chapter describes the process of the implementation of the programme—planning, doing, studying, acting. Planning involves understanding the institution’s environment, developing a case and gaining clinical and management support, creating a governance framework, and assembling the the right team. The nature and composition of the antimicrobial stewardship team is explored in detail. Doings means getting started—the importance of ‘quick wins’ that can be achieved to ensure acceptance and the importance of communication and a vision are covered. Studying means measuring and assessing the impact of the programme. Acting involves modifying and expanding the programme. Obstacles to successful implementation are discussed. Finally the chapter touches on the importance of entrenching the gains of the programme.

Sex trafficking is a crime prohibited by international law. Traffickers not only violate victims’ rights to liberty and security of persons; they also violate victims’ reproductive rights with potentially devastating consequences for their health and reproductive capabilities. Nonetheless, international antitrafficking and refugee law presents obstacles to viewing trafficking victims as refugees and granting them asylum. International law spotlights the crime of trafficking in persons and treats the human rights of victims as an ancillary matter, and domestic laws follow suit. However, a number of precedents in international and domestic law support construing trafficking victims as coming under refugee law and private oppression as included within refugee law. The chapter concludes by outlining arguments from reproductive rights to expand asylum rights to sex trafficking victims.

When AMISOM initially deployed, the AU had almost zero strategic communications capabilities and so the mission began without the ability to wage an effective media campaign. This chapter therefore analyses how AMISOM developed a strategic communications capability. It begins with an analysis of how its principal opponent, al-Shabaab, utilized strategic communications and a brief assessment of its effectiveness. The second section then provides an overview of the AU–UN Information Support Team (IST) and its efforts to promote a particular strategic narrative about AMISOM and Somalia. The third section discusses the major challenges faced by the IST, paying particular attention to some of the obstacles posed by the policies of AMISOM’s contributing countries. The conclusion briefly identifies four main lessons that should be drawn from AMISOM’s experiences with strategic communications.

Differing terms are used for compliance, including concordance and adherence. This chapter examines the range of obstacles to compliance, including side effects, lack of insight, lack of effectiveness, and resistance to being reminded of the illness. The influence of family and friends is also considered. We believe it is often best to avoid complex explanations, and just accept that it is difficult to remember to take medicines regularly for months and years. Several strategies exist to improve compliance, including depot preparations, psycho-education, and efforts to strengthen the therapeutic relationship. Compliance therapy, based on motivational interviewing, is described in detail. The outreach worker is also uniquely able to rely on prompting and support as well as careful monitoring and structuring the clinical interview to ensure that compliance is regularly assessed. Supporting compliance is a long-term commitment, not a once-off intervention.

This chapter discusses issues concerning the right of religious communities to establish and receive funding for a humanitarian institution. For many believers, humanitarian support belongs to the very core of their convictions. This humanitarian commitment within a religion or belief includes the possibility to establish and maintain charitable and humanitarian organizations. Thus, hindering religious communities from running charitable institutions, or creating unnecessary obstacles in this regard, may seriously violate freedom of religion or belief. In addition, depriving funds needed for establishing and maintaining charitable work may also be considered as an issue under freedom of religion or belief. In this context, however, the various Special Procedures mandate-holders have not given a carte blanche to all sorts of financial and other contributions, notably by stressing that the right to receive funding could be limited in order to prevent its misuse for militant means and violence.

Many people besides children are denied a say over the law. Are they too, for the reasons described in earlier chapters, owed a break when they commit crimes? The chapter offers an explanation as to why the argument of the preceding chapters does not apply to visitors; their disenfranchisement does not support leniency towards them since their status bars them from offering the complaint about non-lenient treatment available to children. Felons, by contrast, should not be denied the vote, and so should not be given a break even though they ought to be treated more leniently if we persist in our practice of disenfranchising them. Finally, the poor and members of traditionally oppressed groups, who are prevented from exercising their entitlements to exert influence over the law, are owed lenience, despite the fact that a better solution is to remove the obstacles to the exercise of their entitlements.

