Journal articles on the topic 'Swimming pool complex'

Human exposure to chloride ions in swimming pools has been recognized as a potential health concern. Although environmental monitoring is a useful technique to investigate chloride ions concentrations in indoor swimming-pool air, in practice, the interpretations of measured data would inevitably run into difficulties due to the complex interactions among the numerous variables, including environmental conditions and occupant activities. Consequently, the examination of chloride ions within swimming pool becomes an important test item for water quality control procedure. To effectively check the concentration of chloride ions in swimming pool, the evaluation process with an evaluation algorithm, indices of precision degree ( ), accuracy degree ( ) and the objective evaluation method with capability and concept of six sigma, proposed by Sung and Vännman are quoted in this paper to criticize examination tools for water quality in swimming pool. To ensure whether the evaluation method to measure chloride ion concentration in swimming pool holds precision, accuracy degrees and application functionality or not. The analysis results reveal that this method is suitable for examining the evaluation tool of chloride ions within swimming pool.

This article is about the importance of sanitary and hygienic examination of water complexes, in particular, swimming pools and water parks. There is an increasing demand for visiting such water complexes in Ukraine, both for sports activities and for leisure activities. The focus of this article is on the sanitary and hygienic examination and survey of pool water, which is treated with sodium hypochlorite (obtained by chemical way). Material and methods. The studies were carried out for 10 weeks, including a series of water samples, which were taken during the quarantine period, when swimmers were prohibited from visiting the pool. This situation made possible to make a comparative hygienic assessment of the effect of workload on the water condition in the pool and the effectiveness of disinfection. There was also a short review and characteristics of hypochlorite A, which was obtained in chemical way, its advantages and disadvantages as a disinfectant. The article analyzes the data obtained during the sanitary and hygienic survey of the pool of the swimming pool of the national technical university, their statistical processing, and comparison with the current regulatory documents of Ukraine and some other states. The data obtained in the course of a series of studies indicated a significant human influence on the state of water in the pool, which once again indicates the importance of health education of the population and visitors in swimming pools and water parks, in particular, the need to take a shower before swimming, after using the toilet, etc.; the need for training the right culture of visiting different water objects. Particular attention should be paid to swimming pools frequented by children, as they often do not have sufficient hygiene skills, or due to age cannot constantly monitor urination, so, as a rule, it`s an acute issue of large amounts of chloramines in swimming pools for children. Conclusion. In particular, a statistically significant difference was obtained in terms of ammonia and ammonium ions (in total), which indicated a significant influence of visitors on this parameter. And, as you know, organic impurities (sweat, urine, cosmetics remains etc.) that get into the water together with the swimmers, react with chlorine and form chloramines, which can negatively affect the health of both the visitors and the staff. This must be taken into account while changing the workload on the pool and choosing the dose of disinfectant

This article covers main problems associated with the operation of public sports and fitness swimming pools and consequences, which may result from the improper operation of them. Issues of how to maintain indoor climate conditions in a swimming pool room are brought up. In addition, it describes the necessity of using an indoor climate control smart system, its efficiency and cost-effectiveness.

This paper shows the design of a device for partial eliminating of isocyanuric acid (ICN) from swimming pool water using melamine additives. The renewal process of swimming pool water through its own purification makes absolutely necessary the elimination of isocyanuric acid that has been accumulated in the water over time. An excess of isocyanuric acid in water will then prevent chlorine effectiveness in the pool water and as a result, becomes harmful to human health. Therefore, the disinfection stage is considered as well as Isocyanuric acid (ICN) stabilization and as doing this is achieved through melamine-photometry filtering of insoluble complex ICN-M. The overall objective of these stages of purification is to eventually eliminate ICN from swimming pool. The overall objective of this device is to eventually eliminate ICN from swimming pool and then make it safe for human uses, a case that has been considered viable technologically and economically in the system treatment.

The present study investigated the occurrence of selected micropollutants, including emerging contaminants from a group of pharmaceuticals and personal care products (PPCPs) in water samples from swimming pool systems. The study area was selected based on the lack of available information regarding suspected contamination of swimming pool water by PPCPs. The variety and concentration of chemical compounds in these aquatic systems can be quite diversified, presenting a challenge in terms of both purification and quality control. Determination of PPCPs requires very sensitive analytical methods that make it possible to confirm the presence of tested compounds in a complex organic extract. In this field, gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS) can be used. With this system, selected ion monitoring can be performed, which reduces the detection limits of the investigated analyte. This paper aims to present an analytical method and strategy that can be adapted to obtain information on the composition of water in swimming pool systems. The sample preparation methodology, including Solid Phase Extraction, has been developed for the trace determination of two pharmaceuticals—caffeine, carbamazepine—and one sunscreen constituent—benzophenone-3—in swimming pool water samples.

Despite routine monitoring and disinfection, treated swimming pools are frequently contaminated with the opportunistic pathogen Pseudomonas aeruginosa, which can represent a significant public health threat. This review was undertaken to identify the current understanding of risk factors associated with pool operation with respect to P. aeruginosa. The ecology and factors that promote growth of P. aeruginosa in the pool environment are complex and dynamic and so we applied a systematic risk assessment approach to integrate existing data, with the aim to improve pool management and safety. Sources of P. aeruginosa, types of infections, dose responses, routes of transmission, as well as the efficacy of current disinfectant treatments were reviewed. This review also highlights the critical knowledge gaps that are required for a more robust, quantitative risk assessment of P. aeruginosa. Quantitative risk management strategies have been successfully applied to drinking water systems and should similarly be amenable to developing a better understanding of the risk posed by P. aeruginosa in swimming pools.

In the stattі of rozkrito special features of the technology of swimming of students-sailors at different stages of training. The statistic has seen the formulation of the technique of an athlete-swimming from the point of view of the dynamic dynamics, and it has been established that the complex process of sports training from swimming can be cleverly adapted to the period. It is emphasized that when swimming technology is introduced, it is necessary to use the lines, holding out which swimmers will take away the latest sports results. Immediately before the start of classes in the pool with students was an introductory lecture, which focused on the impact of swimming on the human body, determined its health value, on different ways of swimming, including applied, rules of conduct in the pool. Analysis of the training of outstanding swimmers of today in the vast majority of cases shows that for many years a diverse functional base was created, and only in its presence and with the achievement of optimal age to demonstrate higher achievements, the most powerful training reserves are realized. Strict adherence to the principles of sequence of increasing the training load is of great importance in the process of planning long-term training. In this case, training loads at all stages of training generally correspond to the functional capabilities of the athlete, which contributes to a systematic increase in the level of training.

Recently, integrating the Internet of Things (IoT) and computer vision has been utilized in swimming pool automated surveillance systems. Several studies have been proposed to overcome off-time surveillance drowning incidents based on using a sequence of videos to track human motion and position. This paper proposes an efficient and reliable detection system that utilizes a single image to detect and classify drowning objects, to prevent drowning incidents. The proposed system utilizes the IoT and transfer learning to provide an intelligent and automated solution for off-time monitoring swimming pool safety. In addition, a specialized transfer-learning-based model utilizing a model pretrained on “ImageNet”, which can extract the most useful and complex features of the captured image to differentiate between humans, animals, and other objects, has been proposed. The proposed system aims to reduce human intervention by processing and sending the classification results to the owner’s mobile device. The performance of the specialized model is evaluated by using a prototype experiment that achieves higher accuracy, sensitivity, and precision, as compared to other deep learning algorithms.

