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Journal articles on the topic 'Suriname'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2024

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1

Vernooij, Joop. "Winti in Suriname." Mission Studies 20, no. 1 (2003): 140–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338303x00089.

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AbstractIn this contribution, long time missionary to Suriname, Joop Vemooij, presents an overview of Winti, a religion rooted in the complex culture of Surinam. After presenting a short history of the religion, Vernooij outlines some of its principal elements, and then presents a pastoral reflection on how Christians need to deal with practitioners of this religion in Surinam itself, and in the Netherlands, where some 300,000 Surinamese live today.

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2

St-Hilaire, Aonghas. "Language Planning and Development in the Caribbean." Language Problems and Language Planning 23, no. 3 (December 31, 1999): 211–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.23.3.02sth.

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RESUMEN Planification y desarrollo lingüísticos en el Caribe: El Suriname multi-étnico Después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, Suriname, como muchos otros territorios del Caribe, experimenté un movimiento nacionalista y cultural creciente cuyos partidarios abogaban por un mayor papel para el sranan, la lengua franca criolla surinamense, en la vida nacional. Sin embargo, los prejuicios históricos desfavorables y la estigmatización del sranan dificul-taron los esfuerzos de promover y eleva r el idioma. Al contrario del mayor parte del Caribe, Suriname es una nación étnicamente muy diversa. La asociación del sranan como la propiedad de los criollos, una minoría dentro del país, limitaron los éxitos del nacionalismo cultural en la promoción del idioma. También en contraste con el resto del Caribe, el sranan goza de un reconocimiento bastante difundido como una lengua autonoma del neer-landés, el idioma oficial. Este hecho ha facilitado la planificacion lingüística en favor del sranan. El nacionalismo cultural tuvo cierto éxito en elevar la position social del sranan dentro de la población general, pero fracasó en movilizar suficiente apoyo oficial sostenido por el idioma en la administration nacional y en las escuelas. Una política oficial de monolingüismo neerlandés siguió rumbo ininterrumpida y inalterada, produciendo una generation multi-étnica de jovenes cuya lengua materna es el neerlandés. El debate sobre la planificación lingüistica se enfoca actualmente en la estan-dardización lingüistica y en la adopción del neerlandés-surinamense, la variante neerlandesa local fuertemente influída por el sranan, como el idioma oficial de Suriname. RESUMO Lingvoplanado kaj evoluigo en Karibo: Multietna Surinamo Post la Dua Mondmilito, en Surinamo, same kiel en aliaj teritorioj en la kariba regiono, ekkreskis kulturnaciista movado, kies apogantoj pledis por pli granda rolo por Sranano, la surinama kreola interlingvo, en la nacia vivo. Tamen, la delonge ekzistantaj antaŭjuĝoj kaj anatemigo de Sranano malhel-pas klopodojn antaŭenigi la lingvon kaj plialtigi gian prestigon. Malkiel la plejparto de aliaj karibaj teritorioj, Surinamo rolas kiel hejmo al diversaj etnoj. La identigo de Sranano kiel kultura posedajo de la kreoloj limigis la sukceson de la kreola kultura naciismo en la antaŭenigo de la lingvo. Ankaŭ malkiel la plejparto de la kariba regiono, Sranano estas vaste konata en Surinamo kiel sendependa de la officiala lingvo, la nederlanda. Tiu fakto, tamen, faciligis lingvoplanadon favoran al Sranano. Kultura naciismo ja sukcesis levi la statuson de Sranano antaŭ la generala publiko, sed malsuk-cesis rikolti sufican officialan subtenon al la lingvo fare de la nacia registaro aŭ en la lernejoj. Officiala nur-nederlandlingva politiko daüras senŝanĝe, produktante generacion de denaskaj parolantoj de la nederlanda. La lingvo-plana debato nun centrigas je normigi kaj akcepti la surinam-nederlandan, t.e. la lokan nederlandan lingvovarianton forte influatan de Sranano, kiel la officialan lingvon de Surinamo.

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3

Cavlak, Iuri. "Exercendo Protagonismo Regional." Antíteses 15, no. 29 (September 25, 2022): 155–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5433/1984-3356.2022v15n29p155-181.

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O Brasil concretizou suas relações com o Suriname no início dos anos 1970, fruto da expansão da política externa brasileira naquela fase do regime militar. Relação que aumentou seu grau de importância a partir de 1975, com a separação política do Suriname frente à Holanda e com o golpe militar de 1980, que suscitaram na diplomacia brasileira o papel chave de barganhar ajuda econômica e política em troca do afastamento surinamês do ideário socialista e da presença de Cuba. Neste artigo, analisam-se os despachos, recém-disponibilizados para consulta, que os ministros das relações exteriores apresentaram aos respectivos generais presidentes, com o objetivo de refletir sobre a presença brasileira nos anos decisivos da história surinamesa. A hipótese é a de que, para além do contexto do governo instaurado em fevereiro de 1980, o Brasil desempenhou anteriormente e seguiu desempenhando posteriormente o papel de fiador e legitimador do Estado surinamês.

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4

Meel, Peter. "Anton de Kom and the Formative Phase of Surinamese Decolonization." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 83, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2009): 249–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002453.

