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1

Rastogi, Vidisha. "Role of women in Swadeshi and boycott movement." Revista Review Index Journal of Multidisciplinary 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm2021.v01.n02.005.

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In 1905, Lord Curzon decided to divide Bengal, the biggest center of nationalism, on 16 October to destroy Indian unity. The anti-dissolution leaders made a public announcement of celebrating "National Day of Mourning" on that day. The idea of running a Swadeshi and boycott movement at the time of the partition movement was first raised in the mind of Gopal Rao Deshmukh of Poona. Who was known as Lokhitwadi. He started the promotion of Swadeshi for the protection of Indian rural industries only in the decade of 1840-50. In the beginning of the decade of 1870-80, Mahadev Ranade propagated Swadeshi through his lectures and articles. The work of spreading it in the society was done by his wife Ramabai Ranade and her associates.
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2

Alter, Joseph S. "From Lebensreform to Swadeshi." Asian Medicine 15, no. 1 (November 19, 2020): 107–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15734218-12341463.

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Abstract As an institutionalized “indigenous” system of medicine in India, nature cure derives directly from ideas and practices developed within the rubric of Lebensreform, a radical, back-to-nature health reform movement that took shape in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century central Europe. Nature cure developed in twentieth-century India as a deeply embodied manifestation of Swadeshi, a social, cultural, and anticolonial political movement intimately concerned with independence and liberation. Significant parallels between Lebensreform and Swadeshi point toward an understanding of medicine based on the habitus of class and global countercultural practices. Using examples from the work of Adolf Just and other Germans writing at the turn of the nineteenth century and the case of Arogya Mandir, a nature cure hospital established by Vithal Das Modi in Gorakhpur in 1940, this essay examines how the radical, utopian ideals of Lebensreform were translated into institutionalized medical practice that facilitated the embodiment of Swadeshi as a political philosophy of health reform in colonial India.
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Laskar, Dr Fakrul Islam. "The anti-Partition and Swadeshi Movement in Assam." History Research Journal 5, no. 5 (September 26, 2019): 186–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/hrj.v5i5.8087.

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The anti-Partition and Swadeshi movement had its both national and provincial facets. While the partition of Bengal in 1905 provoked indignation throughout India, the provincial and in some cases the local issues also undoubtedly determined the nature and extent of the particular responses. The people of Bengal advocated for a united province while the people of Bihar and Orissa wanted separate provinces. Assam had special reason to be feared as it had now been added with the districts of Eastern Bengal. In 1874, when Assam was separated, it was expected that the separation of the province would give an opportunity to the Chief Commissioner to have a close supervision and he could adopt necessary steps for improving the backward condition of the province. But the people of Assam had the fear that by tagging the province once again with the much advanced districts of Bengal would nullify all the good that had been realized during the time of Chief Commissionership. The innate desire of the Assamese people living in the Brahmaputra Valley to preserve their distinct identity brought them to the anti-partition movement.
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Seikh, Mirajul. "The History of Swadeshi Movement: Its Impact on Bengal." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 6, no. 1 (January 17, 2021): 210–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2021.v06.i01.040.

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5

Trivedi, Lisa N. "Visually Mapping the “Nation”: Swadeshi Politics in Nationalist India, 1920–1930." Journal of Asian Studies 62, no. 1 (February 2003): 11–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096134.

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In the early years of mass nationalism in colonial South Asia, Mohandas Gandhi inaugurated a swadeshi (indigenous goods) movement, which aimed to achieve swaraj, or “home rule,” by establishing India's economic self-sufficiency from Britain. Invoking an earlier movement of the same name, Gandhi created a new form of swadeshi politics that encouraged the production and exclusive consumption of hand-spun, hand-woven cloth called khadi. The campaign to popularize this movement took many forms, including the organization of exhibitions that demonstrated cloth production and sold khadi goods. On the occasion of one such exhibition in 1927, Gandhi explained the significance of exhibitions for the movement:[The exhibition] is designed to be really a study for those who want to understand what this khadi movement stands for, and what it has been able to do. It is not a mere ocular demonstration to be dismissed out of our minds immediately. … It is not a cinema. It is actually a nursery where a student, a lover of humanity, a lover of his own country may come and see things for himself.(“The Exhibition,” Young India, 14 July 1927)
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6

SARTORI, ANDREW. "THE TRANSFIGURATION OF DUTY IN AUROBINDO'SESSAYS ON THE GITA." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 2 (July 1, 2010): 319–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000090.

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Aurobindo Ghose was a major nationalist intellectual of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries who rose to prominence as one of the most radical leaders of the Swadeshi movement before retreating to the French colony of Pondicherry to dedicate his life to spiritual exercises and experiments. Aurobindo, like so many others of the nationalist period, produced a major commentary on the Bhagavad Gita. I will argue that his appeal to the Gita in the late 1910s represented, however, not a continuation of his nationalist project, but rather a radical reformulation of it in the wake of the defeat of the Swadeshi mobilization of 1905–8.
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7

Biswas, A. K. "Paradox of Anti-Partition Agitation and Swadeshi Movement in Bengal (1905)." Social Scientist 23, no. 4/6 (April 1995): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3520214.

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8

Dr. M. Kasthuri, Dr M. Kasthuri. "Ideology and Action Programme of the Swadeshi Movement in Tamil Nadu." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 9, no. 5 (2013): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-0950107.

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9

Singha, Sushil. "Impact of the Swadeshi Movement at Outside Bengal: A Brief exposition." RESEARCH HUB International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 8, no. 2 (February 10, 2021): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.53573/rhimrj.2021.v08i02.001.