Phenotypic variability represents an important factor allowing species to adapt to local environmental conditions, but mechanisms underlying such variation are incompletely understood. This study investigated whether habitat-specific demands on swimming performance or difference in trophic relationships in lakes (pelagic, littoral) and streams (riffle, pool) were significant predictors of phenotypic variation exhibited by brook char (Salvelinus fontinalis), the only fish in the study habitats. Specifically, we hypothesized that pelagic and riffle habitats would impose greater selective pressures associated with swimming, resulting in body morphologies that were dorsoventrally compressed, anterior–posteriorly elongated, and that exhibited a long, narrow caudal peduncle. Geometric morphometrics was applied in a quantitative analysis of body morphology among habitats, whereas stable isotope analysis was used to differentiate between food sources. Analyses revealed that while body morphology differed between lake and stream habitats, there was convergence between the pelagic and riffle habitats, as well as among littoral and riffle and pool environments. The littoral and pool habitats were thought to be more structurally complex, thereby selecting for increased maneuverability but lower sustained swimming and correspondingly deeper bodies with shorter, dorsoventrally expanded caudal peduncles. Carbon source and trophic position did not differ among habitats with a system, suggesting that feeding was not the main influence on morphological plasticity; however, fish in the stream were feeding at a higher trophic position than fish in the lake. These findings suggest that individual species may take advantage of morphological variation to better adapt local surroundings.

Purpose:To quantify the effects of a 12-wk isolated core-training program on 50-m front-crawl swim time and measures of core musculature functionally relevant to swimming.Methods:Twenty national-level junior swimmers (10 male and 10 female, 16 ± 1 y, 171 ± 5 cm, 63 ± 4 kg) participated in the study. Group allocation (intervention [n = 10], control [n = 10]) was based on 2 preexisting swim-training groups who were part of the same swimming club but trained in different groups. The intervention group completed the core training, incorporating exercises targeting the lumbopelvic complex and upper region extending to the scapula, 3 times/wk for 12 wk. While the training was performed in addition to the normal pool-based swimming program, the control group maintained their usual pool-based swimming program. The authors made probabilistic magnitude-based inferences about the effect of the core training on 50-m swim time and functionally relevant measures of core function.Results:Compared with the control group, the core-training intervention group had a possibly large beneficial effect on 50-m swim time (–2.0%; 90% confidence interval –3.8 to –0.2%). Moreover, it showed small to moderate improvements on a timed prone-bridge test (9.0%; 2.1–16.4%) and asymmetric straight-arm pull-down test (23.1%; 13.7–33.4%), and there were moderate to large increases in peak EMG activity of core musculature during isolated tests of maximal voluntary contraction.Conclusion:This is the first study to demonstrate a clear beneficial effect of isolated core training on 50-m front-crawl swim performance.

Background. Intensive physical exertion is one of the stress-factors leading to the decrease of non-specific resistance of the body, significant increase in oxygen consumption followed by activation of the lipid peroxidation and decrease of endogenic antioxidant system efficacy.The aim of the present study was to evaluate the influence of the complex plant remedy on exercise tolerance of laboratory animals and to reveal mechanisms increasing physical endurance.Materials and methods. The experiments were carried out on white Wistar rats weighing 190-220 g. The physical endurance of the animals was estimated by recording time of weighted swimming to complete exhaustion in the pool. The weighting was 7 % of the body mass. The water solution of the dry extract derived from five medicinal plants was introduced intragastrically to the animals of the experimental group at the dose of 100 mg/kg in the volume of 10 ml/kg for 7 days (once a day), an hour before testing. The content of ATP, lactic acid and pyruvic acid were determined in the skeletal muscle homogenate; glycogen was determined in the liver homogenate; in the blood serum there was estimated concentration of malonic dialdehyde, the activity of catalase; the concentration of reduced glutathione was determined in the whole blood and the activity of superoxide dismutase was estimated in erythrocytes.Conclusion. The course introduction of the complex plant remedy to rats results in resilience to intensive physical exertion due to optimization of energy metabolism, inhibition of free-radical biomacromolecule oxidation processes and increase in endogenic antioxidant system activity.

Purpose This study reports on a training opportunity in endoscopy in which speech-language pathology graduate students use inanimate objects and cadavers. Best practices for transnasal endoscopy in vivo require a physician to be nearby, but many graduate programs do not have this access. Method Endoscopy was offered as a graduate elective. Students (13 women) initially learned to manipulate the endoscope through the lumen of a swimming pool noodle that was embedded with trinkets. Endoscopic examination of inanimate objects became increasingly complex, followed by endoscopic examination of a cadaver. Results Pre- and postexamination measures and qualitative data from the 13 students revealed that students increased in confidence and in interest in this aspect of the field. All students met practical competencies for handling the endoscope, passing the endoscope on a narrow tube, and visualizing objects. Some students had the opportunity to pass the endoscope on a peer and did so successfully. Conclusion For programs with a cadaver lab available, this protocol offers an affordable option compared with purchasing a simulator. For those with neither a cadaver lab nor a simulation lab, passing the endoscope on inanimate objects alone is beneficial to student development and learning.

Due to the complex structure and the multiformity of boulder arrangements, there is currently no perfect design criterion for nature-like fishways. This paper proposes four types of nature-like fishways arranged with an impermeable partition wall (IPW), a semi-permeable partition wall (SPPW) or a fully permeable partition wall (FPPW). The hydraulic characteristics of these fishways were investigated experimentally. The results show that the discharge of the fishway arranged with a FPPW was almost twice that of an IPW fishway, and the discharge of a SPPW fishway was between the two extremes. The mean flow velocity of the FPPW fishway was larger than that of the other schemes. For the fishway arranged with an IPW, the flow information was basically consistent with that of the engineered technical fishway. In the FPPW or SPPW fishway, there was more abundant flow information and no obvious recirculation zones in the fishway pool, and these conditions are suitable for migratory fish moving up- and downstream. Notably, for the fishway arranged with two fish passages, two mainstreams were formed in the pool, which divided the flow pattern of the pool into three flow regions. A weak recirculation area was formed in the low-velocity region, which facilitates swimming for migratory fish. According to this comprehensive comparative study, the SPPW fishway with two fish passages had low discharge, abundant flow information and favorable fish migration characteristics; thus, it is the optimal fishway scheme among those studied in this paper.

The territory of Saint Petersburg is divided into 18 districts. One of them, the Kurortny district, has been formed in the health resort area of St. Petersburg. In 1898 by decree of Emperor Nicholas II Sestroretskiy resort with Europe's largest swimming pool with mineral water was founded on the territory of modern Kurortny district. In 1907 Sestroretskiy resort was awarded the GRAN-PRIX at the world balneology exhibition in Spa (Belgium). Currently, the Kurortny district is constantly has more than 40 establishments of sanatorium-resort complex, where annually more than 300 thousand of citizens and guests of the Northern capital improve their health. The article considers spatial communications and relations among recreational facilities. The author determines the main factors of tourism development of recreational areas, particularly reveals the main natural healing factors of the Kurortny district of St. Petersburg. The article considers the state and development prospects of the spatial relationships among recreational institutions through the example of sites of the Northern capital. The author offers technology of complex automation system of recreational facility management as a development factor of spatial relations and attracting tourists to the region and development of recreational facilities.