International intervention in Somalia has been characterized by two distinct phases of engagement, between 1992 and 1995 and again from 2002 onwards, which proved both fundamental to the development of the responsibility to protect (R2P) norm, and which generate important lessons for the further development of the norm. This chapter explores both phases of engagement, drawing six key lessons which international engagement in Somalia yield for the R2P norm, and for future international intervention in conflicts characterized by war crimes and the absence of a state and an established governance architecture. While the situation in Somalia is likely to remain complex for some time to come, international engagement in Somalia has both proved key to the development of R2P in the first instance, and demonstrated that in spite of the most extreme obstacles, measures can effectively be taken to contribute to the protection of a civilian population affected by a complex conflict situation, and to support a nascent state to meet its responsibility to protect.

This chapter critically examines an important source of conservative skepticism about the possibility of moral progress: the hypothesis that our evolved moral psychology imposes rather narrow and inflexible constraints on our ability to construct and implement “inclusivist” moralities—moralities that reject group-based restrictions on membership in the moral community, such as those based on race, ethnicity, gender, species, or on self-serving cooperative relationships between groups. This “evoconservative” challenge to the liberal cosmopolitan project appeals to contemporary evolutionary theory to support the long-standing but historically under-evidenced conservative assertion that human nature imposes powerful limitations on human other-regard—constraints that make certain attempts at moral reform futile or prohibitively costly. This chapter lays out evoconservative assumptions about the nature of the ancestral environment in which human morality supposedly came to be.

This book changes the paradigm for how we conceive of the role of urban public gardens. The book advocates for public gardens as community outreach agents that can, and should, partner with local organizations to support positive local agendas. Safe neighborhoods, quality science education, access to fresh and healthy foods, substantial training opportunities, and environmental health are the key initiative areas the book explores as it highlights model successes and instructive failures that can guide future practices. The book uses a prescriptive approach to synthesize a range of public, private, and nonprofit initiatives from municipalities throughout the country. In doing so, it examines the initiatives from a practical perspective to identify how they were implemented, their sustainability, the obstacles they encountered, the impact of the initiatives on their populations, and how they dealt with the communities' underlying social problems. By emphasizing the knowledge and skills that public gardens can bring to partnerships seeking to improve the quality of life in cities, this book offers a deeper understanding of the urban public garden as a key resource for sustainable community development.

There has been a renewed global interest in expanding home dialysis (both peritoneal dialysis (PD) and home haemodialysis (HHD)), but the majority of patients are maintained on in-centre haemodialysis (HD). While the importance of in-centre haemodialysis cannot be overlooked, home dialysis has many advantages. If so, why are so few patients maintained on home dialysis therapies? From the perspective of the patient, both inadequate modality education and self-perceived barriers limit selection of home dialysis. Physicians are less likely to consider elderly frail patients as candidates for home therapies. In addition, inadequate training and poor reimbursement for home dialysis are important physician barriers. From the facility perspective, the limited availability of personnel and physical resources to maintain a home unit are important barriers. However, while there are many obstacles to home dialysis, they can be overcome. Improved patient education, home support for elderly dialysis patients, and financial incentives may be effective measures. In addition, at the facility level, an emphasis needs to be placed on infrastructure development. Overall, while the appropriate balance of in-centre versus home-based renal replacement therapy has not been determined, maximizing the number of patients on home therapies is a reasonable target.

The book examines the trajectory of the state sponsored novel in Iraq and considers the ways in which explicitly political and/or ideological texts functioned as resistive counter narratives. It argues that both the novel and ‘progressive’ discourses on women were used as markers of Iraq’s cultural revival under the Ba‘th and were a key element in the state’s propaganda campaign within Iraq and abroad. In an effort to expand its readership and increase support for its pan-Arab project, the Iraqi Ba‘th almost completely eradicated illiteracy among women. As Iraq was metaphorically transformed into a ‘female’, through its nationalist trope, women writers simultaneously found opportunities and faced obstacles from the state, as the ‘Woman Question’ became a site of contention between those who would advocate the progressiveness of the Ba‘th and those who would stress its repressiveness and immorality. By exploring discourses on gender in both propaganda and high art fictional writings by Iraqis, this book offers an alternative narrative of the literary and cultural history of Iraq. It ultimately expands the idea of cultural resistance beyond the modern/traditional, progressive/backward paradigms that characterise discourses on Arab women and the state, and argues that resistance is embedded in the material form of texts as much as their content or ideological message.