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10

Mertania, Yanggi, and Dina Amelia. "Black Skin White Mask: Hybrid Identity of the Main Character as Depicted in Tagore's The Home and The World." Linguistics and Literature Journal 1, no. 1 (June 29, 2020): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33365/llj.v1i1.233.

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This research paper describes the analysis of a literary work entitled The Home and The World by Rabindranath Tagore. This novel illustrates Tagore’s inner battle about his ideas on the Western culture and on the revolution against Western culture when India was colonized by the British. These ideas portrayed in one of the main characters, Nikhil. Tagore represents himself as Nikhil, the hybrid, who is positioned between British and Indian cultures. The main purpose of this research is to describe the hybrid identity of Nikhil as one of the main characters in the novel within the context of colonized society and the Swadeshi movement. This research applied the post-colonial approach and hybrid identity theory by Homi. K. Bhabha and also applied the descriptive qualitative method to depict the problem by using the words. Library research was applied in the context of the data collecting process. The data are dialogues and narrations about the hybrid identity of Nikhil in The Home and The World novel. Based on the research conducted, it was concluded that the impact of British colonialism led to the formation of a hybrid identity process in Indian society. First, there was a hybrid identity of Nikhil as a part of the colonized society in education, lifestyle, culture, and social aspects. The second was the hybrid identity of Nikhil in the Swadeshi movement.Keywords: Black skin white mask, colonialism, hybrid identity, post-colonial, rabindranath tagore, swadeshi movement, the home, and the world.
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Ye, Xuanlin. "Mukul Dey’s Sacred Tree, A Symbole of Hope to Decolonize Indian Art." International Journal of Education and Humanities 4, no. 1 (August 23, 2022): 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ijeh.v4i1.1394.

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Dey dedicated his life to the artistic revival of Indian art and adapted the traditionally Western technique of drypoint etching to this end, creating many prints that drew on Indian cultural heritage. The artistic revival of traditional imagery helped fuel the Swadeshi movement by fostering a sense of national pride and attempting to develop a new national style.Dey’s artworks represent his hope to decolonize Indian art and restore Indian national pride.
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12

Festino, Cielo G. "Revisiting Rabindranath Tagore’s the Home and the World." Aletria: Revista de Estudos de Literatura 21, no. 2 (August 30, 2011): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2317-2096.21.2.65-75.

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The aim of this article is to make a critical reading of the novella The Home and the World (1915), by Rabindranath Tagore, focusing on the emancipation of Bengal and the new role of women at the beginning of the twentieth century during the Swadeshi movement: the boycott to English goods to back up Indian industry after the arbitrary division of Bengal by Lord Curzon (1905). This discussion is based on Tagore’s book on Nationalism (1917) as well as Walter Benjamin’s considerations on allegory (1928).
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13

Watt, Carey A. "Education for National Efficiency: Constructive Nationalism in North India, 1909–1916." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1997): 339–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014335.

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Nationalist activity in India between the years 1909 and 1916 has generally received an inadequate treatment from historians. It seems, quite simply, that this period is not sensational enough and historical accounts tend to skip from the excitement of the Swadeshi movement, the ‘Moderate’—‘Extremist’ split, the so-called ‘Extremist’ movement in general, and the Morley—Minto reforms of 1909 only to stop at the emergence of the Home Rule leagues or, even more likely, the serious political emergence of Gandhi after 1917. For example, despite writing of ‘continuities’ from 1885 to 1947, even Sumit Sarkar sees the nationalist movement expanding ‘in a succession of waves and troughs, the obvious high-points being 1905–1908, 1919–1922, 1928–1934, 1942 and 1945–46.’ Effectively, he is saying that the years from 1908 to 1919 were characterized by a ‘trough’ or lull.
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14

Ghosh, Dr Sreyasi. "Sister Nivedita : Lady with the Lamp in History of the Swadeshi Movement (1905) of India." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 05, no. 05 (May 15, 2020): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2020.v05.i05.003.

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15

Kumari, Dr Kusum, and Dr R. V. R. Murthy. "Perceptions of Youth during Indian Freedom Struggle between 1905 to 1930s: A Study." Galore International Journal of Applied Sciences and Humanities 6, no. 2 (May 10, 2022): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.52403/gijash.20220401.

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Like any other Freedom struggle, the Indian National movement too witnessed a great deal of revolutionary thought movement in the initial years of 1900AD. A section of people especially well educated in India supported the revolutionary ideas and contributed greatly to the awakening masses and consolidation of freedom struggle against alien rulers. As a result, the revolutionaries rationalized the fight against alien rulers and infused the idea of self-determination and self-reliance used as a tool to motivate the youth especially. Most of the revolutionaries had common parlance and opined that the British were for the exploitation of resources meant for Indians and nothing more than that. Therefore, the revolutionaries felt that salvation for the motherland thus lay in the attainment of Swaraj alone for Indians. In fact, this made them to think in terms of political independence and economic self-sufficiency was the mandatory requirement for attainment of Swaraj. The cult of Swadeshi movement became vanguard for the youth to imbibe sympathies were manifested in the revolutionary activities. This article elucidates the significant role played by youth in propagating the revolutionary ideals for making national movement as a mass movement. Furthermore, through this paper discussed various issues confronted by youth while profess the prospects of revolutionary thought movement. Keywords: Freedom struggle, Indian National movement, Indian youth.
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16

Dibaranjan Mondal. "Re-reading Tagore’s The Home and the World: A Study of Contesting Modernities." Creative Launcher 6, no. 3 (August 30, 2021): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2021.6.3.07.

