Academic literature on the topic 'Swedish language Swedish language Code switching (Linguistics) Taalcontact'

In this paper, I have shown that Joshi's (1982) framework of codeswitching constraints can largely be applied to Swedish-English code-switches. I feel qualified to conclude that Joshi's claims concerning the non-switchability of closed class items and matrix language and embedded languages are held up by the Swedish- English data. The need for corresponding categories proved to be less clear-cut than originally proposed by Woolford (1983) and others. It seems that optimal switching conditions are given if the categories, rules and metarules correspond in the two languages. Apparently, however, it is also possible to switch if the node admissibility conditions for the matrix language only are met, as was shown by code-switched sentences containing RPs. This requires that the speaker has a clear sense of which language is the host and which is embedded. Rules from the embedded language only are not acceptable. This calls for some sort of determination strategy by the parser. I found no evidence for determining Lm at any specific point in the sentence, except at the topmost S. Rather, the judgments by code-switchers that a sentence “comes from” one language seems to coincide with the fact that the resulting sentence is based on the rules from that language. Other than that, the matrix language is determined by the communicative context as a whole.The data involving RPs also seemed to indicate that RPs are not separate ategories, but are NPs, introduced by a “de-slashing” rule (Sells 1984). If they were separate categories, this would be evidence for there being no need for category equivalence. In this case, we would have to explicitly state all other cases which require category equivalence (the majority of cases), which is undesirable.

This paper analyses the ability of twenty-one physics undergraduates at two Swedish universities to orally describe and explain in both Swedish and English the science concepts met in their lectures. This ability is related back to the language used to teach the concepts (English, Swedish or both languages). Transcripts of student descriptions in both languages are rated using three measures:1. Fluency (in terms of syllables per second and mean length of runs)2. Code-switching3. A judgment about the ‘disciplinarity’ of what is said.Comparison between languages finds that students speak on average 45% slower and have 33% shorter runs in their English descriptions. However, these differences in speaking rate and run length become much lower (28% and 26% respectively) in those transcripts where students appear to have adequately understood the concepts that were presented in the lectures. These latter values are in line with findings in comparative studies of other types of speech event (See Hincks 2010). Analysis of code-switching identifies some students (n=3) who have great difficulty describing disciplinary concepts in English. These were first year students and were being taught in English for the first time. It is thus concluded that for some students disciplinary English is indeed a problem. However, from a disciplinary point of view, all other students give similarly good (or bad) descriptions of physics concepts in both Swedish and English, regardless of the language used in the lectures.

The present study explores how minority schoolchildren in multilingual peer group interactions act upon dominant educational and linguistic ideologies as they organize their everyday emerging peer culture. The data draw from ethnographies combined with detailed analysis (CA) of video recordings in two primary monolingual school settings in Sweden. Bakhtin’s processual view of how linguistic norms are used for overcoming the heteroglossia of language is used as a framework for understanding how monolingualism is talked-into-being in multilingual peer groups. As will be demonstrated, the children recurrently participate in corrective practices in which they playfully exploit multiple linguistic resources (syntactic, lexical and phonetic features) and the turn structure of varied activities (conflicts, accusations, insults, classroom discourse) to play with and consolidate a collective critical view of not-knowing correct Swedish. Moreover, they transform faulty talk (repeating structural elements, recycling arguments, using parodic imitations, joint laughter, code-switching) to display their language competence, assert powerful positions and strengthen alliances in the peer group. It is argued that such forms of playful heteroglossic peer group practices are highly ambiguous and paradoxically tend to enforce power hierarchies and values associated with different social languages and codes, thus co-constructing the monolingual ideology.

Code-Switching (CS) is a world-wide phenomenon, allowing bilinguals across the globe to alternate effortlessly between their languages. As interesting as it sounds, code-switching can be used for a number of reasons, and there are different linguistic contexts in which this phenomenon occurs. Umeå is a very multinational city in northern Sweden, and this paper will present the results from interviewing a group of three (a) Arabic-Swedish speakers and a group of three (b) English-Swedish speakers on their use of language and code-switching. The results show that group a and group b both use CS as a tool to express themselves better, and also to feel a sense of belonging in their different surroundings. Being a bilingual usually comes with two cultures, and this includes many different situations in which these bilinguals use CS.

This investigation is about the English language in Swedish TV-commercials. Theinvestigation shows that there are commercials in Sweden that involve other languages thanSwedish. The languages found in this study apart from Swedish were English, Italian andGerman. The results show that the most common language was Swedish, which was used in405 (96.4%) of the 420 commercial spots of which the data consists. In 57.6% of thecommercials Swedish was the only language that was used compared to the 3.6% spots whichonly included English. Swedish was used together with English, Italian or German in 159commercials. There were 168 ads which contained some form of English, as the onlylanguage or together with Swedish. The results show that there was no major differenceregarding the time when the commercials containing only Swedish were broadcast. The sameconclusion could be drawn for the commercials which contained Swedish together withEnglish. The commercials which only included English were broadcast most frequently in themorning and at night. In conclusion, Swedish was the language used to the greatest extent.Furthermore, English appeared in nearly 50% of the commercials even though it was onlyused exclusively in a few ads.<br>Den här undersökningen handlar om användningen av engelska i svensk tv-reklam.Undersökningen visar att det finns reklam i Sverige som använder sig av andra språk änsvenska. De språk som användes utöver svenska var engelska, italienska och tyska.Resultaten visar att det språk som användes mest var svenska, som användes i 405 (96.4%)av de 420 reklaminslag som utgör datan. I 57.6% av reklaminslagen var svenska det endaspråket som användes jämfört med de 3.6% som endast innehöll engelska. Svenska användestillsammans med engelska, italienska eller tyska i 159 reklaminslag. Totalt innehöll 168reklaminslag engelska i någon form, som enda språk eller tillsammans med svenska.Resultaten visar att det inte var någon större skillnad på vid vilken tidpunkt reklam på enbartsvenska sändes. Samma slutsats gick att dra för de reklaminslag som innehöll svenskatillsammans med engelska. Reklam som endast innehöll engelska i någon form sändes mestfrekvent i tidsintervall ett och tre, det vill säga på morgonen och på kvällen.Sammanfattningsvis var svenska det språk som användes mest. Engelska däremot, användesi nästan 50% av reklaminslagen även om det endast användes på egen hand i några få inslag.

Much research has been done in the area of code-switching; that is, changing from one language to another in the middle of the same utterance, especially in bilingual communities. Yet, there seems to be little research done on code-switching between English and Swedish among Swedish young adults. In this study, the speech of four different young beauty vloggers will be investigated with regard to their use of code-switching between English and Swedish. All four have Swedish as their first language. The results show that the amount and the types of code-switching differ between the four vloggers in the study.  The results also show that code-switching occurs relatively frequently, and that it is especially common to use English words and expressions with Swedish morphology. This is also supported by previous studies. Furthermore, two areas were found to be especially prone to code-switching: commerce (i.e. the make-up industry with imported brands and names), and youth culture; i.e. the vloggers seem to want to code-switch to be trendy and to communicate something about their identity.