Academic literature on the topic 'Swedish Foreign opinion'
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Journal articles on the topic "Swedish Foreign opinion"
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Plevako, Natalia. "THE SECURITY OF SWEDEN AND NATO: ROAD WITH OBSTACLES." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 31, no. 1 (February 28, 2023): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120232635.
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The article analyzes a set of problems related to Sweden’s planned accession to NATO. The author examines the impact on this process of various factors, both foreign and domestic, analyzes the processes of public opinion formation (pages dedicated to the annual representative security conference in January 2023 in Stockholm). Among them, Turkish-Swedish relations occupy a special place, since Turkey, as a NATO member, puts forward to Sweden a number of conditions dictated by the interests of the Turkish Republic itself and affecting Sweden’s immigration policy. They concern both the fate of the Kurdish community in Sweden, and the willingness or unwillingness of the Swedish authorities to adjust their actions against Muslim communities in this northern country under pressure from Turkey (in this regard, the immediate and long-term consequences of such provocative acts as the public burning of the Koran in Stockholm are being considered). The article also shows how the topical problems of Sweden’s foreign policy affect domestic political processes. The author comes to the conclusion that it is possible to analyze the problem of Sweden’s accession to NATO only in the context of analyzing the processes in the entire system of modern international relations
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Johansson, Perry. "Hanoi's Diplomatic Front in Sweden: Communist Propaganda Strategies in the Vietnam War." Contemporary European History 31, no. 2 (December 2, 2021): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000096.
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This article offers a new perspective on the Swedish protests against the Vietnam War by placing it in its broader global Cold War context. As a case study on ‘people's diplomacy’ and ‘united front strategy’, it acknowledges the importance of Chinese and Vietnamese influences on the peace campaigns in Sweden and aims, as far as possible, to reconstruct Hanoi's motives, strategies and actions to create and direct Sweden's policy and opinion on the war. With the extremely generous political freedoms granted it by official Sweden, Hanoi was able to find new international allies as well as organise political propaganda manifestations from their Stockholm base. In the end, North Vietnam's version of the war as being about national liberation fought by a people united in their resistance to a foreign, genocidal, aggressor won a large enough share of the opinion in the West to force the American political leadership to give up the fight. Hanoi's Diplomatic Front in Sweden was one of the important battlefields behind that victory
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Lödén, Hans. "Reaching a vanishing point? Reflections on the future of neutrality norms in Sweden and Finland." Cooperation and Conflict 47, no. 2 (June 2012): 271–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836712445343.
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This rejoinder article takes the contributions in the Special Issue of Cooperation and Conflict – Vol. 46(3) – on Neutrality and ‘Military Non-Alignment’ as point of departure for a discussion of some of the problems former neutrals face in shaping their foreign and security policies. The author argues that current and future developments regarding neutrality norms are dependent on internal factors such as national identity and public opinion, and on external factors such as the military non-aligned states’ relationships to EU, NATO and, not least, the UN. The possibility of a ‘Second Option’ of full-scale military cooperation if a preferred neutral position fails is discussed. Increased UN activism, for example, connected with the R2P concept and the tendency to outsource major UN-mandated military operations to NATO, is touched upon as well as the Libya crisis of 2011 and some of its implications for European foreign and security policy cooperation. Special attention is given to current Swedish debates on military non-alignment and NATO membership.
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Egorenko, T. A. "Methods for activating professional self-determination of a person at the stage of pre-professional development: the experience of foreign countries." Современная зарубежная психология 11, no. 3 (2022): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/jmfp.2022110306.
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The article presents an overview of modern international studies of the problem of activation of professional self-determination of high school students. The results of the study conducted by Chinese scientists aimed at studying cognitive and affective self-esteem and their role in building the educational and professional path of high school students are presented. The effectiveness of applying relevant interventions in the classroom to enhance the professional interest of high school students in STEM professions, a model that combines natural sciences and engineering subjects into a single system, is analyzed in comparison to the study conducted in Germany. Mentoring is considered as a mechanism for professional self-determination in high school, contributing, in the opinion of Swedish scientists, to solving the problem of a shortage of specialists in the labor market. The article gives a comparative analysis of the systems of academic training and initial vocational education, which provides graduates with a smooth transition to the modern labor market. The experience of Denmark is analyzed, which is an institutional context for the study of inequality associated with vocational education.
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Vinogradov, Alexander. "Embassy of Prince Grigory Konstantinovich Volkonsky to the Crimea in 1614–1615." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2019): 158–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.2.14.