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The present paper attempts to focus the model of contesting modernities dealing with conceptual problems rather than the importance of logic and science. The Home and the World (1916), written by Rabindanath Tagore, a fictional autobiographical novel can be read as the model of contesting modernities. In the research article, it is an attempt to explore the textual responses to contesting forms of modernity in abstract ideas about the issues of nation and gender in the context of Swadeshi Bengal in the early decades of twentieth century. After re-reading the text, it can be applied to the larger question of formation of nation and true nationalist and liberty of women. The novel grows out of the anti-partition Swadeshi movement, the issues of the home and the world, the tradition and the modern approach of life. The novel focuses the battle of ideas between western culture and revolution against the western culture in colonial period. Two protagonists of the novel such as Nikhilesh and Sandip in the novel represents two kinds of ideas in the light of the spirit of the Modern age as revealed in Sabuj Patra. From their ideas reveal two types of nationalists’ project. Nationalism always can be viewed as a process of cultural invention. Nikhilesh is a logical man and supports for non-violence. He likes true mental freedom that can be achieved by the projects of nationalism full of humanism. At the other hand, Sandip prefers to aggressive political freedom and power after grabbing over other nations and national resources. Bimala, third protagonist, is ultimately disillusioned to the nationalist project of Sandip about the emancipation of gender. So Modernity, the recreated form of culture can be viewed with humanistic features such as love, co-operation, sympathy, sacrifice etc.
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17

Jha, Bhuwan Kumar. "Mahatma and Mahamana: Agreement within Differences." Indian Historical Review 49, no. 1 (June 2022): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03769836221096248.

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Mahatma Gandhi and Mahamana Malaviya were the two giants of the Indian public life, leading the national movement in their own ways, largely together, and at times through different paths. By the time Gandhi came back to India in January 1915, having proven himself as a Satyagrahi and crusader against oppression, Malaviya had established himself as a leading light of the national movement, a great patriot who was also committed to the cause of Sanatanism and Hindu unity. Both knew about the activities of each other with Malaviya vocally supporting Gandhi’s Satyagraha in South Africa, his struggle for securing equal rights for Asian immigrants and putting in a combined endeavour in fighting the laws related to indentured labour. From 1916 onwards began a long journey of camaraderie that spanned beyond the temporary hiccups reflected at times in the differences of methods to be followed in the anti-imperialist struggle. Gandhi was enamoured by Malaviya’s ascetically simple life, his patriotism, his devotion to swadeshi, his will to mitigate the evils of untouchability and his ability to mobilise funds for the cause that lay close to his heart, while Malaviya showed strong faith in Gandhi’s selfless struggle to achieve Swaraj, his desire to unify people, his emphasis on indigenous handicraft industries, and leading the movement for eradication of untouchability. Notwithstanding the temporary strains owing mainly to Malaviya’s non-conformism to the idea of boycott in the non-cooperation movement or his disenchantment with Congress’s position of neutrality on Communal Award, they continued to share an extremely warm relationship.
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18

Alagirisamy, Darinee. "The problem with neera: The (un)making of a national drink in late colonial India." Indian Economic & Social History Review 56, no. 1 (January 2019): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464618816828.

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Over the course of the interwar period, the Congress-led movement for prohibition wrought a lengthy debate about ‘Indian’ and ‘foreign’ drinks. This debate gave rise to a little-known movement to promote the fresh, unfermented sap of the palm tree as India’s swadeshi beverage. If the British tried to claim the initiative for temperance through their tea campaign, Congress leaders sought to replace intoxicating drinks and their sobering ‘foreign’ alternatives with an indigenous drink. They had high hopes for this drink, which they believed would facilitate social reform while supporting national economic development. Neera, in other words, was the nationalists’ answer to toddy as well as tea. Indeed, the project of popularising neera was entirely in keeping with the upper-caste sensibilities of the Congress leadership: if toddy was the profane, neera was fresh, unfermented, and hence, pure. To this end, Congress leaders emphasised its nutritional value and potential in supporting the manufacture of gur (jaggery). They also promised a ready source of re-employment for tappers displaced by prohibition. As this article demonstrates, however, the neera scheme proved to be a slippery course to navigate owing to a combination of factors, foremost amongst them the impossibility of taming toddy.
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19

Bate, Bernard. "“To persuade them into speech and action”: Oratory and the Tamil Political, Madras, 1905–1919." Comparative Studies in Society and History 55, no. 1 (January 2013): 142–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000618.

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AbstractAll the elements of twentieth-century politics in Tamilnadu cohere in 1918–1919: human and natural rights, women's rights, the labor movement, linguistic nationalism, and even the politics of caste reservation. Much has been written of how this politics was mediated by newspapers, handbills, and chapbooks, and the dominant narrative of such events privileges the circulation of print and print culture of vernacular language. This paper explores the relatively lesser-known story of the role and impact of vernacular oratory on the development of the mass political in Tamilnadu from the Swadeshi movement (1905–1908) to the formation of labor unions (1917–1919), and the explicit attempt to persuade non-elites into speech, action, and ultimately politics. I argue that Tamil oratory was an infrastructural element in the production of the political, at least the political as we understand it in twentieth-century Tamilnadu, where oratory became the defining activity of political practice. When elites made the conscious move to begin addressing the common man, when Everyman was called to join into the political, a new agency was formed along with a new definition of what politics would look like. The paper considers what such new agency and definitions entail in pursuit of a better understanding of what constitutes the political generally and the Tamil political in particular.
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Manikyamba, K., and Dr Aarati Tyagi. "Green Banking Technology in Curbing Npa in India." Journal of Production, Operations Management and Economics, no. 25 (September 13, 2022): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jpome25.1.8.

