Journal articles: 'Supranational institutions'

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Jasiewicz, Joanna. "Seizing on European Institutions?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 3 (February 26, 2013): 493–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413475477.

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This article provides an overview of how ethnic minority and state actors in Poland draw on the European Union and other supranational institutions in their publicized claims. Its objectives are twofold. First, the article relies on the new institutionalism, political opportunity structure and sociology of culture perspectives to interpret the impact of supranational organizations on the domestic public debate in Poland. Second, drawing on the claims-analysis method, it examines the extent to which ethnic minority leaders seized the opportunity to address supranational organizations and legislation on minority rights protection promoted by these institutions. The analysis reveals that ethnic minorities do not take full advantage of the novel political circumstances and only seldom refer to the supranational organizations and symbols. The findings contradict the hypotheses stemming from the new institutionalism and the political opportunity structure approaches and provide support for the sociology of culture perspective.

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Ruszkowski, Janusz. "Position of OLAF in a multi-level governance system of the European Union." Przegląd europejski 3 (November 19, 2019): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5844.

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The author aims to investigate the position of OLAF in the multi-level governance system (MLG) of the European Union with specific inter-institutional consequences of such location, assuming that OLAF is not a classical supranational institution. In the research subject an important role is played by the European Commission (EC), which established OLAF and gave it specific competences to act. These facts are fundamentally important for further considerations, so they can have a major impact on the precise determination of OLAF’s position in the MLG. If OLAF as an agent and supervisor has control powers over supranational institutions, including its principal, a supranational European Commission, it is unlikely that it would also be a supranational institution. This article demonstrates, that OLAF is not a classic supranational institution because it exhibits strong features of a supra-supranational institution operating in a multi-level EU governance system. A helpful theoretical and methodological research tools we consider the Principal/Agent Theory (PAT) and its combination Principal/Supervisor/Agent Theory (PSAT) on the one hand, and the concept of multi-level governance (MLG) on the other hand.

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Tatham, Michaël, and Michael W. Bauer. "Support from below? Supranational institutions, regional élites and governance preferences." Journal of Public Policy 34, no. 2 (December 20, 2013): 237–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x13000299.

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AbstractThere has been little research on élite preferences regarding supranational integration. Regional élites have been particularly neglected, even though they are implementers of European policies and programmes and therefore contribute to the integration process. To bridge this gap, this article explores the preferences of top regional civil servants – regio-crats – towards one of the most prominent supranational institutions, the European Commission. We put five explanations to the test. Support in favour of a stronger, more autonomous Commission can be driven by (1) pragmatic inter-institutional alliances, (2) the domestic distribution of power, (3) benefits derived from the integration process itself, (4) identity and identification elements and (5) transactionalism. We find support for three of these explanations as inter-institutional relations, perceived benefits and region-specific identity characteristics contribute to and account for regio-crat preferences. This resonates with interest- versus value-based approaches to European Union (EU) integration and contributes towards a better understanding of the dynamics at play in integrating multi-jurisdictional polities, of which the EU is an example.

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Orcalli, Gabriele. "MERCOSUR common market building:." CUPEA Cuadernos de Política Exterior Argentina, no. 128 (May 21, 2020): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/cc.vi128.24.

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My paper addresses the following questions: can MERCOSUR achieve the goal of creating a common market that implies free movement without resorting to governance instruments that require supranational institutions? Can the Mutual Recognition (MR) instrument resolve the problem of divergent standards? Further, in the case of MERCOSUR, can it really be considered a non-supranational governance instrument? In the next sections, I define a common market under a Regional Integration Agreement (RIA), I then address the relationship between standards, technical barriers, and the integration of goods markets, especially in view of the potential trade-off between liberalization and heterogeneity. Finally, I consider the possibility of building a MERCOSUR common market without supranational institutions.

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ORRÙ, ELISA, and MIRIAM RONZONI. "Which supranational sovereignty? Criminal and socioeconomic justice compared." Review of International Studies 37, no. 5 (October 17, 2011): 2089–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210511000337.

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AbstractThe idea that transnational dynamics challenge the regulatory capacity of the state has hardly ever received as much attention as in contemporary debates. Different voices denounce the crisis of the state and advocate the establishment of supranational institutions with legally coercive power. It is tempting to jump to the conclusion that these voices are concerned with the same cluster of problems. We think that one should resist this temptation. Firstly, not all theproblemspointed out by the advocates of supranational sovereignty are of the same kind and structure. Some concern the need to limit the power of states, whereas others address the almost opposite necessity to support and strengthen their problem-solving capacity through forms of international regulation. Secondly, the correspondingsolutionsare different. In particular, although they may all imply the establishment ofsupranationalinstitutions, not all such institutions need beglobal. The creation of a full-blown global rule of criminal law, for instance, would raise serious concerns of global despotism and cultural imperialism, and we therefore make a case forregionaland context-sensitive solutions in this case. However, problems of supranational socioeconomic justice can only be addressed through global regulatory institutions, for regional institutions would, in this case, only recreate current problems at the interregional level.