Abstrak Taman benteng Vastenburg merupakan bagian tak terpisahkan dari destinasi wisata sejarah di kota Surakarta. Salah satu bagian terpenting taman benteng Vastenburg adalah keberadaan Parit/Selokan yang berbentuk melingkar. Fungsi Parit yang sebenarnya pada jaman kolonial belanda dulu adalah untuk pengamanan Pemerintahan Belanda dari serangan musuh. Fungsi itu saat ini sudah tidak ada lagi seiring tidak berfungsinya benteng sebagai bangunan pertahanan. Kondisi parit saat ini sudah tidak terpelihara lagi, talut banyak yang rusak, dasar parit sudah kering ,tidak berair, banyak sampah, dan ditumbuhi semak. Lokasi Benteng yang berada di pusat kota (pusat perkantoran dan perdagangan) sangat strategis untuk dikembangkan menjadi pusat wisata kota. Disamping wisata sejarah, komplek benteng Vastenburg bisa juga dikolaborasikan dengan wisata yang moderen, salah satunya ialah wisata air. Wisata air banyak macamnya, diantaranya adalah wisata perahu, pasar apung, kolam pancing, kolam renang, dan kolam luncur. Untuk lokasi parit benteng vastenburg yang paling cocok adalah wisata perahu. Wisata perahu ini bisa digabung dengan wisata kolam renang dan kolam luncur yang bisa dibangun disekitar bangunan benteng. Dengan dihidupkannya wisata sejarah benteng dengan wisata air dan sekaligus didukung oleh fasilitas perdagangan dan perkantoran di sekelilingnya, komplek benteng vastenburg akan bisa menjadi pusat rekreasi kota yang hidup dan ramai pengunjung. Kata kunci: kolaborasi, wisata sejarah, wisata air Abstract Vastenburg Fort Park is an integral part of historical tourist destinations in the city of Surakarta. One of the most important parts of the Vastenburg Fort Park is the existence of the Moat / Gutter which is circular in shape. The actual function of the Trench in the Dutch colonial era was to protect the Dutch Government from enemy attacks. This function is now no longer in existence due to the dysfunction of the fort as a defensive building. The condition of the ditch is no longer maintained, the gutters are damaged, the bottom of the trench is dry, no water, lots of garbage, and overgrown with shrubs. The location of the fort, which is in the city center (the center of offices and trade), is very strategic to be developed into a city tourism center. Besides historical tourism, the Vastenburg Fort complex can also be collaborated with modern tours, one of which is water tourism. There are many kinds of water tourism, including boat tours, floating markets, fishing ponds, swimming pools, and sliding pools. For the location of the vastenburg fort moat it is most suitable for a boat tour. This boat tour can be combined with a swimming pool tour and a slide that can be built around the fort. With the historical fortifications turned on with water tours and at the same time supported by the surrounding trade and office facilities, the vastenburg fort complex will become the center of the city's vibrant recreation and bustling with visitors. Keywords: collaboration, historical tourism, water tours

Epidemiological studies provide evidence that environmental exposures may affect health through complex mixtures. Formal investigation of the effect of exposure mixtures is usually achieved by modelling interactions, which relies on strong assumptions relating to the identity and the number of the exposures involved in such interactions, and on the order and parametric form of these interactions. These hypotheses become difficult to formulate and justify in an exposome context, where influential exposures are numerous and heterogeneous. To capture both the complexity of the exposome and its possibly pleiotropic effects, models handling multivariate predictors and responses, such as partial least squares (PLS) algorithms, can prove useful. As an illustrative example, we applied PLS models to data from a study investigating the inflammatory response (blood concentration of 13 immune markers) to the exposure to four disinfection by-products (one brominated and three chlorinated compounds), while swimming in a pool. To accommodate the multiple observations per participant (n=60; before and after the swim), we adopted a multilevel extension of PLS algorithms, including sparse PLS models shrinking loadings coefficients of unimportant predictors (exposures) and/or responses (protein levels). Despite the strong correlation among co-occurring exposures, our approach identified a subset of exposures (n=3/4) affecting the exhaled levels of 8 (out of 13) immune markers. PLS algorithms can easily scale to high-dimensional exposures and responses, and prove useful for exposome research to identify sparse sets of exposures jointly affecting a set of (selected) biological markers. Our descriptive work may guide these extensions for higher dimensional data.

Abstract The organic constituents of exhaled human breath are representative of blood-borne concentrations through gas exchange in the blood/breath interface in the lungs. The presence of specific compounds can be an indicator of recent exposure or represent a biological response of the subject. For volatile organic compounds (VOCs), sampling and analysis of breath is preferred to direct measurement from blood samples because breath collection is noninvasive, potentially infectious waste is avoided, and the measurement of gas-phase analytes is much simpler in a gas matrix rather than in a complex biological tissue such as blood. To exploit these advantages, we have developed the “single breath canister” (SBC) technique, a simple direct collection method for individual alveolar breath samples, and adapted conventional gas chromatography–mass spectrometry analytical methods for trace-concentration VOC analysis. The focus of this paper is to describe briefly the techniques for making VOC measurements in breath, to present some specific applications for which these methods are relevant, and to demonstrate how to estimate exposure to example VOCs on the basis of breath elimination. We present data from three different exposure scenarios: (a) vinyl chloride and cis-1,2-dichloroethene from showering with contaminated water from a private well, (b) chloroform and bromodichloromethane from high-intensity swimming in chlorinated pool water, and (c) trichloroethene from a controlled exposure chamber experiment. In all cases, for all subjects, the experiment is the same: preexposure breath measurement, exposure to halogenated VOC, and a postexposure time-dependent series of breath measurements. Data are presented only to demonstrate the use of the method and how to interpret the analytical results.

Background. Ergogenic nutritional supplementation is sought by professional athletes for improving physical performance; nevertheless, scientific evidence to support the chronic use of L-Arginine among water polo players is missing. Methods. Seventeen male professional water polo players were randomly assigned to assume 5 grams per day of L-Arginine ( n = 9 ) or placebo ( n = 8 ) for 4 weeks. The players’ fitness level was assessed in the maximal speed swimming test. Ear lobe blood samples taken before and after the effort for serum lactate content were analyzed. A speed-to-lactate ratio was generated at the baseline and after 4 weeks of treatment. We also tested the effects of L-Arginine in vitro, measuring NO production, mitochondrial respiration, and gene expression in human fibroblasts. Results. L-Arginine did not modify BMI, muscle strength, and maximal speed at 200 meters after 4 weeks. However, L-Arginine ameliorated oxidative metabolism to exercise as suggested by the statistically significant lower lactate-to-speed ratio, which was not observed in placebo-treated controls. In vitro, L-Arginine induced the expression of a key regulator of mitochondrial biogenesis (PGC1α) and genes encoding for complex I and increased the production of nitric oxide and the maximal oxygen consumption rate. Conclusions. Chronic L-Arginine is safe and effective in ameliorating the oxidative metabolism of professional water polo players, through a mechanism of enhanced mitochondrial function.