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The main aim of the Indian Government is to achieve Atmanirbhar Bharat through success of Swadeshi movement which focuses on holistic and sustainable development. It is important to keep in mind that to provide conducive environment for the production of indigenous goods and services, cost competitive products with least effect on the climate. During lockdown period due to COVID 19, we witnessed that various financial transactions took place at a fast pace due to the availability of smart technologies. Considering Covid-19 pandemic and economic slowdown, banks are relying on technology to improve risk monitoring and NPA management competences. The need of the hour is improved Innovative Green Banking Technologies for paper less transaction starting from applying for loans to release of loans, agreements, payback methods and recovery of NPAs etc.,. The aim of this research paper is to study various financial products, rules and policy of Banks NPA Recovery which promote Green Banking. Banks have a major part in controlling carbon imprint and speedy growth by redirecting capital flows to environmentally accountable projects and pioneering technologies.
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21

MALVIYA, MUKESH K. "Gandhi- A Spiritual Economist." Dev Sanskriti Interdisciplinary International Journal 6 (July 31, 2015): 31–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.36018/dsiij.v6i0.64.

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As an economist Mahatma Gandhi was different from the main stream tradition due to his emphasis on ethical aspect to promote economic development as well as a rejection of materialism. Inspired by American writer Henry David Thoreau throughout his life Gandhi was in search to find the ways by which poverty, backwardness and other socio, economic problems could be solved. Here is an attempt made in this paper to present the economic thoughts of Mahatma Gandhi and analyze the relevance of these concepts in the present era. In this process this study analyzes the spiritual economic thoughts of Mahatma Gandhi for a post modern construction of India and examines his views on Swadeshi, decentralization of economics and self sufficient village economy as a means to attain and achieve the economic self sufficiency of the nation. Through his thoughts, actions, movement and life style he advocated that economic activities can never be justified without ethics and non-violence. The economic aim of Gandhi was Sarvodaya, self sufficient village economy, preservation of ecology and full employment which were quite different than conventional economic.
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Bhalla, Garima. "Examining and Enhancing the Available Khadi Products with the Reference to Consumers Perception." ECS Transactions 107, no. 1 (April 24, 2022): 11799–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1149/10701.11799ecst.

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Khadi, known as “Khaddar,” was a fabric important for both masses and classes. Khadi was considered the spirit of life where the people and communities united together and participated in the Swadeshi Movement that contributed to the social, environmental, and economic sustainability of India. Since the production process is manual, it makes it a source of being self-reliant and economically empowered. It remained as one of the favorite and purest form of handmade hand-woven fabric of India until various brands emerged as a result of industrialization and globalization. Due to this today, this fabric is considered as a low-quality fabric, outdated, and has an old-fashioned image. This paper deals with collection of primary data by means of an interview schedule and observation techniques of the Khadi stores at Pune and data analysis through consumer experience to find out the awareness, causes, and expectations behind why Khadi is being neglected and is an attempt to provide design solutions that the younger generation will take up readily.
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23

CHOUDHURY, D. K. LAHIRI. "Sinews of Panic and the Nerves of Empire: the Imagined State's Entanglement with Information Panic, India c.1880–1912." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 4 (October 2004): 965–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0400126x.

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This is a narrative of events and panics in India in 1907: the fiftieth anniversary of 1857. After the East India Company's political ascendancy in 1757, the uprisings and insurrections of 1857 shook the very foundations of British rule in India. In the summer of 1907, several different strands of protest came together: the nearly all-India telegraph strike was barely over when a revolutionary terrorist network was unearthed, bringing the simmering political cauldron to the boil. The burgeoning swadeshi and boycott movement splintered, partly through the experience of Government repression, into political extremism within the Indian National Congress and revolutionary terrorism via secret societies. The growing radicalism within nationalist politics culminated in the split of the Congress at the meeting at Surat in 1907. Through this process the Indian National Congress changed from its constitutional and elite politics of reform into a more popular and mass-oriented organization. Though much has been written about this period of Indian politics, this paper delineates the larger international technological and informational entanglement through a case study of India, and in particular, Bengal.
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Mandal, Mahitosh. "Dalit Resistance during the Bengal Renaissance: Five Anti-Caste Thinkers from Colonial Bengal, India." CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 3, no. 1 (May 6, 2022): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v3i1.367.