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Introduction. The author examines the insufficiently studied period of diplomatic communicationsof the Moscow Tsardom and the Crimean Khanate after Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov’s enthronement, which led to establishing relatively peaceful mutual relations between them at the final stage of military and political confrontation of Russia with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Swedish Crown. Materials. The paper reveals the circumstances of establishing contractual relations between Moscow and Bakhchysarai on the basis of unpublished sources. The information from the columns of 1613–1614 about the stay of the embassy of A. Lodyzhensky and P. Danilov in the Crimea from autumn of 1613 to July 1614, the preparation and holding of the embassy congress and exchange of ambassadors at Livny in August 1614, the stay of the embassy of Prince G.K. Volkonsky and P. Ovdokimov in the Crimea in August 1614 – June 1615, the stay of Magmet Chelebi’s embassy in Moscow in September 1614 – March 1615 and, finally, the embassy exchange under Valuyki in July 1615 form a single set of documents that let us trace the course of diplomatic relations between the Moscow Tsardom and the Crimean Khanate in 1613–1615. The decisive stage in difficult and tense diplomatic negotiations of the parties in this period, in our opinion, is the stay of the embassy of Prince Grigory Konstantinovich Volkonsky and clerk Peter Ovdokimov in the Crimea. Results. This article shows the role of relations with the Crimea in general foreign policy of the government of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich and in the restoration of military and political control over the Lower Volga Region territory.
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Karnyshev, A. D., E. A. Ivanova, and O. A. Karnysheva. "Lake Baikal and Psychological Resources to Encourage Environmental Patriotism." Sibirskiy Psikhologicheskiy Zhurnal, no. 77 (2020): 196–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/17267080/77/10.
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The American scientist R. Tyler formulated the concept of “libertarian paternalism”, which outlined a strategy aimed at ensuring that a person makes optimal choices dictated by reasons, not feelings. These ideas formed the basis of the “nudge theory”. In this article, we make an attempt to consider the possibility of using the concept of pushing with reference to the urgent problems of today - the development of environmental patriotism in people. The concept of "environmental patriotism" reflects not only an active life position on the protection and restoration of nature, but also active participation in specific activities to strengthen environmental well-being. Ecological patriotism today is a real factor aimed at neutralizing the environmental challenges and threats of our time. The nudge theory with the development of environmental patriotism can be demonstrated by the example of the inclusion of a person’s individual resources, which in turn explains what exactly “shifts” in the process of pushing and makes a person make his choice: – Natural resources of a person: understanding the impact of the ecological situation on personal health, a clear vision of the essence of the influence of specific natural factors on the well-being, lifestyle and life expectancy of an individual, when any harm caused to nature is returned by a boomerang to different systems of the human body (the famous Russian saying is «more expensive for yourself» discloses this aspect well). For today researches conducted by the authors of the article show that so many people are united by the idea that their health is directly related to the ecology of the region in which they live. Through “encourage” we must try to do everything possible so that installations of this kind become a constant possession of environmental consciousness and the environmentally friendly behavior of people; – Personality orientation: awareness of the solidarity of their environmental positions and actions, their thoughts with the opinions and attitudes of other people and hence their social significance; – Skills and competencies: presentation of the possibilities of using one’s potentials to protect the environment, ensure its prosperity, to develop its talents that are somehow related to the natural world, for the prosperity of the environment; – Self-esteem and social status: the desire for high self-esteem, which necessarily includes elements of awareness of the role of “me” in the transformation of the world, in achieving harmonious unity with nature; – Communicative resources of the individual: a desire to interact with other people about the vital values that environmental activity is filled with because of its social and personal benefits (the popularity of various options for the “green” campaign in the West eloquently illustrates this). Today shows that it is not necessary to rely only on the consciousness and responsibility of citizens in the formation of a reasonable attitude to nature. The above positions and attitudes become that internal foundation on which a careful attitude of man to nature can be nurtured. In our opinion, the image of the planet’s environmental defender, the Swedish schoolgirl G. Thunberg, is often used today by foreign media and politicians precisely in con-nection with his (image) ability to encourage even poorly informed young people to appropriate behavior. The demonstrations and demonstrations held in defense of G. Thunberg's positions in many European countries have convincingly confirmed this.
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Kostrikov, Sergei Petrovich, Stanislav Sergeevich Kostrikov, and Nina Akopovna Kazarova. "Reports of Swedish diplomats on the events of the First World War (based on the decryption of diplomatic correspondence)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 1 (January 2024): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2024.1.69514.