This publication reviews the work of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) with the countries of the Caribbean subregion and assesses the lessons learned to extend successful strategies and avoid obstacles. It also illustrates the shared achievements of the Caribbean subregion in advancing information systems for health (IS4H) and lights the way ahead on this shared journey. To identify key lessons for the future, this after-action review discusses four questions about the collective work done: What was expected to happen? What really happened? What went well and why? What can be improved and how? In the past four years, PAHO has provided support for IS4H strengthening through actions and strategies in collaboration with countries under the IS4H strategic framework. The IS4H initiative was created with the vision of implementing universal access to health and universal health coverage in the Region through the strengthening of interconnected and interoperable information systems that assure effective and efficient access to quality data, strategic information, and ICT tools for decision-making and well-being. The vision and leadership of the Member States in the Caribbean have contributed to the strengthening of IS4H for the entire Region of the Americas. PAHO remains keenly aware of the importance of strong national and regional information systems for health in reaching the targets of the Sustainable Health Agenda for the Americas 2018–2030.

This book shows combat from a different perspective by a dozen combat social workers. Written by and for social workers and war veterans, the book is filled with lessons learned that can have significant benefits for students of social work, among others. Combat social work is dangerous work for these highly trained officers. Social work in combat, an oxymoron, focuses on helping the service member seeking mental health services specific to being deployed and in danger. All these practitioners’ clients seek to be at their best in support of their unit as military members. To do so, they must overcome extraordinary obstacles associated with battle and living conditions that may challenge their morale and will to fight. These and other challenges of war require wisdom as much as bravery from combat social workers. The book consists of three sections. The chapters in the first and last sections are about the context and irony of combat and social work and the realities and contexts of combat social workers’ training, education, and life. The middle section includes 11 first-person case studies by combat social workers. They discuss, among other things, the extraordinary lessons they have learned from their deployments into war zones and how social work is both the same as and different from social work outside the war zone and from the work of psychiatrists and psychologists. These chapters vary greatly based on the gender, war context, and military branch and unit.

Why are Americans governed by the rich? Millionaires make up only three percent of the public but control all three branches of the federal government. How did this happen? What stops lower-income and working-class Americans from becoming politicians? This book is a compelling and comprehensive account of why so few working-class people hold office—and what reformers can do about it. It debunks popular misconceptions (like the idea that workers are unelectable or unqualified to govern), identifies the factors that keep lower-class Americans off the ballot and out of political institutions, and evaluates a variety of reform proposals. The book shows that in the United States elections have a built-in “cash ceiling,” a series of structural barriers that make it almost impossible for the working-class to run for public office. Elections take a serious toll on candidates, many working-class Americans simply cannot shoulder the practical burdens, and civic and political leaders often pass them over in favor of white-collar candidates. But these obstacles are not inevitable. Pilot programs to recruit, train, and support working-class candidates have the potential to increase the economic diversity of our governing institutions and ultimately amplify the voices of ordinary citizens. Who runs for office goes to the heart of whether the USA has a democracy that is representative or not. The book shows that the best hope for combating the oversized political influence of the rich might simply be to help more working-class Americans become politicians.

Children at the center of high conflict divorce and/or child protection cases face increased risks to both current and future health and adjustment. There is a growing research base regarding these risks and the coping abilities skills that children need for successful adjustment, but training gaps and poorly structured services continue to be serious problems. The specific characteristics of these families, and risks faced by these children, underscore the importance of treatment, psychoeducation, and other services adapted to this population and directed to minimizing risks and promoting healthy functioning, autonomy, and resilience for these children. This book provides a critical, research-informed analysis of the core factors to include when developing child-centered approaches to therapy and other family interventions, both in the formal treatment setting and promoting healthy engagement with the other systems and activities critical to children’s daily lives. The book addresses common problems, obstacles, and the backdrop of support from other professionals or the court, which may be necessary for successful intervention. An international team of renowned authors provide chapters covering a variety of service models and drawing on a wide range of relevant research and literature, addressing the legal context, central issues for treatment and other services, and specialized issues such as trauma, family violence, parent–child contact problems, and children with special needs. The book assembles in one place the best of what is known about intervention for court-involved families, along with practical guidance for using relevant research, understanding its limitations, and matching service plans to families’ needs.