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This article debunks the myth that Bengal is a casteless land or that Bengalis have no understanding of caste, by excavating, from within a Dalit historiographical framework, the rich and heterogeneous anti-caste politico-intellectual tradition launched and carried forward by the Dalits in colonial Bengal. Due to the paucity of space, it focuses only on three among sixty Dalit communities residing in Bengal and demonstrates the radical edge of five diverse anti-caste thinkers, namely, Harichand Thakur, Guruchand Thakur, Mahendranath Karan, Rajendranath Sarkar, and Mahendranath Mallabarman. Through a critical rejection of nationalist, Marxist and subaltern historiographies and interrogation of the Brahmanical appropriation of Bengal’s anti-caste tradition, it foregrounds the independent and self-critical intellectual history of the Dalits of colonial Bengal. It exposes the epistemic violence suffered by Dalit thinkers and reformers in the textbook historical narratives that glorify a Brahmanical Bengal Renaissance and highlights the neglected discourse of Dalit resistance and renaissance that had taken place at the same time in the same province. It shows how these anti-caste organic intellectuals fought the Brahmanical supremacists during the anti-British movement led by the Brahmins and upper castes, and how their agendas of self-respect and redistribution of wealth conflicted with the Swadeshi movement. Finally, the article demonstrates that while in the history of the anti-caste movement, Phule, Ambedkar, and Periyar justifiably occupy much of the discursive space, a significant and unacknowledged intellectual and political contribution was also made by their contemporary Bengali counterparts.
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Sunder Rajan, Rajeswari. "Subramania Bharati and the Rhetoric of Enthusiasm." History of the Present 11, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 152–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21599785-9015279.

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Abstract This article identifies the rhetoric and sentiment of enthusiasm as a certain specifically Tamil historical-aesthetic-political conjuncture that operates in both an affective register and as a structure of publicity. The “people,” who emerge as a subject of politics within the crucible of the swadeshi movement, are both “the masses” (a populist political subject) as well as the anticipated citizens of a future sovereign democracy. To distinguish the Tamil conjuncture from the histories of European populism, Part I outlines the political implications of public enthusiasm in the European Enlightenment. Kant, in his articulation of enthusiasm as a form of reason, is the critical figure here. Whereas in English poetry enthusiasm was domesticated and contained, Bharati’s writings and their impact exemplify its very different trajectory in colonial India. In Part II, Bharati’s poetry is analyzed under three heads: the enthusiasm it manifests, its language and rhetoric, and its focus on nationalism and social reform. Part III describes the communicative technologies and the formation of Bharati’s public and then the colonial conjuncture in which his work encountered censorship and prohibition. The conclusion underlines the significance of Bharati’s writings and the relevance of the political enthusiasm they generated—and still do.
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LUDDEN, DAVID. "Spatial Inequity and National Territory: Remapping 1905 in Bengal and Assam." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 3 (June 20, 2011): 483–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000357.

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AbstractIn 1905, Viceroy Nathaniel Curzon applied well-worn principles of imperial order to reorganize northeastern regions of British India, bringing the entire Meghna-Brahmaputra river basin into one new administrative territory: the province of Eastern Bengal and Assam. He thereby launched modern territorial politics in South Asia by provoking an expansive and ultimately victorious nationalist agitation to unify Bengal and protect India's territorial integrity. This movement and its economic programme (swadeshi) expressed Indian nationalist opposition to imperial inequity. It established a permanent spatial frame for Indian national thought. It also expressed and naturalized spatial inequity inside India, which was increasing at the time under economic globalization. Spatial inequities in the political economy of uneven development have animated territorial politics in South Asia ever since. A century later, another acceleration of globalization is again increasing spatial inequity, again destabilizing territorial order, as nationalists naturalize spatial inequity in national territory and conflicts erupt from the experience of living in disadvantaged places. Remapping 1905 in the long twentieth century which connects these two periods of globalization, spanning eras of empire and nation, reveals spatial dynamics of modernity concealed by national maps and brings to light a transnational history of spatial inequity shared by Bangladesh and Northeast India.
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KAPILA, SHRUTI. "A HISTORY OF VIOLENCE." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 2 (July 1, 2010): 437–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000156.

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This essay revises the common assumption that non-violence has been central to political modernity in India. The “extremist” nationalist B. G. Tilak, through a foundational philosophical reinterpretation of the Bhagavad Gita, created a modern theology of the Indian “political”. Tilak did so by directly confronting the question of the possibility of the “event” of war and the ethics of the conversion of kinsmen into enemies. Writing in the aftermath of the Swadeshi movement and from a prison cell in Rangoon, Tilak interpreted action as sacrificial duty that created a vocabulary of violence in which killing was naturalized. Violence, whether conceptual or otherwise, was not directed towards the “outsider” but was of meaning only when directed against the intimate. Unlike the distinction between friend and foe that has been taken as central to the understanding of the political in the twentieth century, it was instead the fraternal–enmity issue that framed the modern political in India. Tilak foregrounded the idea of a de-historicized political subject, whose existence was entirely dependent upon the event of violence itself. This helps to explain both the unprecedented violence that accompanied freedom and partition in 1947 and also the fact that it has remained unmemorialized to the present day.
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Chakraborty, Swarnendu. "The partition of Bengal in 1947 and The Role of the Hindu MahaSabha." British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, no. 1 (January 25, 2022): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.5.