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Wij slaven van Suriname (We slaves of Suriname) by Anton de Kom (1898-1945) stands out as one of the classics of Surinamese historiography and one of the most debated books among contemporary scholars involved in Surinamese studies. In this article I argue that Wij slaven van Suriname marks a new stage in Surinamese history writing and a novel way of dealing with the Surinamese past. To determine the characteristics of the book and its contribution to Caribbean historiography I juxtapose Wij slaven van Suriname with two other groundbreaking works in Caribbean political thought: Capitalism and Slavery by Eric Williams (1911-81) and The Black Jacobins by C.L.R. James (1901-89). The three works display many similarities, but also important differences. In my opinion De Kom’s hitherto surprisingly weak Caribbean profile is not justified given that his work represents the formative phase of Surinamese decolonization. It therefore deserves a prominent place in twentieth-century Caribbean history writing.

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5

Monteiro, Julio Cesar Neves. "Suriname: história, literatura e questões de tradução." Revista da Anpoll 1, no. 44 (April 29, 2018): 100–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.18309/anp.v1i44.1165.

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Ainda largamente desconhecida do público mundial, a literatura do nosso vizinho Suriname é uma agradável surpresa, uma vez vencidos os percalços para ter acesso a ela. Uma das razões a que se pode atribuir o fato de a literatura surinamesa permanecer um bem-guardado segredo é sua produção ocorrer em uma língua de menor difusão, o neerlandês, mas a isso somam-se outras questões. Muito conhecida na ex-metrópole, circula pouco em traduções mundo afora. Este artigo tem como objetivo lançar luz sobre a possibilidade de que se possa estabelecer um diálogo entre os sistemas literários brasileiro e surinamês por meio da tradução para o português brasileiro de, entre outras obras, romances históricos surinameses, em especial os que têm a diáspora como tema. O Brasil e o Suriname compartilham uma história de migrações forçadas e relatos sobre essas migrações perpassa o sistema literário de ambos os países. presume-se que o leitor brasileiro possa se interessar pela representação desses temas que lhe são tão familiares e que se disponha a ler literatura surinamesa traduzida para o português brasileiro.

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6

Meel, Peter. "Jakarta and Paramaribo Calling." New West Indian Guide 91, no. 3-4 (2017): 223–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-09103064.

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The Surinamese Javanese diaspora includes distinct Surinamese Javanese communities living in Suriname and the Netherlands. Inspired by the success of diaspora policies launched by the Indian government recently the Indonesian and Surinamese governments have started to consider the introduction of similar initiatives. As a result the Surinamese Javanese diaspora has been confronted with requests to contribute more substantially to their homeland and contemplate “going back home.” This article argues that the Indonesian and Surinamese governments have no reason to set their expectations too high. Jakarta and Paramaribo are reluctant to take necessary legal action which negatively impacts the effectivity of their diaspora policy. Overall Surinamese Javanese in Suriname are unwilling to settle in Indonesia, whereas Surinamese Javanese in the Netherlands contemplating return to Suriname carefully weigh their chances. For most of them, family, friendship and community ties and concomitant socio-cultural, spiritual and religious motives override economic motives as pull factors.

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7

Postma, Johannes. "Slavery, religion, and abolition in Suriname." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 71, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1997): 309–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002611.

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[First paragraph]"Om werk van jullie te hebben": Plantageleven in Suriname, 1730-1750. RUDI OTTO BEELDSNIJDER. Utrecht: Vakgroep Culturele Antropologie - Bronnen voor de Studie van Afro-Surinaamse Samenlevingen, 1994. xii + 351 pp. (Paper NLG 35.00)Surinaams contrast: Roofbouw en overleven in een Caraibische plantagekolonie 1750-1863. ALEX VAN STIPRIAAN. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1995. xiii + 494 pp. (Paper NLG 60.00)Strijders voor het Lam: Leven en werk van Herrnhutter broeders en zusters in Suriname, 1735-1900. MARIA LENDERS. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1996. xii + 451 pp. (Paper NLG 65.00)Fifty Years Later: Antislavery, Capitalism and Modernity in the Dutch Orbit. GERT OOSTINDIE (ed.). Leiden: KITLV Press, 1995; Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996. viii + 272 pp. (Paper NLG 45.00, US$ 22.50, Cloth US$ 45.00)The publication of the books under review is evidence of a growing scholarly interest in the history of Dutch activities in the Atlantic. Three of them are doctoral dissertations on Suriname history; the fourth contains the published proceedings of a conference held in 1993 that focused on the abolition of slavery in the Dutch colonies. Three were published by the Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology (KITLV), which exhibits an increasing interest in publishing scholarly books about Dutch overseas history.

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8

Kraijo, Matthijs. "Destined to Leave Hindustan for Suriname?" TSEG - The Low Countries Journal of Social and Economic History 19, no. 3 (December 13, 2022): 37–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.52024/tseg.10894.

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This article investigates the post-indenture choice of Hindustani indentured labour migrants in Suriname either to settle in Suriname or repatriate to India between 1873 and 1940. Based on extensive demographic statistical analyses and the autobiography of Rahman Mohammed Khan, this research concludes that familial relations, especially those formed in Suriname, had a strong effect on the relative share of Hindustanis settling themselves in Suriname after their contract period. Additionally, this study convincingly proves that the Surinamese context had an important effect on the development of the individual life courses of Hindustanis.

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9

Stipriaan, Alex. "July 1, emancipation day in Suriname: a contested ‘lieu de mémoire’, 1863-2003." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 78, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2004): 269–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002514.