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Pollack, Mark A. "Delegation, agency, and agenda setting in the European Community." International Organization 51, no. 1 (1997): 99–134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081897550311.

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Do supranational institutions matter—do they deserve the status of an independent causal variable—in the politics of the European Community (EC)? Does the Commission of the European Communities matter? Does the European Court of Justice (ECJ) or the European Parliament? Is the EC characterized by continued member state dominance or by a runaway Commission and an activist Court progressively chipping away at this dominance? These are some of the more important questions for our understanding of the EC and of European integration. They have divided the two traditional schools of thought in regional integration, with neofunctionalists generally asserting, and intergovernmentalists generally denying, any important causal role for supranational institutions in the integration process. By and large, however, neither neofunctionalism nor intergovernmentalism has generated testable hypotheses regarding the conditions under which, and the ways in which, supranational institutions exert an independent causal influence on either EC governance or the process of European integration.

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Beach, Derek. "Book Review: European Governance and Supranational Institutions — Making States Comply." Cooperation and Conflict 40, no. 2 (June 2005): 247–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001083670504000207.

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Tallberg, Jonas. "Delegation to Supranational Institutions: Why, How, and with What Consequences?" West European Politics 25, no. 1 (January 2002): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713601584.

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Bergs, Rolf. "The Political Economy of Supranational Institutions: Two Recent Contrary Standpoints." Development Policy Review 18, no. 3 (September 2000): 325–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-7679.00114.

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DIMITRAKOPOULOS, DIONYSSIS G. "Unintended Consequences: Institutional Autonomy and Executive Discretion in the European Union." Journal of Public Policy 21, no. 2 (May 2001): 107–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x01001064.

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Institutions are more than mere agents of their creators. They produce unintended consequences by means of their autonomous action. In the context of the European Union (EU), supranational institutions, such as the European Court of Justice (ECJ) and the European Commission produce such consequences, even in areas where no direct or overt transfer of powers has taken place, while performing the roles assigned to them by their creators. Using a case study regarding the protection of the free movement of workers, this article demonstrates that supranational institutions circumscribe the use of executive discretion by national governements by blurring the line between ‘safe’ and other issues, that is, the line that distinguishes between the ‘two faces of power’.

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Benedetti, Miriam, and Vito Introna. "Industrial Energy Management and Sustainability." Sustainability 13, no. 16 (August 6, 2021): 8814. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13168814.

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Leinen, Jo, and Andreas Bummel. "Weltinnenpolitik und Weltparlament." Sicherheit & Frieden 37, no. 4 (2019): 198–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2019-4-198.

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Based on a distinction between „incomplete“, „active“ and „complete“ global domestic policy as three sequential phases in a development towards „permanent supranational institutions“, the paradigm change necessary to achieve the latter is explored. Starting from planetary boundaries and the need to manage global public goods in the best interest of humanity, weaknesses of the current international legal order are outlined, and characteristics of an alternative federal system of world law and corresponding global institutions are described. A democratic global parliament that represents all people is identified as an indispensable institution of „complete“ world domestic policy.

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Solano Carboni, Montserrat. "The Role of National Human Rights Institutions in Implementing Decisions of the Inter-American System: Three Recent Examples from Costa Rica." Journal of Human Rights Practice 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 217–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huaa020.

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Abstract This practice note reflects on the potential role that national human rights institutions could play to promote implementation of judgments and decisions from supranational human rights bodies. In particular, it reflects on the experience the author had as head of one such institution in Costa Rica and the role she played promoting compliance by Costa Rica with cases decided by the Inter-American Court. She writes about the changing landscape of national human rights institutions in the Americas region and their potential in the future to impact implementation.

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Posner, Elliot. "Sources of Institutional Change: The Supranational Origins of Europe's New Stock Markets." World Politics 58, no. 1 (October 2005): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2006.0021.

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The article explains a curious turn in European political economies. Between 1995 and 2005 national financial elites in twelve Western European countries created almost twenty competing new stock markets designed to improve financing alternatives for entrepreneurial companies. For a region supposedly averse to risk and U.S.-style capitalism, it is surprising that most of the new markets were modeled on the U.S.-based Nasdaq Stock Market, an iconic American institution. The author's structured comparisons of the new markets to one another, to previous ones, and to proposals that never saw the light of day reveal that the primary causes behind the creation, form, and timing of Europe's new markets lie in the political skills, motivations, and actions of supranational European Union bureaucrats. Challenging leading social science explanations for the cross-border convergence of domestic institutions, these findings show that the accumulated effects of day-to-day action by these supranational bureaucrats are potential causes of institutional innovation. The argument adds to a growing body of detailed empirical research on the domestic and global impact of the European regional polity and contributes to scholarly debates about market formation.

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Caporaso, James A., and Sidney Tarrow. "Polanyi in Brussels: Supranational Institutions and the Transnational Embedding of Markets." International Organization 63, no. 4 (October 2009): 593–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818309990099.