The modern problems solution, impairment population’s health, through involvement of its wide miles in active leisure and improvement is closely connected both with development of improving recreation. This is due to the expansion of the content of health and recreational activities, rethinking the role of its individual types and areas of health fitness programs. The article considers the increasing role of aquatic types of physical culture and sports and the role of aqua aerobics, as one of the types of recreational and health technologies, and their impact on the female body. Aqua aerobics it is a complex of physical exercises in water with elements of swimming, gymnastics, stretching and strength exercises. Aqua aerobics has a healing effect on the whole body. It promotes good posture, removes tension in osteochondrosis, has a positive effect on the cardiovascular system, normalizes blood pressure, strengthens the skeleton total muscles, increases the body's defenses, removes stress, nervous excitability, improves psycho-emotional state, burns calories well which leads to weight loss. Aqua aerobics improves strength, endurance, flexibility and agility, as well as improve the functional state of the body. Water training gives a feeling of lightness and muscle relaxation. Water is a wonderful natural masseur. Exercises in water improve the condition of the skin and blood circulation. It is recommended to do different types of aqua fitness in swimming pools under the guidance of a trainer-instructor. Only in this case, exercise will be most beneficial to health.

SUMMARYIn this study the putative protective seroprevalence (PPS) of IgG antibodies to the 27-kDa and 15/17-kDa Cryptosporidium antigens in sera of healthy participants who were and were not exposed to Cryptosporidium oocysts via surface water-derived drinking water was compared. The participants completed a questionnaire regarding risk factors that have been shown to be associated with infection. The PPS was significantly greater (49−61%) in settlements where the drinking water originated from surface water, than in the control city where riverbank filtration was used (21% and 23%). Logistic regression analysis on the risk factors showed an association between bathing/swimming in outdoor pools and antibody responses to the 15/17-kDa antigen complex. Hence the elevated responses were most likely due to the use of contaminated water. Results indicate that waterborne Cryptosporidium infections occur more frequently than reported but may derive from multiple sources.

A complex interplay between socioeconomic transformations and demographic dynamics has characterized the long-term development of European countries. As a characteristic example of such linkage, the present study focuses on the spatial relationship between metropolitan growth and population age structure. Preferences for urban and suburban locations reflect complex socioeconomic phenomena such as sprawl, class segregation, gentrification and filtering. However, the spatial linkage between sprawl and demographic transitions was relatively poorly analyzed, and should be more extensively investigated in relation with population dynamics and socioeconomic structures at local scale. By reviewing pertinent literature, this study outlines how space exerts a non-neutral impact on population age structures in Europe, shaping housing needs and influencing settlement patterns and processes of urban transformation. While suburban locations have concentrated younger families and larger households in Northern and Western Europe, the socio-demographic composition of new settlements is increasingly dominated by older inhabitants in the Mediterranean region. Results of this work suggest how discontinuous urban expansion was specifically associated with an elder, wealthy population with high standard of living and a preference for specific housing locations such as detached villas with gardens and swimming pools.

The bacterial flagellar motor is the most complex structure in the bacterial cell, driving the ion-driven rotation of the helical flagellum. The ordered expression of the regulon and the assembly of the series of interacting protein rings, spanning the inner and outer membranes to form the ∼45–50-nm protein complex, have made investigation of the structure and mechanism a major challenge since its recognition as a rotating nanomachine about 40 years ago. Painstaking molecular genetics, biochemistry, and electron microscopy revealed a tiny electric motor spinning in the bacterial membrane. Over the last decade, new single-molecule and in vivo biophysical methods have allowed investigation of the stability of this and other large protein complexes, working in their natural environment inside live cells. This has revealed that in the bacterial flagellar motor, protein molecules in both the rotor and stator exchange with freely circulating pools of spares on a timescale of minutes, even while motors are continuously rotating. This constant exchange has allowed the evolution of modified components allowing bacteria to keep swimming as the viscosity or the ion composition of the outside environment changes.

Diabetes mellitus is accompanied by hormonal and neurochemical changes that can be associated with anxiety and depression. Both diabetes and depression negatively interact, in that depression leads to poor metabolic control and hyperglycemia exacerbates depression. We hypothesize one novel vanadium complex of vanadium-enrichedCordyceps sinensis(VECS), which is beneficial in preventing depression in diabetes, and influences the long-term course of glycemic control. Vanadium compounds have the ability to imitate the action of insulin, and this mimicry may have further favorable effects on the level of treatment satisfaction and mood.C. sinensishas an antidepressant-like activity, and attenuates the diabetes-induced increase in blood glucose concentrations. We suggest that the VECS may be a potential strategy for contemporary treatment of depression and diabetes through the co-effect ofC. sinensisand vanadium. The validity of the hypothesis can most simply be tested by examining blood glucose levels, and swimming and climbing behavior in streptozotocin-induced hyperglycemic rats.

On the eve of the World Swimming Championship in 2015, which will be held in Russia, a review of literature analyzing injuries and diseases in top professional watersports athletes that may be acquired at competitions is presented. Modern professional sport is characterized by an intense training process, is highly competitive on the international level. Setting each new sports record becomes more and more complex. Top professional sport is associated with risk of injury, and the proper organization of biomedical support of training and competitive process is the key to reducing the incidence of injuries in sports. Literature review allowed making the following conclusions. Firstly, insufficient attention was paid to the registration of injuries in specific sports and their classification if occurred not only during competitions, but also during the training period. Secondly, during competitions the number of injuries increases in all watersports except synchronized swimming. Thirdly, the most traumatic sport is water polo, where most injuries occur during competitive activities. Fourthly, Watersports World Championships are associated with increased risk for diseases, although already implemented preventive measures reduced the incidence of infectious diseases of the upper respiratory tract. Fifthly, there is a need for further thorough study of the injuries and diseases frequencies to create preventive and rehabilitation measures in athletes involved in water sports. Thus, injuries and diseases are a significant risk for the health of athletes involved in water sports. All medical professionals involved in providing medical aid at the sporting competitions should know the specific features of injuries and diseases common for the certain sporting competitions, and develop the preventive measures.

Abstract Mycobacterium avium complex-related diseases are often associated with poorly maintained hot water systems. This calls for the development of new control strategies. The aim of this study was to investigate the activity of essential oils (EOs) from the Mediterranean plants, common juniper, immortelle, sage, lavandin, laurel, and white cedar against Mycobacterium avium ssp. avium, Mycobacterium intracellulare, and Mycobacterium gordonae in culturing broth and freshwater as their most common habitat. To do that, we developed a new method of water microdilution to determine their minimal effective concentrations (MEC). The most active EO was the one from the common juniper with the MEC of 1.6 mg mL-1. Gas chromatography / mass spectrometry the juniper EO identified monoterpenes (70.54 %) and sesquiterpenes (25.9 %) as dominant component groups. The main monoterpene hydrocarbons were α-pinene, sabinene, and β-pinene. The juniper EO significantly reduced the cell viability of M. intracellulare and M. gordonae at MEC, and of M. avium at 2xMEC. Microscopic analysis confirmed its inhibitory effect by revealing significant morphological changes in the cell membrane and cytoplasm of all three bacteria. The mode of action of the juniper EO on the cell membrane was confirmed by a marked leakage of intracellular material. Juniper EO has a great practical potential as a complementary or alternative water disinfectant in hot water systems such as baths, swimming pools, spa pools, hot tubs, or even foot baths/whirlpools.