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Focuses on the annual celebration at the 1st of July of the abolition of slavery in Suriname (1863). Author describes how Emancipation Day celebrations in Suriname have developed over time. He relates how in the earliest celebrations after 1863 Emancipation Day was used by the authorities, in collaboration with the Moravian Church, to discipline and control the formerly enslaved, and thus strengthen the colonial status quo. This was done by emphasizing the necessity of white guidance for the blacks' development, and by creating a "cult of gratitude" to God and the Dutch king. Around 1900 a developing consciousness among Afro-Surinamese, due to migrations to the US, began contesting the way of commemorating slavery and the abolition, including a wider sense of belonging to an African diaspora in the Americas. Since then a gradual process of partly secularization of the celebrations began. Further, the author outlines how the African diaspora- and black consciousness influences, often from the US, continued to transform the content and style of the celebrations, but also had a wider influence among Afro-Surinamers regarding their sense of pride and cultural identity, reflecting in the changed names for Afro-Surinamers. The July 1 celebrations increasingly became linked to African-Surinamese ethnicity, while it also became a folkloric, festive, and wider national event, until it became again more politically charged since the 1980s.

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10

Wahyudi, Tri. "HIBRIDITAS KEBUDAYAAN JAWA SURINAME PADA ALAT MUSIK GAMELAN." GESTALT 3, no. 2 (November 23, 2021): 115–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/gestalt.v3i2.103.

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ABSTRAK Penelitian ini membahas tentang hibriditas budaya masyarakat Suriname Jawa yang tercermin dari fenomena kegiatan kesenian yang dilakukan salah satunya adalah tradisi memainkan gamelan Jawa yang masih dapat disaksikan disebagian kecil lingkungan sosial masyarakat Suriname keturunan Jawa. yang menarik, bentuk, proses penciptaan, aturan, dan cara memainkannya cukup berbeda dengan gamelan Jawa di tanah leluhurnya, Jawa. Perbedaan ini tidak lepas dari sejarah awal migrasi orang Jawa ke Suriname yang pertama kali tiba pada tanggal 9 Agustus 1890, dimana sebagian besar pendatang adalah orang Jawa dalam sistem pendidikan kolonial Hindia Belanda. Penelitian ini menggunakan jenis penelitian kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui observasi wawancara dan dokumentasi dengan cara datang ke negara Suriname untuk bertemu langsung dengan narasumber, serta analisis data melalui reduksi, penyajian data, verifikasi dan kesimpulan mengenai aspek hibriditas pada instrumen gamelan yang ada di Suriname dan Indonesia. Kata Kunci : Budaya Hibrid, Jawa Suriname, Gamelan ABSTRACT This study discusses the hybrid culture of Javanese Surinamese people which is reflected in the phenomenon of artistic activities carried out, one of which is the tradition of playing Javanese gamelan, which can still be witnessed in a small part of the social environment of the Javanese Surinamese descendants. What is interesting is that the form, the process of creation, the rules, and the way of playing are quite different from Javanese gamelan in their ancestral land, Java. This difference cannot be separated from the early history of Javanese migration to Suriname which first arrived on August 9, 1890, where most of the immigrants were Javanese in the Dutch East Indies colonial system. this research uses qualitative research with data collection techniques through observation, interviews, and documentation by coming to Suriname to meet directly with respondents, as well as data analysis through reduction, data presentation, verification, and conclusions regarding the hybridity aspect of a set of gamelan instruments in Suriname and Indonesia. Keywords : Hybridity Culture, Javanese Suriname, Gamelan

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11

Gomes da Cunha, Olívia Maria. "Displacing Wij slaven van Suriname." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 27, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-10461843.

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This essay seeks to speculate on the reception of de Anton de Kom’s Wij slaven van Suriname (1934) within a very different context of political debates on race; decolonization; the politics of solidarity; and internationalist and anticapitalist struggles—all themes that De Kom’s narrative tackles in unique ways—and on the question of time. The author attempts to displace De Kom’s book away from its entanglement of political and intellectual connections and toward the diverse temporalities of Suriname’s decolonial struggles, seeking to explore what could be called the “collateral effects” produced by the 1934 publication of Wij slaven by a Caribbean publisher and institution. The author then compares the 1981 Spanish translation of De Kom’s work, Nosotros, esclavos de Surinam, with a different set of debates and texts addressed to diverse audiences and subjects entangled in distinct networks of political engagements and projects.

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12

Urt, João Nackle. "A lógica da construção de confiança: relações Brasil-Suriname entre 1975 e 1985." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 53, no. 2 (2010): 70–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-73292010000200004.

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Entre 1975 e 1985, observa-se a atuação do Brasil para assegurar relações confiáveis com o Suriname, bem como as primeiras manifestações da identidade internacional surinamesa. Destaca-se a missão diplomática brasileira enviada ao Suriname após o golpe de Estado de 1982, o qual indicava a possível "cubanização" desse país.

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13

Brown, J. N. "SURINAME, SWEET SURINAME." GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13, no. 2-3 (January 1, 2007): 406–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10642684-2006-041.

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14

HERRERA-FLÓREZ, ANDRÉS FABIÁN, and ANGELICA PENTEADO-DIAS. "New species of Grotea Cresson (Hymenoptera: Ichneumonidae: Labeninae) from Brazil and Suriname." Zootaxa 4613, no. 1 (June 4, 2019): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4613.1.2.