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The subject of the study is the decrypted telegrams of Swedish diplomatic missions sent to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Swedish Kingdom K. Wallenberg, intercepted by the special services of the General Staff of the Russian Army at the end of 1915-1916. Sweden, while remaining a formally neutral power, nevertheless not only closely followed the events on the fronts of the First World War, but also conducted active trade and provided transit services to both Germany and Russia, deriving huge economic benefits from this situation. The documents of this period mainly cover the events in the Balkans, where the allied forces of the Entente tried to deploy the so-called Salonika (Macedonian) front to help the Serbian army and to divert enemy forces from other fronts. Based on the methods of historicism and systematic research, the reports of diplomats who informed their leadership about the events around Thessaloniki, about the situation and actions of the allied forces and the troops of the Central Powers, about the further intentions of the opposing forces, about the fate of Serbia and Montenegro, express assessments and opinions on specific issues and the prospects for the development of the war. Since there were supporters of both the Entente and the Austro-German bloc in the Swedish elite, the following conclusions can be drawn from the documents under consideration. They allow us to assess the range of issues of the most interest to Swedish diplomats and the Swedish government, as well as the degree of their awareness, the quality of information sources and the level of understanding of the content of the events taking place. These documents are very important for clarifying Sweden's position during the First World War. Since there were supporters of both the Entente and the Austro-German bloc in the Swedish elite, it can be understood from the documents under consideration that during this period it became increasingly obvious to Swedish diplomats that despite all the difficulties, including in the Balkans, the preponderance of the Entente countries was more likely. Most of the analyzed archival materials are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.
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Laakso, Liisa. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: A View from Helsinki, Finland." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 52–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502959.
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Africa occupies a special position in the foreign policies of the Nordic countries of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden. In spite of their limited capacities, lack of colonial ties with Africa, or any significant economic interests in Africa, the Nordic countries have attained a relatively high profile, especially in Southern Africa. After Finland and Sweden joined the European Union (EU) in 1995, Africa assumed an even greater level of foreign policy significance for the Nordic countries. Most notable in this regard is Finland’s assumption in 1999 of the EU presidency, a position that makes Finland responsible for the negotiations over the continuation of the EU’s Lomé Convention with 71 countries of Africa, the Caribbean, and the Pacific. It is in this context that this article assesses Nordic perceptions of the Clinton administration’s foreign policy toward Africa. It is important to note, however, that there is no one monolithic “Nordic perspective.” The opinions and approaches documented in policy papers or informal statements by individual civil servants following African affairs can widely vary. People working with development cooperation, for example, tend to be more recipient-oriented than those looking at Africa from a more general foreign policy point of view. The tradition of outspoken human rights policy still differentiates Norwegian and Swedish approaches from the cautious policy of Finland. Yet behind these different tones, one can distinguish common premises stemming from the many similarities of the Nordic countries and their conscious efforts to generate coherent, coordinated foreign policies toward Africa.
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Gaudin, Benoit. "L'Éthiopie sportive pré-marathonienne 1924-1960." Aethiopica 12 (April 7, 2012): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.12.1.95.
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This paper presents the apparition of modern sport in Ethiopia: in the schools, the military institutions and, as far as football is concerned, in clubs. The foundation of the first local football teams coincides with the raise of the first expressions of an Ethiopian national feeling on the occasion of confrontations against “foreign”, and later Erytrean, teams. After World War II, and through the action of Ydneqatchew Tessema, the first sport institutions of the country are founded. Athletics, which is not yet the vector of the Ethiopian sport nationalism, grows mostly after 1947 with the help of the Swedes. Yet, among the Ethiopian sports of that period, athletics remains in the backstage, restricted to the schools grounds and the military barracks. In accordance with the opinions of the time on the aptitudes of Black people, Ethiopian athletics concentrate then on sprint, and not on long distance races.
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Mozelius, Peter, Wilfredo Hernandez, Johan Sällström, and Andreas Hellerstedt. "Teacher Attitudes Toward Game-based Learning in History Education." International Journal of Information and Communication Technologies in Education 6, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijicte-2017-0017.
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AbstractGame-based learning (GBL) is an emerging field reaching new contexts. Research has reported about students’ rich use of digital games and the learning potential of GBL in traditional school subjects. Digital games have been tested as educational tools in various subjects in Swedish schools during the last decade, in areas such as teaching and learning of history and foreign languages. However, there is a lack of detailed research on attitudes toward the use of GBL in history education.Main aim of the study was to examine and discuss attitudes toward an increased use of digital games in formal history education. Earlier studies have analysed students’ opinions and preferences, but this study has a focus on the teacher perspective and on which design factors are important if digital games should be an alternative for self-learning in history education. The research approach has been qualitative cross-sectional study where secondary school teachers have answered questionnaires with open-ended questions on their view of didactics and the use of GBL in formal education. All selected respondents are registered as professional secondary school history teachers. Furthermore, teachers have described their own gaming habits and their game design preferences.Findings show that a majority of the informants have good knowledge about digital games with historical setting and also a positive attitude toward an increased use of GBL. Secondary school teachers also have a tradition of using various media in their teaching and learning activities and there are neither any regulations against an increased use of digital games. An important aspect of history education, where digital games might not the first choice, is in the description of the main changes and influence of a historical époque. Authors’ recommendation is to use games that can enable tangential learning where the gaming sessions could be seen as appetisers for further and deeper learning.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Swedish Foreign opinion"
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Mathiesen, Olof. "From consensus on neutrality to a divided opinion on NATO : A study of the Swedish foreign- and security policy debate: 1989-2018." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352833.