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AbstractMany have argued that the success of European integration is predicated on reinforcing market structures and some have gone further to state that the creation of a transnational market results in a decoupling of markets from their national political and social frameworks, thus threatening to unravel historical social bargains. Drawing on the work of Karl Polanyi and John Ruggie and using their insights regarding the social embedding of markets, we dissent from this view by examining how the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has handled a key sector of the emerging European market—labor mobility. We argue that rather than disembedding markets, decisions of the ECJ—just as Polanyi and Ruggie would have predicted—activate new social and political arrangements. We find evidence for the development of a new legal and political structure, largely inspired by the Court but also imbricated in European Union legislation, at the regional level.

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16

Waits, C. Richard. "Ruling the World: Power Politics and the Rise of Supranational Institutions." Journal of Economic Issues 35, no. 1 (March 2001): 222–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00213624.2001.11506356.

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Ikenberry, G. John, and Lloyd Gruber. "Ruling the World: Power Politics and the Rise of Supranational Institutions." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 5 (2000): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049901.

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de Nardis, Fabio. "Movement, Globalization and Supranational Institutions at the First European Social Forum." International Review of Sociology 15, no. 2 (July 2005): 259–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03906700500159607.

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Butyrska, Iryna. "Functioning of government institutions and development of processes in the political space of the European Union." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 39 (June 16, 2019): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.39.32-40.

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The author analyzes the political space of the EU as an environment of functioning of political objects and development of political processes, a system of political differences, which strengthen the political hierarchy in the organization and the differentiation of political positions. Legislation adopted at the supranational level should be implemented by member-states or, if it is a directive, converted into national legislation. It is proved that the political and institutional structure of the hierarchy in the EU is relatively weak; it is based not on the independence of European authority, but on selective and overly conditioned transfer of authority of States to supranational institutions; part of national sovereignty is delegated to the States, although the States are sovereign within the EU; national sovereignty is limited to a certain extent and this is a serious obstacle that prevents the development of the authority vertical in the EU. The author emphasizes that this leads to failures in compliance with the rules of hierarchical subordination. Negotiations and cooperation of EU institutions are more organized than at the state level, which indicates the EU as a «Treaty order» or «competitive order». After all, the functioning of the European Single Market creates a pressure of competition on economic entities and on States with their political and economic regimes. The author believes that the solution of problems depends on the clarity of decisions and actions of the EU, which should become more open to political competition. This will promote innovation, highlight developments with the EU and enable citizens to decide who rules in the EU and take sides in the political debate. Institutional reforms have already changed the EU to a more competitive political institution. This approach should take the main place in the development of the EU policy, at least in the short term. Keywords: European Union, political space, political process, European authority institutions.

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Warren, Thomas. "The European Parliament and the eurozone crisis: An exceptional actor?" British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 3 (May 2, 2018): 632–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118768141.

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The eurozone crisis has reinvigorated the debate over the requirement for supranational integration within the single currency area. With the focus of political scientists often restricted to the study of intergovernmental processes of crisis management, this article considers the role of the European Parliament during the key legislative negotiations on European Union fiscal governance reform. A comparative frame analysis of the major European Union institutions’ crisis discourse is applied. Frames are linked to macroeconomic ideology as well as to different integration scenarios within Economic and Monetary Union. It is found that the European Parliament converged around limited framing devices supporting intergovernmental fiscal discipline. Key explanatory factors here were the ideological divisions among Members of the European Parliament as well as the leadership role played by the European Council. These findings are broadly consistent with the new intergovernmentalist claims that the supranational institutions are no longer hard-wired to the pursuit of supranational integration.

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Sandoval, Clara, Philip Leach, and Rachel Murray. "Monitoring, Cajoling and Promoting Dialogue: What Role for Supranational Human Rights Bodies in the Implementation of Individual Decisions?" Journal of Human Rights Practice 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 71–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huaa009.

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Abstract This article analyses the role of supranational human rights bodies in the implementation of their orders and recommendations in individual cases. It elicits the means, roles and impact of supranational mechanisms in triggering implementation processes by looking at the practice of UN treaty bodies and the three regional systems, through the in-depth study of specific cases and semi-structured interviews with relevant stakeholders. The article argues that supranational bodies are doing more than monitoring implementation of orders and recommendations in individual cases despite the scarcity of resources. They use different tools, both persuasive and coercive. Dialogue is central to their work, a dialogue that at times is opened to other actors such as civil society organizations, national human rights institutions and others. However, supranational bodies could do more to enhance the role they have promoting implementation by states of their orders and recommendations.

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Sharma, Trivun. "Assessment Of EU’ Economic and Health Response to the Covid-19 Pandemic Within the Framework of Liberal Intergovernmentalism And Neofunctionalism Theoretical Approaches." Journal of Scientific Papers "Social development and Security" 11, no. 1 (February 25, 2021): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33445/sds.2021.11.1.14.