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Four new species of Grotea Cresson are described: Grotea goianiense Herrera-Flórez sp. n., G. paulista Herrera-Flórez sp. n. and G. amazonensis Herrera-Flórez sp. n. from Brazil and G. surinamese Herrera-Flórez sp. n. from Suriname. An identification key to Brazilian and Suriname species of this genus is given. New descriptions for G. delicator (Thunberg 1822) and G. perplexa Slobodchikoff 1970 are provided.

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15

Maharani Wibisono, Lutecia Zahra, and Diani Sadiawati. "Protection of Migrant Workers in Suriname: How do Indonesian Representatives Implement International Labour Organization Conventions?" Udayana Journal of Law and Culture 5, no. 2 (July 31, 2021): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/ujlc.2021.v05.i02.p03.

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In June 2020, sixteen Indonesian migrant workers (IMW) who worked as fishing boat crew in a Surinamese company fled to the Indonesian Embassy in Paramaribo, Suriname to acquire protection and assistance. They revealed that the company had failed to uphold their rights, committed inhuman treatment, and resulted in numerous losses. The embassy then immediately exercised a consular function to protect their safety and tried to facilitate the demands of those sailors to relevant parties and local authorities. The article aims to analyze the role of Indonesian representatives to protect the rights of Indonesian migrant workers in Suriname based on the International Labour (ILO) conventions. It is juridical empirical research that was conducted through visiting and field research to the Indonesian Embassy in Suriname in November 2020. The research suggested that Indonesian representatives in Suriname have played a significant role in advocating the IMW rights through all possible means, including mediation, negotiation, and diplomatic channels. In addition, there is a need to create a Memorandum of Understanding between Indonesia and Suriname to ensuring proper protection for migrant workers.

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16

Fatah-Black, Karwan. "Shipbuilding and repair in eighteenth-century Suriname." International Journal of Maritime History 31, no. 3 (August 2019): 521–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419862171.

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Suriname’s pre-modern economy was entirely dependent on water transport. While shipbuilding in the colony itself was not encouraged by the directors of the Suriname Company (1683–1795) in Amsterdam there was a need to support the colony’s transoceanic, regional and local transport. This article finds that Suriname certainly had an infrastructure for shipbuilding and repair, but its existence has been neglected in the historiography. Since there is no literature on shipbuilding in colonial Suriname this article explores a wide variety of primary sources to piece together the various types of shipbuilding and repair conducted in the colony. We have found that there was a modest-sized barge wharf, as well as the production of small vessels on the plantations, and among the maroons and indigenous people in the interior. The colony furthermore procured ships on an ad hoc basis from the regional North American shipping connections with Suriname.

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17

Wekker, Gloria. "What Happens to Black in the Afro-Surinamese Transatlantic Diaspora?" Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 26, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-9901640.

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This essay tells a narrative of various contexts in the Afro-Surinamese diaspora that share a struggle around the meanings of Black. What happens to Black in the Afro-Surinamese transatlantic diaspora? Some of the questions addressed are, Which terms have African descendant people in Suriname and in the Netherlands used for themselves in different periods? What have Whites called African descendant people in Suriname and in the Netherlands in different periods? When does Black come to the fore? Who mobilizes the term and for what purposes? This exercise brings forward important features of the Afro-Surinamese “cultural archive”: the orderings of the world, specifically the terms of ethnic self-reference, that Afro-Surinamese forged historically. These terms also traveled to the Netherlands, where they met with clashing cultural-political terms and understandings in the dominantly White Dutch world.

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18

Price, Richard. "Scrapping Maroon history : Brazil's promise, Suriname's shame." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 72, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1998): 233–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002592.

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Argues that all American nations except Suriname now provide legal protection for its indigenous/Maroon populations. Demonstrates that successive Suriname governments have been pursuing an increasingly militant and destructive policy against both Maroons and indigenous communities. Calls for rapid legislation, to bring Suriname's constitution and legal code in line with the various human rights and ecological treaties to which the country is party. Also reviews recent work on remnants of quilombos in Brazil, which often uses research on Caribbean Maroon communities as implicit or explicit models.

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Baal, Ferdinand L. J., Russell A. Mittermeier, and Marc G. M. van Roosmalen. "Primates and protected areas in Suriname." Oryx 22, no. 1 (January 1988): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605300027320.

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Suriname is a small country, but it still has large tracts of undisturbed forests and rich wildlife. The authors discuss Suriname's plans to extend its already excellent network of protected areas and proposals to amend the hunting regulations. They also consider the country's eight monkey species, whose status can be regarded as indicative of that of the rest of the country's wildlife.

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20

Brana-Shute, Gary. "Suriname." Current History 94, no. 589 (February 1, 1995): 86–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1995.94.589.86.

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21

Bastos, Bruna Brito, and Gutemberg de Vilhena Silva. "Suriname." Conhecer: debate entre o público e o privado 12, no. 29 (August 19, 2022): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32335/2238-0426.2022.12.29.8552.

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O objetivo deste estudo foi investigar como o Suriname orientou o comportamento recente de suas relações econômicas internacionais e de que maneira a direção tomada contribuiu com os padrões vigentes em sua inserção internacional. O período selecionado para nossas reflexões foi de 2007 a 2017 e a pesquisa foi elaborada a partir de fontes bibliográficas e documentais para refletir sobre os pressupostos teóricos do campo da Economia Política Internacional. Em síntese, esse pequeno país tem o mercado de commodities como principal setor de exportação e passou a investir em infraestrutura e planos de desenvolvimento de longo prazo visando a atrair mais acordos e investimentos, mas precisa variar seus setores produtivos e superar instabilidades políticas para melhorar o ambiente econômico.