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Since the end of the Cold War, Sweden’s security strategy has undergone radical changes. Due to recent years deteriorated security situation in Europe, the debate on Swedish NATO-membership has become more prominent. Previous research has mostly focused on the practical/military implications of the choice of security strategy whereas the knowledge about the political ideas and goals that are behind the choice of security strategy is largely unknow. Based on a qualitative approach, this thesis has studied how the Swedish foreign and security policy debate has changed between 1989–2018. Targeting the Social Democratic party, the Moderate Party, the Centre party and the Liberals, this thesis has described and analyzed these parties’ fundamental goals/values and world views from the perspectives of realism and liberalism. This study finds that there has been several changes both in world views and fundamental goals/values, where the earlier period in this study was more influenced by realism, to where liberalism started to become more prominent in the debate from the late 1990s until 2018, although realism has in some degree come back during recent years.
Books on the topic "Swedish Foreign opinion"
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Holmberg, Åke. Världen bortom västerlandet: Svensk syn på fjärran länder och folk från 1700-talet till första världskriget. Göteborg: Kungl. Vetenskaps- och vitterhets-samhället, 1988.
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Cho, Seung-bog. Historical formation of the Swedish image of Japan. Stockholm, Sweden: Center for Pacific Asia Studies, University of Stockholm, 1989.
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Froman, Ingmarie. Frihet, jämlikhet och-- utslagning?: Ödesfrågor i Chiracs Frankrike. Stockholm: Utrikespolitiska institutet, 1995.
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Gerste, Ronald D. Schweden und die Amerikanische Revolution: Der Einfluss des amerikanischen Unabhängigkeitskrieges auf Amerikabild, Revolutionsverständnis und Politik Schwedens. Düsseldorf: [s.n.], 1994.
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Sandberg, Thorsten. Gustav III:s spiioner: Historien om när Sverige skulle slå tillbaka franska revolutionen. Lund: Historiska Media, 2006.
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Åke, Holmberg. Världen bortom västerlandet. Göteborg: Kungl. Vetenskaps- och vitterhets-samhället, 1988.
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Rosenblad, Jan-Gunnar. Nation, nationalism och identitet: Sydafrika i svensk sekelskiftesdebatt. Nora, Sweden: Bokförlaget Nya Doxa, 1992.
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Cristea, George. Izvoare istorice suedeze privind răscoala lui Horea, 1784-1785. Cluj-Napoca: Centrul de Studii Transilvane, 2001.
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Nencioni, Giuseppe. Essere diversi: Tre studi sui rapporti culturali tra Svezia e Italia nel passato e nel presente. Ariccia (RM): Aracne editrice int.le S.r.l., 2015.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Swedish Foreign opinion"
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Runefelt, Leif. "Threat or Nuisance? Foreign Street Entertainers in the Swedish Press, 1800–1880." In Baltic Hospitality from the Middle Ages to the Twentieth Century, 303–28. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98527-1_12.
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AbstractThis chapter analyzes the changing public opinion towards street entertainers, as expressed in nineteenth-century Swedish press, identifying a shift towards a discourse of securitization 1850. Until then, entertainers were seldom mentioned and occasionally seen as a positive element of urban social life; their services were often appreciated, and this in a country which otherwise had developed strong legal institutions for controlling and rejecting itinerant and marginalized individuals. From 1850, entertainers became more present in the press, the tone being almost completely negative, portraying them as threats to public morals and economy. Criticism focused on three issues. Firstly, entertainers were claimed to be beggars in disguise, parasites on the social body. Secondly, they made noise, making everyday life a nuisance to the urban population. Lastly, their use of children was used to emphasize their inhumane greed. Behind the shift was an increase in the numbers of entertainers following processes of proletarization in Europe, but also the growth of a middle-class striving to take control of city spaces. Between the lines, it becomes clear that entertainers still were popular among working classes. The discourse of securitization seems to have lacked the necessary audience, and the outcries against entertainers mostly without effect.