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According to Encyclopedia Britannica, the English word “De-colonization” means liberation of colonies from their foreign overlords. After the 2nd world war, the De-colonization of the Asia African continent began due to different economic-political-strategic factors. However, in many instances, this process brings partition of an undivided country into 2\3 smaller successor States with forceful mass migration, refugee crisis, loss of monetary and human resources due to violent civil wars between different ethno-religious groups. After the battle of Plessey (1757) granting of Dewani to the English East India Company (1765), Bengal became the center of the British power in East India. The British city of Calcutta became the most prominent city in Asia as the capital of British India. Through the efforts of some European and native academicians, a mixture of Anglo-British culture happened. The Bengali thinkers taught the nation the first lessons of patriotism during the colonial period. At the beginning of the 20th century, the then Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon, divided Bengal into two parts in 1905. The Bengali masses protested publicly against the partition. R.Tagore and other Bengali thinkers guided the agitation. This protest movement was known as the Swadeshi movement. In 1911, the division was cancelled, but the capital of British India had been shifted from Calcutta to Delhi. After the establishment of the Muslim League. (1906), The Hindu MohaSabha (1915) and enactment of the Morle-Minto (1909), Montegu-Chamesford (1919), the communal harmony between the Bengali Hindu and Muslim community decreased. After the 2nd world war, it became clear that the British Empire in the Indian sub-continent would collapse soon. During the power transfer process, the division of the sub-continent into two different countries became inventible. My aim in this study is to point out the role of the Hindu MahaSabha in the partition of Bengal in 1947. I will try to point out whether the division of Bengal was necessary or the rise of Bengali communalism forced it. I will try both analytical and descriptive research methods to answer my questions.
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Giri, Ananta Kumar. "Rethinking the Politics and Ethics of Consumption: Dialogues with the Swadeshi Movements and Gandhi." Journal of Human Values 10, no. 1 (April 2004): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097168580401000105.

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Mandal, Ram Krishna. "Khadi and Village Industries in North East India with Special Reference to Arunachal Pradesh: Retrospect and Prospect." Journal of Global Economy 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2007): 88–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1956/jge.v3i2.165.

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Originally, Gandhi conceived khadi as the best instrument for giving concrete expression to the Swadeshi’ spirit and for making effective the boycott of foreign goods in general and foreign cloths in particular. Khadi was also expected to provide an opportunity to India for cultivating self-discipline and self-sacrifice as a part of non-cooperation movement. For coordinated development of Khadi throughout the country, Gandhiji set up, the All India Khadi Board (AIKB) with branches in all provinces in December, 1923. This organization was an integral part of the Indian National Congress and worked under its control. Initially the first phase of khadi movement in India started in 1918 and ended in 1924. This paper is based on a study which encompasses the following objectives to ascertain the present scenario of KVI in North East States, to chart out the growth and development of KVI in Arunachal Pradesh, to find out the problems faced by the KV for its growth and development in     Arunachal Pradesh and to search the solutions of these problems
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31

Das, Ronita, and Abhishikta Bhattacharjee. "Rethinking Diasporic, Cultural and Religious Identity through the Eyes of Celluloid." International Journal of English Learning & Teaching Skills 3, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 2641–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15864/ijelts.3414.

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The word Diaspora was first used to describe the dispersion of the Jews beyond Israel. This has since changed, and today there is no set definition of the term because its modern meaning has evolved over time. But as a general term it is a scattered population whose origin lies in a separate geographic locale. As found in a search in Google it is the dispersion or spread of any people from their original homeland. As per Oxford Advanced Dictionary it is defined as the movement of the Jewish people away from their own country to live and work in other countries and the movement of people from any nation or group away from their own country. So we have a clear definition of the word Diaspora. Diasporas work on a transnational premise and the term best alludes to ’complex multidirectional streams of individuals, thoughts, items - social and physical, and to types of collaboration, arrangement and trade.’ The suggestion at that point is that not all ostracizes are Diasporeans, the term being restricted to the individuals who are proactively occupied with transnational action. Since Diaspora and the baggage associated with the term is very subjective, it also takes a great toll in shaping an individual’s socio-cultural and religious identity as well. Cultural Identity refers to a person’s sense of belonging to a particular culture or group. This process involves accepting traditions, heritage, language, religion, ancestry, aesthetics, thinking patterns, and social structures of a culture. Normally, people internalize the beliefs, values, norms, and social practices of their culture and identify themselves with that culture. The culture becomes a part of their self-concept. This paper tries to explore the problems that get depicted on the celluloid, especially in Indian cinema. The paper tries to find out the difficulties that individuals undergo in order to come to terms with the spatial and mental exile through films like Swades and My Name is Khan.It also tries to uphold the liberating force of exile and migration that works on human’s psyche in order to make them free from societal bondage through films like English Vinglish. The two different approaches that the films employ to manifest the impact of migration on human life will help in proving that Diasporas have consistently been something beyond forever settled than ordinarily expected yet today they are more dynamic than they have ever been.
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Laxmiprasad, P. V. "Rabindranath Tagore’s Home and the World [Ghare Bhaire] : A Gripping Portrayal of Swadeshi Movement." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH, August 28, 2020, 152–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i8.10732.

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Tagore’s novel Ghare Bhaire has historical significance when we look at it from nationalistic perspective. The Swadeshi movement predominantly began with the partition of Bengal by the Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon in 1905 and continued up to 1911. This was precisely the most successful of the Pre- Gandhian movements. MK Gandhi strategically focused on Swadeshi who described it as the Soul of Swaraj (Self-rule). The movement was officially announced on 7 August, 1905 at the famous Calcutta Town Hall, in Bengal. Later, this was used to boycott all the British goods in the country. The spirit of the movement was to use goods produced in India and burning of British–made goods. Swadeshi movement paved the way to the successive movements such as Satyagraha movement and Non-Cooperation movement. Written against the backdrop of the partition of Bengal by the British in 1905, Home and the World (Ghare Bhaire) by Rabindranath Tagore, the Nobel Laureate, is a telling portrayal of the chasms inherent in the nationalist movement. Any movement by people is particularly interesting and a movement such as Swadeshi movement holds special significance in the history of Indian Freedom Struggle. Swadeshi was a clarion call to rebel against the imported goods. In the words of Anita Desai, the noted Indo-English novelist, “Home and the World” has the complexity and tragic dimensions of Tagore’s own time and ours”. Readers are reminded that Tagore protested the Jallianwallah Bagh massacres and rejected the knighthood honour. He set himself an example by leading the country against the oppressions. His patriotism finds literary expression in the novel “Ghare Bhaire” Where Swadeshi Movement dominates the collection.
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Chuahan, Ramesh Malabhai. "GUJARAT'S FIRST EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE: A STUDY." Towards Excellence, June 30, 2021, 693–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.37867/te130255.