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22

Ort, Caroline. "Suriname." Human Rights in Development Online 2, no. 1 (1995): 367–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160895x00132.

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23

Jakubik, Petr. "Suriname." High-Level Summary Technical Assistance Reports 2023, no. 015 (October 2023): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9798400256219.029.

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24

Okoshi, Akane, and Alex de Voogt. "Mancala in Surinamese Maroon Communities: The Expedition of Melville J. Herskovits." Board Game Studies Journal 12, no. 1 (October 1, 2018): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bgs-2018-0003.

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Abstract The American Museum of Natural History (amnh) has three mancala game boards in their collection that are connected with Suriname, formerly Dutch Guyana. One of these samples is exhibited in the amnh African Peoples Hall as part of a section on African Slavery and Diaspora. The games of Suriname were described by Melville J. Herskovits in an article dating to 1929, but the relation of these three boards with Herskovits has remained unclear. With the help of the Herskovits archives, the archival records of amnh and recent research on Surinamese Maroon communities, the history of these three boards is shown to be intimately linked with Herskovits’ broader intellectual project.

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25

Van Kempen, Michiel. "postkoloniale spagaat." Acta Neerlandica, no. 15 (July 10, 2020): 201–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.36392/actaneerl/2019/15/10.

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Albert Helman, pseudonym of Surinamese Lou Lichtveld (1903-1996), was a prominent writer of the Dutch-Caribbean. Around 1960 he decided to opt for a job as a diplomat at the Netherlands embassy in Washington and the United Nations in New York. Since his native country, Suriname, was still a part of the Netherlands, it could not lead its own foreign policy. Lichtveld advised the government in Suriname, but worked along the lines of the Foreign Department of The Netherlands in The Hague. This position was extremely complicated: we see him struggling with his loyalties when he has to present the Dutch standpoint in the UN in the case of the apartheid-policy in South-Africa.

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26

Da Costa e Silva, Natali Fabiana. "Women's place of speech in the literature of Suriname: challenging gender and race paradigms." Letras Escreve 9, no. 2 (March 2, 2020): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18468/letras.2019v9n2.p79-85.

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Suriname is located in the extreme north of South America in a region called Guyana Shield, that includes French Guiana, Republic of Guyana, Suriname and part of Venezuela and northern Brazil. It’s literature is marked by cultural and linguistic ethnic plurality and the thematization of social contradictions. In the case of the literature of Suriname, the narratives that compose this space inscribed in the heterogeneity are populated by characters historically silenced, as enslaved women, workers of the plantations, "bushnengués", among others, but who speak, despite being intermediated by a writer, as representatives of cultures not valued and/or little known. In this sense, this article will discuss two Surinamese historical novels written by Cynthia McLeod,<em>The free negress Elisabeth: prisoner of color</em> (2004) and <em>Tutuba: the girl from the slave-shipLeudsen</em>(2013), addressing, more specifically, how her literature questions the current literary paradigms and discusses the problematic of women’s voices, whose legitimacy is continually put in question.

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NORRBOM, ALLEN L., Alies Muller, ANIELKOEMAR GANGADIN, BRUCE D. SUTTON, ERICK J. RODRIGUEZ, MARCOANDRE SAVARIS, SILVANA LAMPERT, et al. "New species and host plants of Anastrepha (Diptera: Tephritidae) primarily from Suriname and Pará, Brazil." Zootaxa 5044, no. 1 (September 27, 2021): 1–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.5044.1.1.

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Seventeen new species of Anastrepha, primarily from Suriname, French Guiana and Pará, Brazil, are described and illustrated: A. aithogaster Norrbom from Brazil (Pará), French Guiana, and Suriname; A. aliesae Norrbom from Suriname; A. brownsbergiensis Norrbom from Suriname; A. crassaculeus Norrbom & Rodriguez Clavijo from Colombia (Magdalena, Norte de Santander) and Suriname; A. curvivenis Norrbom from Brazil (Amazonas), Ecuador (Zamora-Chinchipe), Peru (San Martín), and Suriname; A. fuscoalata Norrbom from Brazil (Pará), French Guiana, and Suriname; A. gangadini Norrbom from Suriname; A. juxtalanceola Norrbom from Brazil (Pará) and Suriname; A. microstrepha Norrbom from Brazil (Bahia) and Suriname; A. mitaraka Norrbom from French Guiana; A. neptis Norrbom from Brazil (Pará), Ecuador (Orellana), Peru (Loreto) and Suriname; A. sobrina Norrbom from Brazil (Pará), French Guiana, and Suriname; A. surinamensis Norrbom from Suriname; A. tenebrosa Norrbom from Brazil (Pará) and Peru (Loreto); A. triangularis Norrbom from Suriname; A. wachiperi Norrbom from French Guiana and Peru (Cusco); and A. wittiensis Norrbom from Suriname. The following host plant records are reported: A. aithogaster from fruit of Parahancornia fasciculata (Poir.) Benoist (Apocynaceae); A. aliesae from fruit of Passiflora coccinea Aubl. and P. glandulosa Cav. (Passifloraceae); A. crassaculeus from fruit of an undetermined species of Pouteria (Sapotaceae); A. fuscoalata from fruit of Trymatococcus oligandrus (Benoist) Lanj. (Moraceae); A. sobrina from fruit of Eugenia lambertiana DC. (Myrtaceae); and A. wittiensis from fruit of Manilkara bidentata (A. DC.) A. Chev. (Sapotaceae).