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The principle aim of this article is to analyze EU’s response to the covid-19 pandemic within the ambit of measures incorporated to tackle the economic fallout and health-related problems. The article makes use of two important theories of European integration, i.e., liberal intergovernmentalism and neofunctionalism in its explanatory capacity to describe actions taken by both the member states and the supranational institutions in mitigating the adverse effects of the pandemic. The article argues that while no one theory completely explains the European response to the pandemic, both the theories offer different perspectives in how the EU member states reacted, within the power of their national capabilities and the collective response measures initiated at the level of EU supranational institutions.

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Jasiewicz, Joanna. "Transnational ties and ethnic activism: The case of Poland." International Sociology 27, no. 3 (March 1, 2012): 403–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580911423050.

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The second half of the 20th century was characterized by debate on the implementation of minorities’ rights. Poland, similar to other Central Eastern European states, was not able to participate in this process until the 1990s. After 1989, there was a rapid increase in legislation on minorities’ rights in Poland. Simultaneously, ethnic groups entered the public sphere as actors who were able to legitimately voice their demands. While the anti-discrimination prescriptions created in the framework of supranational institutions and Poland’s democratic transformation facilitated the ethnic organizations’ activism, the supranational and domestic institutional environment was not decisive in determining different minorities’ levels of participation in the public sphere. This article argues that transnational linkages in which minorities are embedded variously empower them and allow them to break loose from the constraints imposed by the nation-state.

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Veebel, Viljar, Ulrika Hurt, and Raul Markus. "Supranational institutions as central stakeholders during eurozone debt crisis in 2008-2012." Journal of Governance and Regulation 2, no. 4 (2013): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgr_v2_i4_p7.

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The financial crisis in the Eurozone is combining several new interdisciplinary debates. Has the financial crisis been caused by the decisions of the political actors or rather by complicated economic dilemmas? In what way have the different social stakeholders acted during the years of the crisis and which of the groups have had biggest influence in different stages of the crisis? Why and how national political elites have lost their dominant position in crisis management and which were the cornerstones of this power transition process and what role have the supranational institutions like the European Commission and the European Central Bank played during the crisis? Accordingly, the main goal of the article is to define crucial events and stakeholders in Eurozone crisis solution process by using empirical process tracking and narrative analysis as research methods. This article will also look on the possible interests and future actions of the Eurozone stakeholders based on the last four years´ experience. It will also be inquired into how and why national political elites and citizens delegated their democratic competences and powers to non-electable institutions during Eurozone crisis.

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Badinger, Harald, and Volker Nitsch. "National representation in supranational institutions: The case of the European Central Bank." Journal of Comparative Economics 42, no. 1 (February 2014): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jce.2013.05.007.

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Korac, Srdjan. "Lobbying in institutions of European Union." Medjunarodni problemi 62, no. 2 (2010): 348–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1002348k.

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The author analyses how big business interests groups influence the both EU legislative and policy making process, and by doing so how they distort pluralistic concept of public policy networking at the supranational level of governance. The enormous financial resources available to multinational corporations provide them the use of 'front group' strategy or the 'third party' strategy, manipulative public relations tactics, and an insider position in the European Commission's consultative fora, which all lead to exclusion of grass root groups. The author concludes that big business influence on the EU decision-makers will have negative effects on democratic legitimacy of the EU institutions, and he thinks that an efficient institutional control over lobbying activities in Brussels is needed.

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Fahner, Johannes Hendrik. "The Judicial Power of Africa's Supranational Courts: Introduction." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 28, Supplement (November 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2020.0328.

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Africa is home to a high number of international courts exercising supranational jurisdiction in diverse fields of law, including human rights and economic integration. This Special Issue discusses the judicial power of these institutions, analysing whether and how they are able to exercise effective review. The Special Issue also inquires into how the courts envisage their own role and whether they adopt approaches of activism or restraint. It is concluded that activist approaches have bolstered the authority of some of Africa's supranational courts, but resulted in backlashes in others, and that the involvement of civil society organisations is a crucial factor in this regard.

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Valle López, Javier Manuel, and Francesc Pedró. "Educación Supranacional y Educación Superior: claves de transformación global para sociedades complejas." Revista Española de Educación Comparada, no. 37 (December 27, 2020): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/reec.37.2021.29228.

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Those of us who coordinated this monograph, and singed this presentation, sought to address some issues we considered relevant regarding the alignment between Supranational Education and Higher Education. We wanted to match some hypothesis we initially had and that we tried to synthesize in the title of this article. We have been able to find evidences related to an increasingly stronger direct impact between the education policy of international organizations – analyzed from the Supranational Education – and the higher education institutions. That impact is increasingly broader from a threefold perspective: from the geographic perspective – with large regions of the planet, in a globalization context, affected by supranational trends -; from an intensity perspective – as the effect is increasingly inevitable by the higher education institutions-; and from a tematic perspective – as it increasingly covers a greater number of topics.We also confirmed that these impacts have had a broad effect on social change. The assumption of new mercantilist paradigms of the new approaches to quality, the social mission of higher education, or gender issues directly affect citizens’ lives. And they do so from global perspectives. Thus, we verify what we suggested in the title of this modest contribution to the monograph, that the Supranational Education and the Higher Education can be keys to global transformation for the complex societies in which we currently live: as frameworks to understand the changes and as levers to promote them.