The Art and Science of Compassion, A Primer is designed as a short, “all-in-one,” introductory text that covers the full gamut of compassion, from the evolutional, biological, behavioural, and psychological, to the social, philosophical, and spiritual. Written with busy trainees, clinicians, and educators in mind, it aims to address the following questions: What is compassion? Is it innate or a trainable skill? What do different scientific disciplines, including neuroscience, tell us about compassion? Why is “compassion fatigue” a misnomer? What are the obstacles to compassion? Why are burnout, moral suffering, and bullying so rampant in healthcare? And, finally, what does it take to cultivate compassion? Drawing on her diverse background as a clinician, scientist, educator, and chaplain, Dr. Wong presents a wealth of scientific evidence supporting that compassion is both innate and trainable. By interleaving personal experiences and reflections, she shares her insights on what it takes to cultivate compassion to support the art of medicine and caregiving. The training described draws on both contemplative and scientific disciplines to help clinicians develop cognitive, attentional, affective, and somatic skills that are critical for the cultivation of compassion. Compassion not only benefits the recipients, produces better patient care, and improves the healthcare system, but it is also a boundless source of energy, resilience, and wellness for the givers. With striking illustrations for key concepts and a concise summary for each chapter, this book provides a solid conceptual framework and practical approaches to cultivate compassion. It serves to complement the experiential component of compassion that the readers are strongly encouraged to develop and practise in their daily lives.

It is suggested that parentheticalism obviates the need to think of rationality as a distinct normative category, different from the category of support by normative reasons. So-called structural requirements are discussed as a potential obstacle to this proposal. It is shown that a parentheticalist account of the antecedents of rationality conditionals can explain away the impression that there are structural requirements of rationality. This account also solves the bootstrapping problem without introducing wide-scope oughts or the like. A notion of pseudo-detachment is introduced to describe the inferential behavior of the relevant conditionals. It is also explained how parentheticalism can capture the elusive idea of taking the subject’s point of view.

This chapter addresses the question of whether intuition is object-dependent. Kant’s account of the imagination appears to suggest that intuition is not object-dependent. On a recent proposal, however, the imagination is a faculty of merely inner intuition, the inner objects of which exist and are present in the way demanded by object-dependence views, such as Lucy Allais’s relational account. It is argued that this proposal is problematic on both textual and philosophical grounds. The proposal is inconsistent with what Kant says about how the imagination functions and it is ultimately incompatible with the relational account it is supposed to support. Kant’s account of the imagination remains a serious obstacle for the view that intuition is object-dependent.

Guidewires for peripheral interventions come in a variety of lengths for the 0.035/0.038-, 0.018-, and 0.014-in. platforms. Common lengths include 75/80, 145, 180, 200, 260, 300, and 330 cm. Whereas a navigation wire needs only to be slightly longer than the catheter in use, guidewires over which exchanges are necessary for intervention need to be considerably longer. As a general rule, a guidewire should be long enough to be passed sufficiently beyond the treatment zone (e.g., occlusion) to facilitate adequate support with enough wire external to the patient to allow for any desired catheter or balloon use/exchange (e.g., 150 cm for a typical tibial balloon). This chapter elaborates on techniques to overcome a short wire obstacle during procedures.

Peace agreements, seeking to end conflict and establish a road map for the future, have significant effects on women’s lives, yet historically women have been absent from peace processes. This chapter examines obstacles that often limit women’s involvement in peace negotiations, despite the creation of an international framework that supports the inclusion of women in such processes. The chapter reviews the pragmatic opportunities and challenges for women in the pre-negotiation stage, the framework development/substantive stage, and the implementation/renegotiation stage. Among the challenges addressed are issues of access and power within negotiating spaces. The chapter describes instances where women have successfully participated in peace negotiations, and offers three directions for future growth: further involvement of women in negotiations; using a gender perspective in all aspects of the substantive agreement; and developing a long-term commitment to sustaining peace.

Provides another argument for the thesis that, far from presenting an insurmountable obstacle to the project of constructive epistemology, the deployment of Austin’s requirement of fidelity enables us to find new solutions to epistemological problems; deploys Austin’s fidelity requirement to argue that neither our having a justified belief P, nor our having a justified true belief that P, is sufficient for P to count as part of our evidence—it is necessary that we know that P; that our decisions, as to what we know, have methodological import; that, as a consequence, it cannot be of any moment, to a properly conducted inquiry into what it takes for a person to know that P, what naïve respondents say about cases (including the cases cited in support of the Pragmatic Encroachment Thesis—the thesis that whether we know that P depends on whether we are prepared to act on P).