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Bilby, Kenneth M. "Divided loyalties: local politics and the play of states among the Aluku." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 63, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1989): 143–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002027.

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Aluku village of Kotika in Suriname serves as an example how political alignments sometimes influence the definition of ethnic identities and interethnic relations. The Alukus in French Guiana and their Surinamese Maroon neighbours the Ndjuka and Paramaka show evidence of increasingly growing apart, even though these tribes possess similar cultures. Political separation thus heightens cultural differences.

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Fietta, Stephen. "Guyana/Suriname." American Journal of International Law 102, no. 1 (January 2008): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000039877.

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Pelgrim, S., C. E. Oenema-Mosterd, M. Sanches, and A. E. M. G. Minnaert. "Validatie van een ontwikkelingsvaardighedenlijst voor jonge (0-5 jaar) Surinaamse kinderen." Pedagogische Studiën 100, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 196–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.59302/ps.v100i2.14223.

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Vroege interventie is van groot belang voor kinderen met ontwikkelingsproblemen. Voor een effectieve interventie is het belangrijk dat deze interventie goed aansluit bij de ontwikkeling van een kind. Voor lage inkomenslanden, zoals Suriname, is dit een probleem, omdat de gebruikte interventiemethoden vaak ontwikkeld zijn in hoge inkomenslanden en niet volledig aansluiten bij de ecologische situatie in lage inkomenslanden en om die redenen minder valide zijn. Dit onderzoek richt zich op het aanpassen en valideren van een ontwikkelingsvaardighedenlijst, welke onderdeel is van een vroege interventie programma. Deze vaardighedenlijsten betreffen zes verschillende ontwikkelingsdomeinen, te weten cognitie, motoriek, sociale vaardigheden, zelfredzaamheid, taalbegrip en taalproductie. In totaal hebben 485 verzorgers van kinderen (in de leeftijd van 0 tot en met 5 jaar) samen met een onderzoeker de ontwikkelingsvaardighedenlijsten ingevuld. De vaardighedenlijsten bleken over het algemeen betrouwbaar te zijn voor Suriname, maar enkele vaardigheden sloten niet aan bij het Surinaamse kind. Om die reden moest de volgorde van de items in de vaardighedenlijst aangepast worden om beter aan te sluiten bij de Surinaamse ontwikkeling. De resultaten van het onderzoek bevestigen dat meetinstrumenten en interventies om afstemming vragen aan de socioculturele omstandigheden van een land en/of doelgroep.

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Ploeg, A. "The Fishes of the Cichlid Genus Crenicichla in French Guiana (Pisces, Perciformes, Cichlidae)." Bijdragen tot de Dierkunde 56, no. 2 (1986): 221–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26660644-05602004.

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A review of the species of the cichlid genus Crenicichla Heckel, 1840 in French Guiana is presented. Five species are encountered, viz.: C. saxatilis (Linnaeus, 1758), C. albopunctata Pellegrin, 1904, C. multispinosa Pellegrin, 1903, C. ternetzi Norman, 1926, and C. johanna Heckel, 1840. Their geographic distribution is indicated. The variation of morphometric, meristic, and pigment characters are examined. The variability of these characters is compared with the variability within Crenicichla saxatilis from the Suriname River, Surinam (Ploeg, 1986).

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Goslinga, Marian. "The Caribbean and the Wild Coast." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 66, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1992): 245–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002000.

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[First paragraph]Suriname: a bibliography, 1980-1989. Jo DERKX & IRENE ROLFES. Leiden, the Netherlands: Department of Caribbean Studies, KITLV/Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology, 1990. x + 297 pp. (Paper NLG 25.00)La Caraïbe politique et internationale: bibliographie politologique avec références économiques et socio-culturelles. MICHEL L. MARTIN. Paris: L'Harmattan,1990. xvii + 287 pp.Suriname. ROSEMARIJN HOEFTE. Oxford and Santa Barbara CA: Clio Press, 1990. xxx + 229 pp. (Cloth US$ 45.00)Although in North American academie circles interest in Suriname (or the Wild Coast, as the area was originally called) has always been marginal, the same cannot be said for the Dutch, for whom the former colony continues to hold an enduring fascination. Not only have the Dutch studied the country's historical beginnings assiduously, but Suriname's controversial relationship with the former mother country assures it a definite place in contemporary social and political thought.

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Araujo, John Da Silva. "Suriname: mosaico étnico e invenção da nação." Amazônica - Revista de Antropologia 8, no. 2 (October 23, 2017): 556. http://dx.doi.org/10.18542/amazonica.v8i2.5059.

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O presente artigo aborda a complexa sociedade surinamesa, marcada pelo histórico de imigração e pelo mito nacional da união de povos de origens diversas: Índia, China, Indonésia, África, Europa e América. Partindo do conceito de que uma nação é o conjunto de seres humanos que vive num mesmo território, constituindo uma comunidade política, com origem, história, cultura, tradições e, às vezes, língua comuns, pondero que, excetuando-se o território e a política, o Suriname não apresenta tais características. Analiso, então, as intricadas relações entre os grupos étnico-culturais, a pretensa harmonia entre eles, e o mito de constituição da nação

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Waard, J. Florschütz-de. "A Catalogue of the Bryophytes of the Guianas. II. Musci." Bryophyte Diversity and Evolution 3, no. 1 (December 31, 1990): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/bde.3.1.11.