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Fagbayibo, Babatunde. "Common Problems Affecting Supranational Attempts in Africa: An Analytical Overview." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 16, no. 1 (April 26, 2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2013/v16i1a2303.

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Ever since the colonial era, attempts have been made throughout the various regions of Africa at building supranational units chiefly for administrative and legal convenience. Examples of such attempts include the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, the East African High Commission and the federations in former French West and Equatorial Africa, all of which were attempts at forging a supranational nation state. These experiments laid the foundation for further supranational initiatives in post-colonial Africa. In this respect, every region in Africa has either experimented with or is currently experimenting with the idea of supranational regional organisations. This article aims at investigating selected attempts at supranationalism on the continent, the successes and failures of such experiments, and the lessons to be learnt from them. As Africa embarks on the journey of solidifying its unity through the establishment of leviathan continental institutions, efforts should be geared towards building on the experiences of past and present experiments at the sub-regional level. Such experiments offer instructive lessons as they are rooted in similar historical and social contexts.

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Bran, Florina, Dumitru Alexandru Bodislav, and Carmen Valentina Rădulescu. "European Multi-Level Governance." European Journal of Sustainable Development 8, no. 5 (October 1, 2019): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14207/ejsd.2019.v8n5p66.

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This paper represents an overview of the concept of multi-level governance and the approach delivered on innovation at European level with the purpose of helping and empowering researchers and businesses to thrive in a technologically advanced economy. The concept of multi-level governance derives from the analysis of the institutional framework for the development of Community policies and the Community political process. This stems from the presumption that the Community governance system has a high degree of differentiation and integration both vertically and horizontally. The multi-level governance model illustrates how certain competences of the national state are transferred to the supranational level or to the public or private sub-national authorities. Within this model, we can meet both supranational actors and actors at national, regional or local levels. This type of governance is characterized by the existence of a limited number of authorities, divided so as to be able to perform more functions, excluding their overlapping to exercise exclusively competences on delimited territories. Multi-level governance in innovation is characterized by a national transition as a unique place for the development and implementation of innovation policy, both at supranational and sub-national levels. Keyword: multi-level governance, European Union, development, social cohesion, institutions

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Timofeev, P. "Evolution of EC Institutions and Role of France (1990–2000)." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2011): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-7-58-70.

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The gradual enlargement of the EEC has necessitated an adaptation of European supranational structures established in the 1950-1970s to the needs of the time. Under these circumstances one of the key priorities of France's participation in the EU is he struggle for preserving her influence on the EU decision-making process. The article is devoted to the interaction of France with its partners in the EU institutions. This implies not only the implementation of its own interests, but also the search for compromise more or less satisfactory to all participants.

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Viktorov, Alexander Sh. "Institutes of inequality in modern society." Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 25, no. 1 (April 18, 2019): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2019-25-1-7-28.

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The ambiguous process of global changes associated with the growing instability of modern society, the aggravation of the social tension in the world between developed and developing countries, the opposition of the well-being of the chosen minority to disadvantage and poverty of the majority, has highlighted the imperfection of existing institutions and the need to move to a new model of the social world order. On the basis of institutional analysis, the article reveals the inefficiency of the functioning of public institutions, which leads to the reproduction of unstable structural social interactions and the opposition of various societies, groups, individuals. The problem of transforming existing institutions into institutions of inequality turns into a system (structure-forming) and becomes relevant both in fundamental theoretical development and in its practical solution in ensuring the development and enhancement of the vitality of modern society.As a result of the research it was shown that the systemic crisis of modern capitalist society is, first of all, an institutional crisis related to the imperfection and inefficiency of the functioning of its key institutions (family, property and state). They essentially stopped (or cease) in various ways to promote social development and began to turn into institutions of inequality at different levels of the social system and encompass its various structural elements: at the level of the institution of the family it is associated with the beginning of the deformation of the institutional matrix of the relationship between a man and a woman (gender balance between role positions); at the level of the institution of property, it is predetermined by the concentration of power and the distribution of resources in the hands of pseudoelites; at the state level, it is due to the fact that it is being transformed into a supranational corporation, which, depending on the nature of its legitimacy (or illegitimacy), reproduces certain permissible (or unacceptable) limits of social inequality.

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Kaunert, Christian, and Sarah Léonard. "Introduction: Supranational governance and European Union security after the Lisbon Treaty - Exogenous shocks, policy entrepreneurs and 11 September 2001." Cooperation and Conflict 47, no. 4 (November 27, 2012): 417–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836712464592.