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Education played an important role in creating political consciousness in India. The present research paper aims to discuss how, following the Swadeshi movement, there was an increased public awareness about education, which led to the Gujarat's first education conference, organized as a part of the movement to improve the prevailing condition of education in Gujarat. The researcher intends to delineation how this conference made an important contribution in creating public awareness about education in Gujarat by establishing Gujarat Kelavani Mandal (Gujarat Education Society).This research paper is divided into three parts. The first part deals with the movement for improvement in prevailing condition of education in Gujarat following the Swadeshi movement, the second part deals with the organization and working of the first education conference with the aim of offering suggestions to government and princely states regarding improvement in the prevailing education system and to inspire people to establish private education institutes; and the third discuses the outcome of this conference in terms of findings.
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34

Banerjee, Ayanita. "Bimala in Ghare-Baire: Tagore’s New Woman Relocating the “World in Her Home”." Rupkatha Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities 13, no. 3 (October 26, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v13n3.37.

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The character of Bimala in Tagore’s Ghare- Baire or The Home and the World as a symbol of struggle for the liberation of Bengali woman as well as Bengal remains at the centre of scholarly discussion since the publication (1916), translation (1919) and the film adaptation (1984) of the novel. Bimala, the main protagonist of the novel is presented as a native Indian woman who gets western education and lives a modern lifestyle due to her marriage. She has conflicting attitudes, feelings and thoughts which recur randomly in the narrative. The paper focusses on the character of Bimala and interrogates the location of her agency with respect to the rising Swadeshi movement and the political excesses on one hand and her relationship with Nikhil and Sandip on the other. On a further note, reflecting on the political and epic underpinnings of Bimala (caught between the gradual and the radical approach to Swadeshi), the paper intends to stretch beyond her “situation” (the apex of the triangular relationship) and explore her self-realization at the end of the novel. Bimala, the woman set between the option of choices between the ‘motherland’ and the ‘two-men’ gradually transgress from the shackles of her naïve identity to become the beset New Woman. To explore Tagore’s rewritten epic of a woman (epitomized in real life as the New Woman), we need to discuss how the writer helped shaping the image of the New Woman through his conscious evoking of Bimala in the role of Sita, Nikhil in the role of Rama and Sandip in the role of Ravana. In response to the popular inscriptions of Bharatmata, Tagore allegorises the iconographic representation of Bimala resembling the “divine feminine strength (Shakti)for creation and (Kali) for the cause of destruction.” (Pandit 1995,217-19).
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Dutta, Ashim. "Tagore’s exploration of Hindu identity in Gora." Journal of Commonwealth Literature, February 20, 2021, 002198942098858. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021989420988581.

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Published between 1907 and 1910, Rabindranath Tagore’s novel Gora reflects its author’s evolving cultural, political, and ideological views in the first decade of the twentieth century. This period was significant not only for Tagore’s engagement in and disenchantment with the Swadeshi movement, but also in terms of his critical assessment of the viability of a Hindu cultural-national identity for India. Reading the novel in the light of some of his relevant writings in and around the 1900s, this essay puts Tagore’s exploration of Hindu identity into perspective in order to distinguish it from the exclusionary Hindutva ideologies later promoted and popularized in Indian politics. Using a dialogic method in the novel, Tagore pits a limited, divisive, and communalist Hindu ideology against an open, liberal, and alternative Hindu selfhood for India which is compatible with the universal-humanist perspective propounded at the end. Despite endorsing the latter perspective, Tagore nevertheless reveals his concerns and uncertainties about the position of minority communities and outsiders within that holistic paradigm of Indian identity.
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36

Manikyamba, K., and Dr Aarati Tyagi. "Green Banking Technology in Curbing Npa in India." Journal of Production, Operations Management and Economics, September 13, 2022, 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jpome.25.1.8.

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The main aim of the Indian Government is to achieve Atmanirbhar Bharat through success of Swadeshi movement which focuses on holistic and sustainable development. It is important to keep in mind that to provide conducive environment for the production of indigenous goods and services, cost competitive products with least effect on the climate. During lockdown period due to COVID 19, we witnessed that various financial transactions took place at a fast pace due to the availability of smart technologies. Considering Covid-19 pandemic and economic slowdown, banks are relying on technology to improve risk monitoring and NPA management competences. The need of the hour is improved Innovative Green Banking Technologies for paper less transaction starting from applying for loans to release of loans, agreements, payback methods and recovery of NPAs etc.,. The aim of this research paper is to study various financial products, rules and policy of Banks NPA Recovery which promote Green Banking. Banks have a major part in controlling carbon imprint and speedy growth by redirecting capital flows to environmentally accountable projects and pioneering technologies.
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Dhariwal, Manju. "Women and Agency in Bankim’s Rajmohan’s Wife and Tagore’s The Home and The World." Rupkatha Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities 12, no. 5 (October 17, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v12n5.rioc1s16n3.