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This catalogue provides an annotated listing of the mosses (MUSCI) reported from the Guianas (Guyana, Surinam, French Guiana), based on work on the Moss Flora of Suriname, which is now nearing completion. In total 238 species in 90 genera are listed. A list of synonyms (including 10 new ones) and a systematic arrangement of the genera and families are also provided. The following new combinations are proposed: Callicostella guatemalensis (Bartr.), Sematophyllum lonchophyllum (Mont.), Sematophyllum pacimoniense (Mitt.) and Trichosteleum intricatum (Thér.).

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van den Berg, Margot, and Adrienne Bruyn. "The Early Surinamese Creoles in the Suriname Creole Archive (SUCA)." Linguistics in the Netherlands 25 (October 14, 2008): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.25.06ber.

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Montenegro, Giovanna. "Saamaka." English Language Notes 62, no. 1 (April 1, 2024): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00138282-11096259.

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Abstract The Saamaka, one of Suriname’s six Afro-descendant maroon groups, have lived in the rainforest since they escaped slavery in the colonial era, adapting Indigenous foods and materials to survive in a new environment. In 1762 the Dutch signed a treaty that recognized Saamaka freedom and autonomy one hundred years before the abolition of slavery. However, the Saamaka have struggled against persistent attempts at ecocide by the Dutch colonial government and then, since independence, by the Surinamese state. This article highlights the plight of tribal and Indigenous groups in Suriname, especially the Saamaka, who have protested against logging and mining by demanding rights to their lands. The article relies both on qualitative interviews with maroon and Indigenous groups as well as Surinamese literature, especially Anton de Kom and Cynthia McLeod, to understand the Saamaka’s own ecological awareness vis-à-vis their representation as forest peoples. The article critiques alphabetic literacy as limiting of Indigenous and maroons’ use of orality, which emphasizes collectivism. The interviews show the innovative techniques through which Indigenous and Black ecologies define the relationship of humans to their environment in the Guiana Shield. Indigenous and maroon cartographic and spatial practices are confirmed through interviews and storytelling.

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Mutawally, Anwar Firdaus, and Wawan Darmawan. "KEHIDUPAN SOSIAL-EKONOMI SUKU JAWA DI SURINAME PADA MASA KOLONIAL BELANDA (1890-1975)." ARMADA : Jurnal Penelitian Multidisiplin 1, no. 8 (August 2, 2023): 803–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.55681/armada.v1i8.741.

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Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui kehidupan sosial-ekonomi Suku Jawa di Suriname pada masa Kolonial Belanda. Metode yang digunakan ialah metode sejarah dengan teknik penelitian studi kepustakaan dan studi dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Suku Jawa tiba di Suriname sebagai pekerja kontrak untuk perkebunan, pertambangan, atau pabrik. Pengiriman tenaga kontrak dari Jawa berlangsung dari tahun 1890 hingga tahun 1939 dengan tiga periode. Kehidupan masyarakat Jawa di Suriname sangat memprihatikan dan jauh dari kata layak tinggal. Kehidupan Suku Jawa semakin membaik dengan dihapuskannya poenale sanctie pada tahun 1930-an, sejak saat tersebut pekerjaan yang digeluti pekerja kontrak semakin beragam mulai petani, peternak, hingga seniman. Pada masa Revolusi Nasional Indonesia, muncul gerakan untuk pulang ke Indonesia dan berhasil dilaksanakan dengan gerakan mulih njowo pada tahun 1954. Sejak Suriname menjadi wilayah otonom, suku Jawa berubah dari suku yang diremehkan menjadi yang terkemuka di Suriname. Sejak kemerdekaan tahun 1975, terdapat suku Jawa yang bertahan di Suriname dan sebagiannya bermigrasi ke Belanda.

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White, Cheryl. "Saramaka Maroon Community Environmental Heritage." Practicing Anthropology 31, no. 3 (July 1, 2009): 45–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.31.3.f577132604643323.

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This discussion highlights the vital role anthropologists have played in negotiating issues of heritage management in the recent Inter- American Court of Human Rights' (IACHR) decision regarding the rights of Saramaka Maroons to ancestral land that was destroyed without the acknowledgement, authority or agreement of Saramaka peoples. The Saramaka, a tribal group living in Suriname, accused the Surinamese government of allowing multi-national logging enterprises to harvest timber from traditional Saramaka territory. In addition to this violation of human rights, the government did not provide a plan following the destruction of Saramaka collective property. In response, the Association of Saramaka Authorities submitted a petition to the Inter-American Commission claiming the government of Suriname did not consider the socio-cultural character, and the subsistence and spiritual relationship the Saramaka have with their environmental heritage. The IACHR judgment1 arms the Saramaka with the legal underpinning to enact a heritage management strategy to safeguard their physical and cultural survival.

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Kioe-A-Sen, Nicole M. E., Manfred J. van Bergen, Theo E. Wong, and Salomon B. Kroonenberg. "Gold deposits of Suriname: geological context, production and economic significance." Netherlands Journal of Geosciences - Geologie en Mijnbouw 95, no. 4 (November 3, 2016): 429–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/njg.2016.40.