Unintentional fatal drowning among older people is an issue as lifespans lengthen and older people embrace active retirement. While pre-existing medical conditions are a known risk factor for drowning among this age group, less is known about the role of alcohol and drugs. This 15-year (1 July 2002 to 30 June 2017) Australian study used coronial data to investigate the impact on older people (aged 65 years and older) of the obtundent effects of prescribed drugs which had been ingested by those with a positive blood alcohol concentration (BAC). Of the closed coronial cases with toxicological information (N = 471), one quarter (24.6%; N = 116) had consumed alcohol prior to drowning (one in seven BAC ≥ 0.05%), of which a third also had obtundent drugs present (33.6%; N = 39). Rivers/creeks/streams and swimming pools were the locations with the highest number of drowning deaths. Bathtubs (36.8%) and rivers/creeks/streams (17.9%) recorded the highest proportion of cases with victims having a BAC ≥ 0.05%. Bathtubs (13.2%), lakes (7.0%), and rivers/creeks/streams (6.8%) recorded the highest proportion of drowning cases with obtundent drug involvement. Obtundent drug involvement was significantly more likely for activities where the person who drowned was alone (i.e., unknown activity) (X2 = 6.8; p = 0.009). Common obtundent drugs included Diazepam, Tempazepam, and Codeine. Advocacy to prevent drowning in older people is a complex challenge, due to the myriad of locations where drowning occurs, the consumption of alcohol, and polypharmacy required for treating illness and maintaining good health.

Recently, people have been paying greater attention to their health and, as a result, the need to use physiologically functional foods was found on the market. For these reasons, the market size of “foods for specified health use” (FOSHU) in Japan has grown and was approximately ¥700 billion in 2008. Many enzymes such as amylases and proteases have been used in food manufacturing because of their diversity, specificity, and mild condition in reaction. The aim of this investigation was the production of novel bioactive compounds by three kinds of transglycosylation reaction of the amylolytic enzymes, and the research and development of physiologically functional foods using these compounds. Phosphoryl oligosaccharides of calcium (POs-Ca) are a complex with Ca and phosphoryl oligosaccharides prepared from potato starch by a hydrolysis (transglycosylation to H2O) of amylolytic enzymes. The chewing gum included POs-Ca prevented dental caries in humans. Highly branched cyclic dextrin (HBCD) was produced from amylopectin by branching enzyme (intramolecular transglycosylation), which had a relatively narrow molecular-weight distribution compared with commercially available dextrins. The sports drink containing HBCD enhanced swimming endurance in mice and humans. α-Glycosylhesperidin (G-Hsp) was produced from starch and hesperidin, a flavonoid found abundantly in citrus fruits, by the intermolecular transglycosylation using cyclodextrin glucanotransferase. Oral administration of G-Hsp improved rheumatoid arthritis in mice and humans, and poor blood circulation in women. In this study, we looked to prove that this enzymatic modification technique was useful in creating unique and effective physiologically functional foods. These functional foods are expected to improve the health and quality of life of many people.

Introduction:The swiftwater rescue (SWR) concept of operations (CONOPS) is to access as many victims as quickly as possible using strategies and tactics that maximize safety and minimize risk to all involved. “Reach, throw, row, go” has defined the primary water rescue strategy for 50+ years. However, this paradigm, originally designed for rescue from swimming pools, ponds and lakes, slow-moving rivers, and the ocean, is not conducive to SWR incidents involving submerged vehicles, which is the most common scenario during urban and small stream flash flooding.Aim:To present a new SWR strategy for urban and small stream flood response.Methods:Water rescue strategies and tactics were mapped against the SWR CONOPS to determine which ones are most likely to be successful in the rescue of victims trapped in submerged vehicles.Results:Rescue should be attempted via high water vehicles (HWVs) whenever possible, followed by watercraft and “go rescues” using advanced line systems techniques and/or tethered rescuers, dependent on incident characteristics. Positioning HWVs at the incident site permits rescuers to access victims quickly from the rear or sides of the vehicle, thereby reducing rescuer time in floodwaters. Multiple sequential rescues can be made since victims are held and medically monitored in the cargo area rather than transporting them to shore individually.Discussion:SWR from submerged vehicles is unique among emergency incidents because neither shelter-in-place nor self-evacuation are tenable options until the water recedes. "Reach" and "throw" rescue attempts are only possible if the victim is close to shore. Watercraft operations, whether motorized or manually pulled, can be technically complex, require numerous rescuers, and typically take 30-60 minutes per vehicle. Use of HWVs meets the CONOPS for SWR on flooded roadways since this strategy facilitates the rescue of multiple victims quickly while reducing the time rescuers spend in the water.

Depression is a prominent complex psychiatric disorder, usually complicated through expression of comorbid conditions, with chronic pain being among the most prevalent. This comorbidity is consistently associated with a poor prognosis and has been shown to negatively impact patient outcomes. With a global rise in this condition presenting itself, the importance of discovering long-term, effective, and affordable treatments is crucial. Electroacupuncture has demonstrated renowned success in its use for the treatment of pain and is a widely recognized therapy in clinical practice for the treatment of various psychosomatic disorders, most notably depression. Our study aimed to investigate the effects and mechanisms of Acid-Saline (AS) inducing states of chronic pain and depression comorbidity in the cerebellum, using the ST36 acupoint as the therapeutic intervention. Furthermore, the role of TRPV1 was relatedly explored through the use of TRPV1−/− mice (KO). The results indicated significant differences in the four behavioral tests used to characterize pain and depression states in mice. The AS and AS + SHAM group showed significant differences when compared to the Control and AS + EA groups in the von Frey and Hargreaves’s tests, as well as the Open-Field and Forced Swimming tests. This evidence was further substantiated in the protein levels observed in immunoblotting, with significant differences between the AS and AS + SHAM groups when compared to the AS + EA and AS + KO groups being identified. In addition, immunofluorescence visibly served to corroborate the quantitative outcomes. Conclusively these findings suggest that AS-induced chronic pain and depression comorbidity elicits changes in the cerebellum lobules VI, VII, VIII, which are ameliorated through the use of EA at ST36 via its action on TRPV1 and related molecular pathways. The action of TRPV1 is not singular in CPDC, which would suggest other potential targets such as acid-sensing ion channel subtype 3 (ASIC3) or voltage-gated sodium channels (Navs) that could be explored in future studies.

One of the main needs for the population of a country is housing. A house is a building that functions as a home for humans ranging from simple dwellings such as rudimentary huts of nomadic tribes to complex structures composed of many systems. Some countries do not address the housing problems and this eventually led to people building houses individually without proper supervision from the authorities. The main aim of this study is to identify the problems faced the owners and developers of the housing in Sudan. The objectives of the study are to identify the problems faced by the house owners who build houses individually in Sudan, to assess the problems faced by housing developers in Sudan, to investigate the factors that influence house owners to either construct houses individually or buy from developers in Sudan. This study is carried out in Khartoum, Sudan. The study is carried out through questionnaires. A total of 50 respondents submitted the questionnaires duly answered. The data is analyzed using Average Index. From the study, the main problems faced by the housing owners who build houses individually are the high cost of land, the escalation of construction material prices. The main problems faced by the housing developers in Sudan are the delay, too expensive due to its properties and the lack of infrastructure. The factors that influence house owners to construct houses individually are categorized into two groups, the first group is the financial factors and the other one is the design related factors. From the study the people agreed that the main financial factors are they can build according to their income and better cost controlling. The main design related factors are they can choose suitable location for the house, design an appropriate plan, flexible plan (add element or delete during construction) and quality is better than developer. Also the respondents agreed that the main factors that influence people to buy houses from developers are: facilities available in the housing projects (gardens, swimming pools, playgrounds, etc.), Facilities available such as power and water backup and more security.