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The EU has been making strong inroads into the realm of security over the last few years. This is a remarkable development, since security matters used to be the preserve of states. The articles presented in this special issue all testify to the breadth of the EU security agenda, as they all try to capture some aspects of the EU’s fast-changing security policies following the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty on 1 December 2009. In parallel with a broadening of the EU’s security agenda, an increase in supranational security governance in the EU can also be observed. The transition to supranational governance is reached in two ways. First, cross-border security threats generate demand for EU laws, which supranational organisations then supply. Reasons for changes in the EU polity are exogenous shocks, the fact that rule innovations are endogenous to politics, the diffusion of organisational behaviour and models of action, and policy entrepreneurship, whereby institutional entrepreneurs construct and revise ‘policy frames’, which engage other actors and define new relationships between them and chart courses of action. As the articles in this special issue demonstrate, 11 September 2001 provided such a major exogenous shock required for a change in the EU polity, which EU institutions exploited by providing increasing EU legislation, and even, as a by-product, stabilising a European legal order.

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Simonov, Roman. "ОСОБЛИВОСТІ РЕГУЛЯТОРНОЇ АРХІТЕКТУРИ ГЛОБАЛЬНОГО ФАРМАЦЕВТИЧНОГО БІЗНЕСУ." PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF ECONOMIC AND MANAGEMENT, no. 4(20) (2019): 219–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25140/2411-5215-2019-4(20)-219-227.

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The article deals with the specifics of the modern regulatory architecture of the world pharmaceutical market. The characteristics of the national and supranational levels of regulation of the pharmaceutical market have been characterized, and key players at each level have been identified. It is determined that multilevel representation and diversified activities of regulatory institutions at national and supranational levels in recent decades have formed a "framework" of regulatory architecture of the global pharmaceutical market. It is concluded that optimization of the regulatory parameters of the market in terms of the ratio of protectionist and liberalization instruments and levers is of priority importance for each state.

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Nwapi, Chilenye. "Mineral Resource Policy Harmonisation in West Africa." Global Journal of Comparative Law 7, no. 1 (February 2, 2018): 134–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2211906x-00701007.

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This article critiques the mineral resource policy harmonisation strategies adopted by supranational institutions in West Africa, focusing on local content/procurement and fiscal policy/taxation. Although minerals are sometimes defined to cover both mining and oil and gas, the article focuses on policies related to mining. It views West Africa’s mineral resource policy harmonisation strategies relating to local content and taxation as an attempt to standardise the rules and practices among individual States. Standardisation is particularly strong within the West African Economic and Monetary Union, which requires its member States to domesticate its harmonisation texts without modification. The article argues for a shift from enacting binding supranational rules governing substantive issues (such as the type of local content requirements to be adopted and the fixing of tax and royalty rates) towards rules that promote inter-State cooperation and sharing of information. This would give States sufficient latitude to tailor supranational initiatives to local needs.

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Zierhofer, Wolfgang. "Representative Cosmopolitanism: Representing the World within Political Collectives." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 39, no. 7 (July 2007): 1618–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a38494.

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Nation-states chop up the modern political sphere into autonomous (sovereign) communities. A vast literature questions the adequacy of this territorial, container-based order in the face of increasingly global patterns of interaction. A remedy is sought in a cosmopolitanization of the political sphere, above all by establishing institutions and by strengthening forms of governance on the international or supranational level. This paper develops an alternative and complementary conception of cosmopolitanization, which stresses the representation of the external world within political institutions. Representative cosmopolitanism is a conception which offers a nonterritorially garbled political representation on a global scale in spite of the territorial organization of political institutions and the political sphere. Instead of overcoming the problematic kind of political exclusion which structures the modern political sphere by establishing new institutional levels, the paper aims to expand the sensitivity and thematic reach of existing political collectives.

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Aleskerov, Fuad, Gamze Avcı, and Z. Umut Türem. "European Union Enlargement and Power Distribution in the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament: The Case of the Turkish Application." New Perspectives on Turkey 21 (1999): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006403.

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Critics of European Union (EU) enlargement claim that new members could pose a serious challenge to the existing institutional balances within the EU and endanger future institutional deepening. Together with various enlargements since its inception in 1958, the EU has gone through numerous institutional changes that increasingly reflect its supranational character, although the European Community still contains intergovernmental elements. The most important dimension, which has evolved in this evolutionary process of the EU institutions, is the fine balance between small and large member states in terms of representation and power distribution. This is reflected, for example, in the European Commission, where the ten (relatively) small states are apportioned one commissioner and the remaining five large states two commissioners each.

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Wettestad, Jørgen, Per Ove Eikeland, and Måns Nilsson. "EU Climate and Energy Policy: A Hesitant Supranational Turn?" Global Environmental Politics 12, no. 2 (May 2012): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00109.