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Written almost half a century apart, Rajmohan’s Wife (1864) and The Home and the World (1916) can be read as women centric texts written in colonial India. The plot of both the texts is set in Bengal, the cultural and political centre of colonial India. Rajmohan’s Wife, arguably the first Indian English novel, is one of the first novels to realistically represent ‘Woman’ in the nineteenth century. Set in a newly emerging society of India, it provides an insight into the status of women, their susceptibility and dependence on men. The Home and the World, written at the height of Swadeshi movement in Bengal, presents its woman protagonist in a much progressive space. The paper closely examines these two texts and argues that women enact their agency in relational spaces which leads to the process of their ‘becoming’. The paper analyses this journey of the progress of the self, which starts with Matangini and culminates in Bimala. The paper concludes that women’s journey to emancipation is symbolic of the journey of the nation to independence.
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E Galloway, Jenisse. "Home and the World: A Look at the Gendering of Indian Nationalist Politics Through a Literary Lens." Inquiry@Queen's Undergraduate Research Conference Proceedings, November 15, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/iqurcp.7401.

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Works of literature are not often given much credence in terms of their value or use in the writing and interpreting of history. However, it is important to realize the potential for novels to illuminate and give new meaning to particular historical issues and events. Rabindranath Tagore, renowned Indian author, Nobel Prize winner, and independence activist, in his novel, The Home and the World provides us with a good case and point. This influential work of fiction, published in 1916, offers an intriguing look at the way that the nationalist identity of India became highly gendered and sexualized as various nationalist groups attempted to confront the building conflict between tradition and modernity. My presentation will discuss the idea of the woman as the mother goddess of the nation, as well as the role of masculine insecurity in the unfolding of nationalist political action, through Tagore’s fictional depiction of the Swadeshi movement in early twentieth century India. Along with this artistic depiction, I will discuss a number of important historians of Indian nationalism to expose the numerous contradictions within these nationalist programs and how those contradictions manifest themselves in increasingly gendered trends such as a greater push for masculine aggression and a redefinition of the ‘ideal woman’. What The Home and the World exposes is that, despite the efforts of nationalists to keep the inner domain of the home unaffected by modernity, their tactic of placing women at the symbolic head of the nationalist movement had broken down the traditional boundaries of the home.
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Dua, Anshula. "Gandhian philosophy: Relevance in present system of education." International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Growth Evaluation, February 22, 2022, 489–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54660/anfo.2022.3.1.24.

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Mahatma Gandhi ideology was diversified in the ancient era, as for social upliftment he emphasised on secularism, gender equality, education to the girl child, moral values in life and to avoid untouchability. For economic benefit he initiated the swadeshi movement that is to boycott the imported goods for the benefit of the country. For international peace, he emphasised that we should avoid war and solve the disputes peacefully. For environmental protection he always believed in cleanliness, health and hygiene. Following on his footstep our present Prime Minister Mr. Narendra Modi started the Swach Bharat Mission in 2014. In the field of education he emphasised on basic education along with craft centered education which helps the students in earning their livelihood. In the view of prevailing situation, an attempt has been made in the present article to examine the relevance of Gandhian philosophy in present system of education. Father of the nation worked for every aspect whether it’s social, economic or international but whether these contribution find their place in present scenario? Will the contribution in the field of education help the students in the 21st century? Well according to researches Gandhiji gave the scheme of education for modern India, which is known as the first blue print of national system of education, which is job centered, value based and mass oriented.
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K., Nayana, and Manjula K. T. "Redefining Nationhood and Nationality through Historiographic Metafiction in the Shadow Lines." International Journal of Management, Technology, and Social Sciences, January 17, 2022, 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47992/ijmts.2581.6012.0174.

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Purpose: Postmodernism is a general movement that developed in the late 20th century across the arts, philosophy, art, architecture, and criticism, marking a disappearance from modernism. The term has been more often used to describe a historical age which followed after modernity. Postmodernism is a period of uprising which refers to ups and downs in each walk of life and the different disciplines of knowledge be it literary work, philosophy, or science. Postmodern literature revokes some modern literary methods by transforming them. Historiographic Metafiction is a contradictory term that consists of two opposite categories such as history and metafiction. It is having dual representations because such writings reflect the reality as well as fictional position. An attempt is made by the Post-colonial Indian English writers to liberate Indian English literature from the foreign bondage. Historical events such as agitations, migration, movements, refugees, colonial hegemony; social-economic and cultural problems like encounter of the east-west, caste, and class became the concerns of the writers. Design/Methodology/Approach: This paper is prepared by making a study of Primary source and accumulating secondary data from educational websites and written publications. This qualitative research is carried out by studying and interpreting the existing knowledge on the subject. The paper tries to analyze the historiographic metafictional features as depicted in The Shadow Lines by Amitav Ghosh. Findings/Result: After reviewing many articles, books and thesis it has been found that the paper aims to study Amitav Ghosh's notions like ‟ Nationhood and National distinctiveness in "The Shadow Lines” as a reminiscence novel, highlights a few historical happenings like the Second World War, the Swadeshi movement, and the Partition of India in 1947 and communal uprisings in Bangladesh and India. The ardent nationalism upheld by the protagonist that is the narrator’s grandmother is questioned and re-analysed. Ghosh searches for appropriateness of traditional identity such as nation and nationalism. Originality/Value: This paper makes a study of the major character Thamma with special reference to her concerns of Nationhood and Nationality. The identity of Thamma in the novel is given prominence being a woman she stands for her thoughts and identifies her as an individual who faced tragedy but still who had the courage to raise her voice till the end. Paper Type: Analytical Research paper.
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