A significant place in the article is devoted to the means of physical therapy in a special medical group for scoliosis because scoliosis occupies a leading place in the structure of orthopedic pathology. According to the literature, many authors associate the development of scoliosis with impaired mineral metabolism and a decrease in bone density of the vertebral bodies. Scoliosis is a broad concept that includes morpho-functional changes in the human body that arise as a result of curvature of the spine and are manifested by changes in the activity of the respiratory, cardiovascular, nervous systems, musculoskeletal system, etc. Analysis of scientific works, familiarization with the results of theoretical developments of scientists and practical experience of higher educational institutions regarding the outlined problem made it possible to identify the features and effectiveness of some means of physical therapy in a special medical group for scoliosis. Among the modern and effective means of physical therapy are: therapeutic exercises. Adding specific sets of exercises should be done with the help of a physical therapist. Such exercises very well help children with poor posture to overcome awkwardness, form the correct moving stereotype, and adapt to changes in the body pattern in case of scoliosis. Also a modern and effective means of physical therapy fitball-gymnastics. Unlike conventional techniques, gymnastics on fitballs (fitness ball) provides a unique opportunity to train motor control and balance, relieve stress from the ridge, etc. Therapeutic swimming is the main and irreplaceable means of physical therapy, since the spine is unloaded, the asymmetric work of the intervertebral muscles is significantly reduced, which creates favorable conditions for performing movements that reduce the pressure on the growth zones of the vertebral bodies. The treatment of scoliosis is based on stretching (traction) of the spine – this is a series of effects dosed in strength and time, and is a highly effective method of treatment, which at the same time has an instant analgesic and long-term therapeutic effect on areas of degenerative and compression lesions of the spine. Therefore, the scientific problem under study is relevant today, meaningfully complex and multifaceted, since the problem of scoliosis in children has been devoted to many fundamental, periodic and other scientific works, therefore it is very appropriate for future physical education teachers to use some means of physical therapy in special medical groups for scoliosis, namely: therapeutic exercises and exercises aimed at traction of the spine.

Kangaroo Valley is a drinking water supply catchment for Kangaroo Valley village, parts of the Southern Highlands and Sydney. It is also a popular recreation area both for swimming and canoeing. Land use has traditionally been dominated by dairy farming but there has been significant and continuing development of land for hobby farms and rural residential subdivision. Dairy industry restructuring has affected the viability of some farms in the Valley and created additional pressure for subdivision. River health is a function of flows, water quality, riparian vegetation, geomorphology and aquatic habitat and riverine biota. River flows in the Kangaroo River are affected by water extraction and storage for urban water supply and extraction by commercial irrigators and riparian land holders which have a significant impact at low flows. Current water quality often does not meet ANZECC Guidelines for primary contact and recreation and the river is a poor source of raw drinking water. Key sources of contaminants are wastewater runoff from agriculture, and poorly performing on-site sewage management systems. Riparian vegetation, which is critical to the maintenance of in-stream ecosystems suffers from uncontrolled stock access and weed infestation. The management of land use and resulting diffuse pollution sources is critical to the long term health of the river. The Healthy Rivers Commission of New South Wales Independent Inquiry into the Shoalhaven River System Final Report July, 1999 found that the longer term protection of the health of the Kangaroo River is contingent upon achievement of patterns of land use that have regard to land capability and also to the capability of the river to withstand the impacts of inappropriate or poorly managed land uses. This micro case study of Kangaroo Valley examines the complex legal and administrative arrangements with particular reference to the management of diffuse pollution for river health. In the past, diffuse pollution has fallen through the gaps in legislation and its administration. Although water pollution legislation is broad enough to embrace diffuse pollution, in practice the Environment Protection Authority has focused on regulating point sources. Water legislation has traditionally been concerned with issues of water quantity rather than water quality. Legislation which allows agency intervention in relation to land degradation has grown from soil conservation roots, neglecting the flow-on effects upon water quality. Under the land use planning system existing land uses are protected from new regulatory requirements. A number of recent developments in NSW law and its administration have set the scene for addressing this past neglect. Water planning provisions in the Water Management Act 2000 have the potential to enable community based Water Management Committees to move away from a narrow focus on water quantity to the broader issues of river health, including water quality. Improved management of on-site sewage management systems is expected as a result of the Local Government (Approvals) Amendment (Sewage Management Regulation) 1998. A draft Regional Environmental Plan prepared for the Sydney Catchment Authority aims to improve the assessment of new development in terms of its impact on drinking water quality. It also moves away from an exclusive concern with controlling new development towards grappling with existing uses. Proposed amendments to the Environmental Planning and Assessment Act, 1979 as detailed in the White Paper, Plan First (2001) include the integration of imperatives derived from catchment strategies and water management plans into local land use plans.