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This article examines the recent changes of three central EU climate and energy policies: the revised Emissions Trading Directive (ETS); the Renewables Directive (RES); and internal energy market (IEM) policy. An increasing transference of competence to EU level institutions, and hence “vertical integration,” has taken place, most clearly in the case of the ETS. The main reasons for the differing increase in vertical integration are, first, that more member states were dissatisfied with the pre-existing system in the case of the ETS than in the two other cases. Second, the European Commission and Parliament were comparatively more united in pushing for changes in the case of the ETS. And, third, although RES and IEM policies were influenced by regional energy security concerns, they were less structurally linked to and influenced by the global climate regime than the ETS.

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Gruzinskaya, Y. V. "Analysis of institutional arrangements of financial institutions in the national economy of Belarus." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus. Agrarian Series 59, no. 1 (February 9, 2021): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/1817-7204-2021-59-1-7-21.

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Theoretical and methodological foundations of institutional policy define reduction of uncertainty in activities of organizations and individuals as the main task of financial institutions by establishing stable mechanisms of interaction between participants in public relations. Coordination of economic interests at all levels is performed by both formal and informal institutions, while creation and modification of formal institutions largely depends on the informal influence of representatives of various social macrogroups. The list of the most important macroeconomic institutions includes: institutions of macroeconomic regulation; market institutions; monetary institutions, fiscal institutions, investment institutions; institutions of law; institutions for regulation of foreign economic activity. Whereas, the importance and peculiarities of financial policy in the institutional system determine the special importance of financial institutions, primarily in implementation of measures aimed at ensuring sustainable social and economic development. The paper dwells on practice of functioning of the financial system of Belarus. The value of a unique mega-regulator for financial transactions, exchanging assets and risks has been determined. It has been substantiated that creation of such a supranational body is possible subject to formation of an integrated financial market for the EAEU member states. Impact of the main instruments of financial policy (Belarusian ruble exchange rate, refinancing rate, money supply, required reserves of second-tier banks, monetary policy stability, informal influence measures, agreements, transactions, open market operations, tariffs, duties, restrictions, decrees, orders, guarantees) on the national economy has been considered, proposals for improving financial instruments within the framework of the current institutional mechanism has been substantiated. Use of the proposed results and proposals in practice for improving institutional mechanisms, including a range of official regulations and informal institutions, will promote improvement of the situation with the balance of payments, assessment of fiscal risks and problem assets.

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Шиндина, Анна. "Конституционные основы делегирования части государственных полномочий Российской Федерации надгосударственным объединениям." Известия Байкальского государственного университета 26, no. 5 (2016): 800–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-2759.2016.26(5).800-804.

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Schäffner, Christina, Luciana Sabina Tcaciuc, and Wine Tesseur. "Translation practices in political institutions: a comparison of national, supranational, and non-governmental organisations." Perspectives 22, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 493–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0907676x.2014.948890.

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Moschella, Manuela, and Lucia Quaglia. "European Banking Union to the Rescue? How Supranational Institutions Influenced Crisis Management in Italy." South European Society and Politics 24, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 421–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2020.1728957.

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Ripoll Servent, Ariadna, and Florian Trauner. "Do supranational EU institutions make a difference? EU asylum law before and after ‘communitarization’." Journal of European Public Policy 21, no. 8 (April 24, 2014): 1142–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2014.906905.

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Kelemen, R. Daniel, and Tommaso Pavone. "The Political Geography of Legal Integration." World Politics 70, no. 3 (June 11, 2018): 358–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887118000011.

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How are processes of political development structured across space and time by preexisting institutions? This article develops a spatiotemporal theory of institutional change by analyzing the evolving infrastructural power of the European Union's legal order using geospatial methods. Specifically, the authors theorize that the pattern and pace of the domestic spread of EU law has been shaped by preexisting state institutions—particularly by the degree to which national judiciaries are hierarchically organized. To assess this claim, the article compares patterns of domestic judicial enforcement of EU law across France (a unitary state with a centralized judiciary), Italy (a weaker unitary state with a centralized judiciary), and Germany (a federal state with a decentralized judiciary). Developing a geospatial approach to the study of legal integration and historical institutionalism more broadly, the authors leverage an original geocoded data set of cases referred to the European Court of Justice by national courts to visualize how the subnational penetration of Europe's supranational legal order is conditioned by state institutions.

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Haider, Inger Eriksson. "European Integration: History and Perspectives Report from a Colloquium Retracing the Evolution of the European Union." International Journal of Legal Information 30, no. 3 (2002): 466–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500010143.

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Fifty years ago, in the aftermath of the Second World War, Europe lay in ruins. What could be done to put an end to its belligerent past? Robert Schuman, then French Foreign Minister, envisioned that the European nations pool their resources together and unite their sovereign states, creating a unique form of political and economic union to be governed by supranational institutions. In the words of Jean Monnet: “Nothing can be achieved without institutions.” These ideas were the origins of the European Union.

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Grachev, E. N. "CONCEPTUAL BASES AND IMPLEMENTATION OF THE EU YOUTH POLICY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(50) (October 28, 2016): 136–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-5-50-136-144.