This chapter completes the theoretical framework of the book by juxtaposing institutional economics with the literature on the collective action problem, social norms, culture, and ideas. It discusses the foundations of the collective action problem and the role of institutions—formal (laws) and informal (social norms)—in overcoming it. It links these studies with those on social capital, civicness, and the origins of generalized inter-personal trust. It criticizes the view—frequent in analyses of Italy—that a society’s culture is an independent obstacle to its development, and argues conversely that institutions, civicness, trust, and culture are part of the extant social order, and co-evolve. It ends with a discussion of the role of ideas, which are freer from the grip of the extant equilibrium and can lead elites, distributional coalitions, and ordinary citizens and firms to revise their assessment of their own interests and support efficiency-enhancing reforms.

One of the most illustrious normative claims in the law and economics literature, originating with Posner and supported by models of evolutionary legal change, posits that a system of judge-made law offers efficiency advantages over statute-based systems. In recent years, however, scholarship has identified aspects of common law systems that undermine the optimism about judge-made efficiency. This chapter reviews the original economic literature on the efficiency of the common law and then describes supply- and demand-side obstacles to efficient judge-made law. On the supply side, a rich body of literature on judicial decision-making and judicial attitudes casts doubt on the ability as well as the motivations of courts to bring about efficient precedent. Demand-side complications include interest group effects, plaintiff selection effects, information selection effects, settlement selection effects, and procedural factors.

Because of the obstacles to experimentation and because of the complexity of the social world, the social sciences present fertile grounds for investigating issues surrounding causation. This article aims to sketch a number of issues and only secondarily argues for particular positions. It approaches the issues that are discussed with some general background assumptions that frame the issues and are also supported by the topics discussed. Those assumptions concern the nature of causal claims in general, more specifically, questions about the extent to which our understanding of causation can be perfectly general. It presents a number of issues about the ontology and epistemology of causation in the social sciences. The general theme is that these issues cannot be decided in the abstract but must pay careful attention to the empirical presuppositions made and the kinds of evidence for them.

As Laura looked back on the two years, she knew she had succeeded in educating her students not only for competence, but also for caring. How long this competence would last, Laura did not know. Many things contributed to her success. Laura’s class of approximately 20 students was mostly self-contained, and many students were in the class for two years, allowing her time to bond with them. Laura’s school was part of the Child Development Project which advocated and supported Laura’s teaching style and philosophy. Laura’s principal was supportive, and she had a trusted colleague who would help when some students presented serious problems. Would her students go on to lead successful lives? Many faced huge obstacles. Some might not make it. But she felt confident she had succeeded in helping each of them make real progress.

This chapter focuses on the rise of feminism in the 1960s and the downfall of single-sex protective laws. Protection's downfall rested not on the Equal Employment Opportunities Commission (EEOC), but rather on the courts—on women employees who sued for equal rights in federal courts under Title VII and the lawyers who represented them; on pressure from feminist organizations, notably the National Organization for Women (NOW), that supported the plaintiffs; on a series of court decisions that upset protective laws; and on a mounting consensus among judges in favor of equal rights. Also important was feminist resurgence, which swayed conviction; shifts in public opinion culminated in the passage in Congress of an ERA in 1972. Single-sex protective laws were thus the first casualties of the new feminism. Once central to the women's movement, they became obstacles on the path to equal rights.