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AbstractGold has been a major economic asset for Suriname for more than a century. The long history of gold mining, concentrated in large parts of a greenstone belt in the northeast of the country, began with small-scale artisanal extraction activities and has recently seen the development of major open-pit operations. Despite the range of mining activities, Suriname's gold deposits and occurrences are under-explored from a scientific point of view. Primary gold mineralisations in the greenstone belt occur in multiple forms, and although their origin is commonly related to the Palaeoproterozoic Trans-Amazonian orogeny, the controls of ore formation in specific cases often remain obscure. This contribution presents an abridged overview of currently available information on the geological setting and characteristics for some of the main deposits where gold is extracted. In view of the consistent link between gold metallogeny and granitoid–greenstone belts in the northern Guiana Shield, the mineralised settings in Suriname are discussed in a regional context.

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Silva, Álvaro Vicente Costa. "A cooperação arriscada: a gênese do envio da Missão Venturini (1983) ao Suriname sob a lente da Teoria Prospectiva." Conjuntura Austral 11, no. 56 (November 15, 2020): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2178-8839.101585.

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Este artigo analisa a motivação brasileira para agir como mediador de tensões em um dos momentos mais delicados da história do Suriname, em 1982: a crise que sucedeu o assassinato de diversos opositores de seu líder, Desiré Bouterse, que propugnava uma guinada na política externa de seu país, propondo uma aproximação de Cuba. A gestão brasileira ficou conhecida como “Missão Venturini”, enviada em 1983, cujo maior objetivo foi evitar essa guinada do governo surinamês, bem como potenciais ingerências dos Estados Unidos, que investiam em intensa campanha anticomunista sob o governo Ronald Reagan, na América do Sul. Nossa análise, pautada em documentos dos Arquivos Saraiva Guerreiro e Azeredo da Silveira, disponibilizados pelo CPDOC/FGV, usa a teoria prospectiva para oferecer uma resposta a tal indagação. Indicamos que a executiva de política externa, agindo de modo a evitar perdas decorrentes de possíveis gestões estadunidenses na região, optou pelo oferecimento de cooperação ao Suriname visando “moderar” o discurso e as ações do governo Bouterse.

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41

Villerius, Sophie, Francesca Moro, and Marian Klamer. "Encoding Transfer Events in Surinamese Javanese." Journal of Language Contact 12, no. 3 (January 28, 2020): 784–822. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-01203007.

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This paper examines the influence of language contact and multilingualism on the encoding of transfer events in the heritage variety of Javanese spoken in Suriname. Alongside Javanese, this community also speaks Sranantongo and Dutch, of which Sranantongo had the longest contact history with Javanese. It is shown that this long period of contact had a structural influence on the expression of transfer events in Surinamese Javanese: Surinamese speakers use double object constructions and two-predicate constructions more frequently than homeland Javanese speakers, a change which we argue to be due to contact with Sranantongo. In addition, Surinamese Javanese speakers overgeneralize one of the two applicative suffixes found in transfer constructions, a phenomenon that results from simplification processes.

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Kroon, Sjaak, and Jeanne Kurvers. "Opvattingen Over Nederlands En Andere Talen Als Instructietaal Op Aruba En In Suriname." Toegepaste Taalwetenschap in Artikelen 82 (January 1, 2009): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ttwia.82.06kro.

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The Republic of Suriname in South America and the Carribean island of Aruba are both former Dutch colonies. After its independence in 1975 Suriname opted for maintaining Dutch as an official language and a language of education and also in Aruba, which is nowadays an autonomous part of the Kingdom of The Netherlands, Dutch remained the official language and the language of instruction in education. The fact that Suriname and Aruba are both multilingual societies - Suriname has some twenty different languages and in Aruba, apart from Dutch, Papiamento is the main language - over the years gave rise to heated debates about what language or languages should best serve as a medium of instruction in schools. This question was investigated by means of a survey that was administered with 200 respondents in the case of Aruba (educational professionals and lay people living in Aruba) and 315 in the case of Suriname (partly living in Suriname and partly in The Netherlands). The investigation showed that on Aruba lay people, among which parents of school going children, are the main advocates of Dutch as language of instruction in schools whereas educational professionals show a clear preference for including Papiamento as a language of instruction. In Suriname on the other hand, both groups of respondents showed a clear preference for using Dutch as a language of instruction. These outcomes seem to be related to differences in the linguistic landscape in Suriname and Aruba and to the different colonial history of the two countries.

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43

International Monetary Fund. "Suriname: Statistical Annex." IMF Staff Country Reports 96, no. 34 (1996): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451835212.002.

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International Monetary Fund. "Suriname: Selected Issues." IMF Staff Country Reports 05, no. 142 (2005): i. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451835267.002.

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45

International Monetary Fund. "Suriname: Statistical Appendix." IMF Staff Country Reports 06, no. 134 (2006): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451835281.002.

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46

International Monetary Fund. "Suriname: Statistical Appendix." IMF Staff Country Reports 07, no. 179 (2007): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451835304.002.

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47

International Monetary Fund. "Suriname: Statistical Appendix." IMF Staff Country Reports 08, no. 294 (2008): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451835335.002.

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van Stokkom, Bas. "Herstelrecht in Suriname." Tijdschrift voor Herstelrecht 21, no. 1 (June 2021): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/tvh/1568654x2021021001002.

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49

International Monetary Fund. "Suriname: Selected Issues." IMF Staff Country Reports 13, no. 341 (2013): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781475562354.002.

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Niemel, P. L. A., S. Sadal, and J. J. van der Sluis. "Yaws in Suriname." Clinical Infectious Diseases 7, Supplement_2 (May 1, 1985): S273—S275. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clinids/7-supplement_2.s273.

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