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Europe is making significant efforts to create a common space where not only common political institutions and values, but also common future is to be shaped. And it is young people who is selected to be the main policy object for building common European identity. To this end in recent years, the European Union has worked out the institutional mechanisms of its youth policy, has formed special agencies for its implementation, developed legal framework. The main document, which laid the conceptual basis of EU youth policy is the White Paper. The document determines the most challenging issues in youth policy that need to be resolved in the short and long term. The next major document - the European Youth Pact - has become a real legal act which came into force throughout the European Union. The most important document which determines the guidelines of the current EU youth policy is a strategy "Youth - Investing and Empowering." The strategy settles a key vector of European youth policy for all EU countries. All documents take into account the interests of the whole EU and not individual nation states that is why they influence young people at the supranational level. The European Union has developed a full-fledged system of management of youth policy on two levels: the supranational (pan-European) and national. Council of Europe and European Parliament are responsible for the implementation of youth policy at supranational level. Various national agencies are responsible for the implementation of certain EU youth programs at national level. The EU documents on the youth policy show that the youth is viewed by European politicians as one of the most politically important social groups in Europe. That is why youth policy is directed not only at youth development, but has to it a significant political component. A significant part of the youth policy is related to the involvement of young people in the democratic institutions, the involvement of young people in the EU governance.

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Cafruny, Alan. "Ruling the World: Power Politics and the Rise of Supranational Institutions. By Lloyd Gruber. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000. 316p. $70.00 cloth, $24.95 paper." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (June 2001): 518–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401802021.

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The salience of supranational structures of governance in- creased dramatically during the last decade. The World Trade Organization (WTO) and North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), for example, not only establish de- tailed norms, rules, and decision-making procedures but also endow supranational governing boards with sweeping powers of enforcement. The European Monetary Union (EMU) greatly constrains national sovereignty by eliminating na- tional currencies and allowing the European Central Bank to play a key role in national economic policymaking. In his study of NAFTA and the European Monetary System (EMS), Lloyd Gruber contends that international relations scholars have had difficulty coming to grips with the trend toward global governance because the dominant theoretical approaches-neoliberalism and neorealism-tend to assume incorrectly that international cooperation produces mutual benefits for all contracting parties.

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Zürn, Michael. "Global Governance and Legitimacy Problems." Government and Opposition 39, no. 2 (2004): 260–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.00123.x.

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AbstractWhereas traditional institutions used to be seen as an international complement to a dominantly national paradigm, today's international institutions are an expression of political denationalization. The new international institutions are much more intrusive into national societies than the traditional ones. They increasingly contain supranational and transnational features and thus undermine the consensus principle of international cooperation. When society and political actors begin to comprehend this change, they begin to reflect on the features of a legitimate and effective political order beyond national borders. As a result, denationalization becomes reflexive and thus politicized. At the same time, the politicization of international politics harbours the potential for resistance to political denationalization, which increases the need – both from a normative and descriptive perspective – for the legitimation of such international institutions.

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Murray, Rachel. "Addressing the Implementation Crisis: Securing Reparation and Righting Wrongs." Journal of Human Rights Practice 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huaa005.

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Abstract There has been increasing attention to the implementation of decisions of human rights bodies by scholars and by supranational institutions, states, litigants, and civil society. A project funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) tracked the implementation by nine states of decisions adopted by human rights courts and commissions in the European, African and Inter-American systems and by select UN treaty bodies. This article summarizes the methodology and findings of the Project and in so doing forms an introduction to a series of articles and practice notes published in this special issue. A range of factors are identified from the research which influence implementation and stress the importance of a multifaceted, multidimensional approach to the issues. Implementation is not automatic and requires mechanisms, processes, and the involvement of actors (national and supranational) for states to comply with the reparations ordered in the decision. A case-by-case, state-by-state, context-specific approach is needed, tailored to the circumstances. This has implications for the manner in which litigants present their submissions, engage with state and supranational bodies and for the latter in terms of their roles and relationships with the various actors.

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Palhegyi, Joel. "National museums, national myths: constructing socialist Yugoslavism for Croatia and Croats." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 6 (November 2017): 1048–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1306502.

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This article concerns two national museums in Croatia during the socialist period, the Museum of the Revolution of the Peoples of Croatia and the Historical Museum of Croatia. Both state-developed institutions were intimately tied to the process of nationalization as they helped articulate the place of the Croatian nation within the ideology of supranational Yugoslavism founded on the ideas of socialist patriotism, brotherhood and unity, self-management, national assertion, and South Slavic culture and community. This paper therefore traces the development and collapse of Yugoslavism in Croatia's national narrative by analyzing how these museums adapted the mythology of socialist Yugoslavism for a particularly Croatian context. Specifically, this paper investigates the ways in which these museums operated in an often ambiguous national-supranational discourse in order to reinforce the historical precedents of Croatia as part of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. I argue that these museums were envisioned by party elites and museum curators alike as essential to the project of building socialist Yugoslavism by adapting and altering Croatia's previous national pantheon of heroes, places, objects, and events to fit into a larger and distinctly supranational Yugoslav framework.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Supranational institutions'

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