The special edition of the national professional scientific and practical legal magazine “The Slovo of the National School of Judges of Ukraine” was published, which contains reports delivered at the online conference "Ensuring the unity of judicial practise: the legal positions of the Grand Chamber of the Supreme Court and standards of the Council of Europe", held on the occasion of the third anniversary of the Grand Chamber of the Supreme Court. time of thematic sessions and webinars for judges of each of the courts of cassation in the Supreme Court, as well as joint sessions for judges of different jurisdictions at the end of 2020. The National School of Judges of Ukraine held these events together with the Supreme Court and in synergy with the Council of Europe projects "Support to Judicial Reform in Ukraine", "Further Support for Ukraine's Implementation in the Context of Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights", USAID New Justice Program, OSCE Project Coordinator in Ukraine. These are projects that support various aspects of judicial reform in Ukraine, compliance with Council of Europe standards and recommendations, offering best practices from member states to help make priorities in the national reform process. The conference and training events were attended by more than 550 participants - judges of the Supreme Court, other courts, leading Ukrainian and foreign experts, representatives of the legal community. Trainers and all structural subdivisions of the National School of Judges of Ukraine were involved, the training activities of which were identified by the CCEJ in one of its conclusions as one of the important tools to ensure the unity of judicial practice. Programs of activities included reports on the role of the Grand Chamber of the Supreme Court in ensuring the unity of judicial practice and the impact on the legal system; unity of judicial practice in the context of standards - improving access to justice in Ukraine: removing procedural obstacles and ensuring the right to an impartial court, approaches to identifying cases of minor complexity and cases of significant public interest or exceptional importance for a party in the context of access to court of cassation: practice the supreme courts of the member states of the Council of Europe and the European Court of Human Rights; key positions of the Supreme Court - application of the provisions of the procedural codes on the grounds for transferring the case to the Chamber, the joint chamber or the Supreme Court, the impact of its decisions on legislative activity, ensuring the specialization of courts and judges, the practice of the Supreme Court of the Supreme Court on administrative cases, the practice of considering cases of disciplinary liability of judges, conclusions on the rules of criminal law, review of court decisions in criminal proceedings in exceptional circumstances; the impact of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights on the case law of national courts and the justification of court decisions and the "balance of rights" in civil cases in its practice, the development of the doctrine of human rights protection; ECtHR standards on evidence and the burden of proof, the conclusions of the CCEJ and their reflection in judicial practice; judicial rule-making in the activities of European courts of cassation, etc. The issues raised are analyzed in the Ukrainian and international contexts from report to report, which, we hope, will be appreciated by every lawyer - both practitioners and theorists. As well as the fact that the depth of disclosure of each of the topics through the practice of application serves the development of law and contributes to the formation of the unity of judicial practice of the Supreme Court, the creation of case law is a contribution to rulemaking and lawmaking. The conversion of intellectual discourse into the practice of Ukrainian courts is an important step towards strengthening public confidence in the judiciary. And here the unifying force of the Supreme Court can be especially important, as the Chairman of the Supreme Court Valentyna Danishevska rightly remarked, speaking about the expectations of the society.

This chapter traces the trajectory from the unbearable no-man’s-land of waiting for the inevitable to the outbreak of conflict on August 2, 1998, and the ensuing first weeks of fighting. The failure of Joseph Kabila to mediate between his father and James Kabarebe cleared the last obstacle for the bellicose thrust on both sides to take full force. It details how both Kabila and Kagame sought to obtain the support of the regional bellwether, the MPLA, which fretted over the likelihood of an imminent resumption of the Angolan civil conflict with UNITA. Frantic shuttle diplomacy between Kinshasa, Kigali and Luanda underlined how much the unraveling of the domestic post-liberation order was intimately connected to the reconfiguration of regional order. While Kabarebe launched, his audacious air drop in Bas and counted on his intelligence officials to acquire Angola’s green light for Rwanda's Blitzkrieg, desperate Kabila emissaries wrote Luanda a blank check. The MPLA waivered for a long time, ultimately sending its mechanized brigades and air force to the rescue of the Mzee. The intervention transformed the initial lightning assault into a protracted war and marked the definitive rupture in the Pan-Africanist coalition that had assembled to overthrow Mobutu.

This work is the result of a Stricto Sensu Graduate Program research study in psychology at the Pontifical Catholic University of Goiás (PUC Goiás). It aimed to capture the methodologies used and the meanings experienced by psychology professionals while performing psychosocial work on child victims of sexual abuse. In this scenario, the referred research was developed seeking to provoke reflections, expressions and co-production of meanings in relation to this theme. This study is based on the vigotskian socio-historical conception and bibliographical, documentary and empirical research was used as methodological support for data collection. The study concluded that, in several aspects of the psychosocial care offered by Creas, there are numerous challenges for the professionals involved, such as: lack of training for the expected performance, lack of physical structure for most units, lack of diverse resources, lack of specialized materials and lack of collaboration between the different parties within the child care and protection network of the city. Failure in family adherence is an obstacle in treatments according to psychologists. In addition, there are insufficient materials, space and human resources to provide quality care. Finally, the collaboration in the network is pointed as a crucial key for efficiency in treatment.