I was glad to read today, on December 16th of 2016, that the Sports Sciences Department of the University of Beira Interior (UBI) appears in an outstanding place in the Shanghai Ranking's Global Ranking for Sport Science Schools and Departments. We could indicate that this small department is actually in the top 80 of the sports schools of the world, which is something that should be highlighted.In 2007, the head of the Department of Sports Sciences at UBI and currently president of the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities (UBI) called for the development of internal research in the field of sports sciences, not only on the national panorama, but above all on an international level. This wish was strongly based on a complete lack of research in the department, in which until 2007 there was no single publication with indexing, much less with ISI or Scopus or any relevant project or book recognized by the scientific community. It was a herculean and risky challenge, but today we think that it has been more than achieved. At that time the cornerstones for the development and sustainability of the investigation in the department were based on three key-vectors: selection and recruitment of more teachers with experience and research potential; acquisition of equipment, laboratory software and reformulation of the advanced training proposal (reformulation of the Master course and Doctoral study plan).As a complement to the quality of the existing teachers, external professors were hired. The rectory was present in the creation of an R & D unit in consortium with UTAD, UMa and 5 Polytechnics Schools, under the designation of CIDESD with headquarters in UTAD and a center in UBI. As far as the equipment is concerned, the department has acquired high quality material and diversification through internal funds (Department / Faculty) and also with the individual scientific production funds of the research unit CIDESD/UBI. Between 2008 and 2013, these acquisitions encouraged the exponential writing of articles, the development of projects and the conclusion with high quality of masters and doctoral theses. This was only possible due to the high scientific production carried out, which was strictly thought in favor of our students and the Department of Sports Sciences. The acquisition of research material had not only a typical laboratory concern but also an ecological one, that is, most of the acquired equipment was portable, allowing us to carry out several studies outside the Department, going to the places where the individuals that composed the samples were. Finally, since 2009, there has been a strong internationalization policy for the Masters course, especially with the arrival of highly qualified teachers from worldwide, which has allowed the promotion of research policies and a significant increase in quantity, but above all in the quality of the published articles. In this research policies project - it was sought to present a line of concrete study that addressed some pertinent problems to which the international literature has not yet shown any final conclusions.In the last two decades, scientific research in Sport Sciences has grown exponentially in the department. Unfortunately, most of the resources, such as critical mass or equipment (laboratories) are still scarce in our country, although some universities have taken important steps in order to reverse this situation. Thus, UBI could not remain unaware of this "revolution". We had a young department with quality and capacity to perform quality research. To this purpose, it was urgent to develop protocols and / or connect with universities and researchers of international reference, which would transport us to higher levels of research. Since our field of study was so vast and complex, we had to focus on the following points of interest: A) preparing research projects in the field of sports performance; B) drawing short - term strategies for the construction of a root laboratory that would be able to transport us to the "front line"; C) helping integrate our young doctoral students (teachers) into the "world" of research. Considering the opening of the European university space resulting from the Maastricht Treaty, one of the pillars of the internationalization policy has been the focus on European cooperation activities. Numerous protocols were developed with the University of Pitesti, the Public University of Navarra, the Pablo de Olavide University, and the University of Barry State. These contacts were a result from the social and academic networks established with members of these universities.After hiring the new professors whose doctorates were concluded between 2007 and 2009, the mission of equating a course development strategy and improving its attractiveness was crucial. Given the fact that, at the level of the 2nd cycle offer, the demand was low, it was therefore necessary to attract students from other schools of the country. It was obvious that this would only be possible with the use of previous personal knowledge networks and the support of the Center for Research in Sport, Health and Human Development (CIDESD), a research center where UBI is an integrated member.The 2nd cycle of studies of the Master’s Degree in Sports Sciences was created in the 1st year of the Bologna Process adjustments of the courses given at the UBI. At that time, the Department's doctoral faculty was exiguous and very little diversified. For this reason, the Curricular Units proposed for the curriculum were based in the possibility of hiring other human resources. National and international teachers of recognized pedagogical and scientific value were recruited, with special emphasis on the prestigious curriculum of publications in the area of Sports Sciences. Provisional calls were launched and readily accepted on the condition that they taught concentrated classes, similar to what already being done in many foreign universities and also in some national ones.In the main scientific area of the cycle of studies (Sports Sciences) all the teachers integrated in the service distribution are effective members or collaborators of CIDESD. CIDESD is a research unit accredited by FCT (since the 12th of December of 2009) with the initial classification of GOOD and nowadays of VERY GOOD. Also worth mentioning is the collaboration with the Center for Excellence in Studies, Research and Sports Medicine and the Navarro Institute of Sport, Government of Navarra.The approach to scientific research has also been a point of honor of this department, carried out in a sustainable way, mainly through teaching / learning methodologies specific to each curricular unit (CU), mostly through research seminars. This approach begins in the 1st semester of the 1st year, encouraging the student to the good practices of scientific research, particularly in his area of interest. However, the ultimate milestone of his effective integration into the scientific research can only be consolidated if the student is qualified to prepare or eventually to submit a scientific paper in an ISI-indexed journal provided by the Seminar CUs. Finally, we must highlight the involvement in the implementation of technical-scientific events allowing contact with basic and applied science, of which the Research Seminar of CIDESD and CIDESD Junior is the best example. It should also be said that the scientific activity produced by teachers and students is strongly implemented in the methodological orientation of teaching / research and in the provision of services and advice to the academic community and to civil society in general. Regarding to the research-community relationship, the type of research developed is powerfully applied by integrating and transmitting immediately the produced knowledge to the stakeholders (e.g., clubs, municipalities, gymnasiums and swimming pools). Therefore, this applied research par excellence in the physical activity context of exercise and sport in its most diverse fields of application brings economic benefits to the partners of the course.It should be mentioned that in the last two years there has been a significant increase in the publication of scientific articles in journals indexed to the ISI Web of Knowledge, a true and successful Case Study at the national level. Also note that part of the articles published during the last years were launched in magazines with an impact factor higher than 1.0. Also noteworthy are the publications in book or chapter format of books with scientific review. There are also dozens of abstracts published in national and international conferences (with scientific review). In fact, we consider this type of publication as an excellent measure of dissemination of the work produced by senior researchers and 3rd cycle students. In some cases, even for the 2nd cycle students.We succeeded in spreading knowledge through the range of articles available in worldwide renowned journals, i.e.: Original Research, Brief Reviews, Reviews, Methodological Reports, Research Notes, and Letters to Editor. In terms of impact, if we consider that the UBI Teaching Activity Regulation defined 0.4 as the impact reference median to the Sports Sciences, the publications in question are clearly above this level with an average close to 1.0 impact, a high value for the sports sciences. It should be emphasized that more than 50 percent of the articles refer to 1.8-1.9 impact journals, and that we have had a review - recently published in the highest impact factor journal of the area (Sports Medicine: 5.2).With this philosophy of publications, it was intended to carry out a large number of scientific studies that addressed a panoply of issues considered more relevant like the ones related to the effectiveness of Strength Training and Physical Condition on performance improvements in High Performance Sports, Public School and Exercise /Health. Consequently, this line of thought / intervention, in addition to discussing in a pragmatic and scientific way different topics related to the methodology of Strength Training and Physical Condition, tried to do a parallelism between theory and practice, that is, most of the abovementioned articles are of a highly practical nature in order to daily assist coaches, physical education teachers and health / sport professionals. We also analyzed the Simultaneous Training of Strength and Aerobic thematic, as well as the problematic of the Detraining. These are two hot topics as both are far from consensus in the scientific community.Since the origin of the Department (1994), the first four experimental studies conducted in our laboratories have been published in two of the best sports training magazines. In the five-year period in question, the level of scientific production was exponential with more 100 international ISI articles published or accepted for publication in journals indexed to international reference databases by the end of 2013. The participation in conferences such as the American College of Sports Medicine (ACSM) and the European College of Sport Science (ECSS) as well as the positive evaluation of 2 R & D projects by international panels (with emphasis on the project approved in call 2010) seem to indicate that the scientific community recognizes the efforts done to contribute for a better understanding of the sportive phenomenon, both in theoretical as in empirical terms. We should also note the level of involvement in the scientific community with referee reports for international reference journals and with several coauthors affiliated to different universities (national and international).The research networks developed in 5 years and the funding of the international R & D Projects planned for the coming years, will not only allow the renewal of equipment and software, but also bring the possibility of hiring highly qualified human resources, guaranteeing important conditions to continue in the line of international merit investigation. It is also an important incentive to further progress in the worldwide scientific production, recognized by the scientific community as well as helping UBI to consolidate its role in the country and in the world, in this scientific area. However, there are still some teachers who feel some lack of motivation to publish regularly.