The product of a forty-year career of sociological research, British Gods is a comprehensive survey of contemporary Britain’s faith climate. Bruce has returned to a number of towns and villages that were the subject of detailed community studies in the 1950s and 1960s to see how the status, nature, and popularity of religion have changed. Those restudies—supported by a large body of survey data and statistical evidence on such measures of religious interest as baptisms, church weddings, church membership, and church attendance—provide a springboard for exploring such general issues as the status of the clergy, the churches’ attempts to find new roles, the growth of non-Christian religions, the changing nature of superstition, links between religion and violence, the impact of the charismatic movement, the ordination of women, New Age spirituality, arguments over moral issues such as abortion and gay rights, the effect of social class on belief, the impact of religion on British politics, and the ways that local social structures strengthen or weaken religion. The final chapter considers the obstacles to any religious revival and concludes that the current stock of religious knowledge is so depleted, religion so unpopular, and committed believers so scarce that any significant reversal of religion’s decline in Britain is unlikely.

Climate change adaptation is the ability of a society or a natural system to adjust to the (changing) conditions that support life in a certain climate region, including weather extremes in that region. The current discussion on climate change adaptation began in the 1990s, with the publication of the Assessment Reports of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Since the beginning of the 21st century, most countries, and many regions and municipalities have started to develop and implement climate change adaptation strategies and plans. But since the implementation of adaptation measures must be planned and conducted at the local level, a major challenge is to actually implement adaptation to climate change in practice. One challenge is that scientific results are mainly published on international or national levels, and political guidelines are written at transnational (e.g., European Union), national, or regional levels—these scientific results must be downscaled, interpreted, and adapted to local municipal or community levels. Needless to say, the challenges for implementation are also rooted in a large number of uncertainties, from long time spans to matters of scale, as well as in economic, political, and social interests. From a human perspective, climate change impacts occur rather slowly, while local decision makers are engaged with daily business over much shorter time spans.Among the obstacles to implementing adaptation measures to climate change are three major groups of uncertainties: (a) the uncertainties surrounding the development of our future climate, which include the exact climate sensitivity of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions, the reliability of emission scenarios and underlying storylines, and inherent uncertainties in climate models; (b) uncertainties about anthropogenically induced climate change impacts (e.g., long-term sea level changes, changing weather patterns, and extreme events); and (c) uncertainties about the future development of socioeconomic and political structures as well as legislative frameworks.Besides slow changes, such as changing sea levels and vegetation zones, extreme events (natural hazards) are a factor of major importance. Many societies and their socioeconomic systems are not properly adapted to their current climate zones (e.g., intensive agriculture in dry zones) or to extreme events (e.g., housing built in flood-prone areas). Adaptation measures can be successful only by gaining common societal agreement on their necessity and overall benefit. Ideally, climate change adaptation measures are combined with disaster risk reduction measures to enhance resilience on short, medium, and long time scales.The role of uncertainties and time horizons is addressed by developing climate change adaptation measures on community level and in close cooperation with local actors and stakeholders, focusing on strengthening resilience by addressing current and emerging vulnerability patterns. Successful adaptation measures are usually achieved by developing “no-regret” measures, in other words—measures that have at least one function of immediate social and/or economic benefit as well as long-term, future benefits. To identify socially acceptable and financially viable adaptation measures successfully, it is useful to employ participatory tools that give all involved parties and decision makers the possibility to engage in the process of identifying adaptation measures that best fit collective needs.

This book shares the complete story of the difficult birth of the Adirondack Park Agency (APA). The Adirondack region of New York's rural North Country forms the nation's largest state park, with a territory as large as Vermont. Planning experts view the APA as a triumph of sustainability that balances human activity with the preservation of wild ecosystems. The truth isn't as pretty. The story of the APA, told here for the first time, is a complex, troubled tale of political dueling and communities pushed to the brink of violence. The North Country's environmental movement started among a small group of hunters and hikers, rose on a huge wave of public concern about pollution that crested in the early 1970s, and overcame multiple obstacles to “save” the Adirondacks. The book shows how the movement's leaders persuaded a powerful governor to recruit planners, naturalists, and advisors and assign a task that had never been attempted before. The team and the politicians who supported them worked around the clock to draft two visionary land-use plans and turn them into law. But they also made mistakes, and their strict regulations were met with determined opposition from local landowners who insisted that private property is private. The book is based on in-depth interviews with five dozen insiders who are central to the story. Their observations contain many surprising and shocking revelations. This is a rich narrative about state power and how it was imposed on rural residents. It shows how the Adirondacks were “saved,” and also why that campaign sparked a passionate rebellion.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.