ObjectiveTo prevent and identify gastrointestinal outbreaks due to swimming pools using a two-part surveillance system i) Model Aquatic Health Code (MAHC) Guideline Survey and ii) syndromic surveillanceIntroductionSwimming in contaminated pools can cause gastroenteritis from water contaminated by viruses, bacteria, or parasites. Germs that cause gastroenteritis are shed in feces of infected persons, and easily spread to uninfected persons swimming in pools. Symptoms of gastrointestinal illness can include nausea, vomiting, watery or bloody diarrhea, and weight loss. Common causes of swimming-related gastroenteritis included viruses (norovirus), parasites (giardia, cryptosporidium), and bacteria (Escherichia coli, Shigella). Cryptosporidium is most common agent associated with swimming pool outbreaks. In 2011-2012, public health officials from 32 States reported 90 swimming-pool associated outbreaks to CDC’s Waterborne Disease and Outbreak Surveillance System (WBDOSS). These 90 outbreaks resulted in 1,788 cases, 95 hospitalizations, 1 death. 52% of these outbreaks were caused by Cryptosporidium.MethodsLiterature search was conducted using published peer-reviewed articles via PubMed and Internet websites including, CDC and U.S. consumer product safety commission, Agency for toxic substance and disease registry. Statistical data on GI illness outbreaks associated with swimming pools prevalence and outcomes were also reviewed. Current surveillance methods used for detecting prevalence of waterborne disease outbreaks are based on examples from Ohio and Nebraska to determine approaches and effectiveness of the systems.ResultsSurvey and Education Packet - Distribute a survey with questions about current MAHC guideline adherence and MAHC educational packets that include the incident response guidelines and the water contamination response logStrengths: Low cost, simple, and acceptableLimitations: Not timely event reportingEvent Reporting - Develop a website for reporting contamination events based on the water contamination response logStrengths: Timely reportingLimitations: Complex to setup and maintain, moderate cost, and may not be acceptablePool Inspections - Require pools to undergo periodic inspections to monitor adherence to MAHC guidelinesStrengths: Complete and representativeLimitations: Complex, expensive, not timely event reportingThe current system is based on state reporting to the CDC through the paper-based reporting waterborne disease outbreaks surveillance system (WBDOSS), and the National Outbreak Reporting System (NORS), an electronic reporting system in place since 2009CDC uses waterborne disease outbreak surveillance data too identify the types of etiologic agents, and settings associated with outbreakso evaluate the adequacy of regulations to promote healthy and safe swimmingo establish priorities to improve prevention, guidelines, and regulations at the local, state, and federal levelsThe WBDOSS is not sufficient to capture early detection and reporting of AGI outbreaks. We recommend the these surveillance approaches:Syndromic surveillance of WBD outbreaks to capture early outbreaks of diarrheal, and as many suspected cases as possible in a timely mannerSentinel surveillance at specific healthcare facilities in the proximity of swimming pools where outbreaks can occurActive Lab-based surveillance would offer more robust and complete analysis of the prevalence and incidence of acute GI illness outbreaks in the StateConclusionsOur study concluded that state health department should begin a two-part surveillance system: i) distributing MAHC guideline surveys & education packet; ii) syndromic surveillance system for outbreaks. MAHC Guideline Survey and Education Packet would be cost effective to educate pool operators on current MAHC guidelines and gather baseline data on adherence to MAHC guidelines for responding to contamination events. Afterwards, once baseline data is gathered and awareness of the MAHC guidelines is established, the state health department can determine if event reporting or pool inspections are necessary to increase either the timeliness or representativeness of the surveillance system. Syndromic surveillance would be the most timely and sensitive surveillance system. This is important to achieve health department's goal of early outbreak detection. Both predictive value and data quality are limitations of syndromic surveillance system. Acute gastrointestinal illness is also caused by sources other than pool contamination which can cause false positives.References1-CDC. Protracted Outbreaks of Cryptosporidiosis Associated With Swimming Pool Use --- Ohio and Nebraska, 2000 MMWR 2001; 50(20); 406-410.http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/mm5020a3.htm2-CDC. Outbreaks of Illness Associated with 2-Recreational Water — United States, 2011–2012 MMWR. 64(24); 668-672. http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/mm6424a4.htm?s_cid=mm6424a4_w3-CDC. The Model Aquatic Health Code. August 2015. http://www.cdc.gov/mahc/index.htm4-CDC. (n.d.) Decoding the MAHC: The Model Aquatic Health Code. Retrieved from https://www.cdc.gov/healthywater/pdf/swimming/pools/mahc/decoding-the-mahc.pdf5-CDC. (2016). Fecal Incident Response Recommendations for Aquatic Staff. Retrieved from https://www.cdc.gov/healthywater/swimming/pdf/fecal-incident-response-guidelines.pdf6-CDC. (n.d.) Water Contamination Response Log. Retrieved from https://www.cdc.gov/healthywater/pdf/swimming/pools/water-contamination-response-log.pdf7-CDC. (2016). Model Aquatic Health Code Aquatic Facility Inspection Report. Retrieved from https://www.cdc.gov/mahc/pdf/mahc-aquatic-facility-inspection-report.pdf

Cryptosporidium species are responsible for causing the majority of parasite-related gastrointestinal infections in the UK. This report describes an outbreak of 12 laboratory-confirmed cryptosporidiosis cases identified as part of a Scottish swimming pool investigation, with 9 primary and 3 secondary cases occurring over an 8-week period. Molecular speciation was successful for 11/12 cases, which revealed 10 Cryptosporidium hominis cases and 1 Cryptosporidium parvum case. Of the 10 C. hominis cases, further typing identified 7 as being an unusual sub-type, IbA6G3, which is the first description in the UK of this rare variant. The remaining three C. hominis cases were identified as the common IbA10G2 subtype. Following implementation of control measures on two occasions, no further cases were reported. This report highlights the importance of molecular typing to identify and characterize outbreaks, and emphasizes the need to adhere to swimming pool guidance. It also raises awareness of the potential for outbreaks to involve multiple species/sub-types, and emphasizes the importance of strong public health leadership to ensure effective multi-agency investigations and management of outbreaks.

The validity of the TritonWear® device to measure swimming performance was investigated, with a pre-determined analytical goal of 6%. Twenty youth swimmers completed a 100 m swim in a 25 m pool, swimming breaststroke or freestyle wearing the TritonWear® device, whilst being filmed above and below water with three cameras. 95% limits of agreement (95% LoA) and coefficient of variation (CV%) were used to calculate error. Systematic biases (P < 0.05) were found between the two systems only for distance per stroke during breaststroke. Freestyle metrics agreement ranged between 1.06% and 10.40% CV, except for distance per stroke (CV = 14.64%), and time underwater (CV = 18.15%). Breaststroke metrics ranged between 0.95% and 13.74% CV, except for time underwater (CV = 25.76%). The smallest errors were found for split-times, speed, stroke-count and stroke-rate, across both strokes (all < 5% CV). The TritonWear® can be used for basic metrics of performance, such as split-time and speed but the error of more complex measurements, such as time underwater or turn-times, renders them unable to identify typical performance changes.

The coronavirus pandemic has changed the usual way of life of almost every one of us, all areas have shifted to work with limited functioning and activities in quarantine. SARS-CoV-2, the causative agent of COVID-19, is mostly transmitted from person to person by close contact through small droplets (released during coughing, sneezing and talking) contaminated with the virus, or virus particles that linger in the air for several minutes to several hours, less often infection occurs through contaminated surfaces and objects. The objective was to analyze the possibility of safe operation of water complexes (water parks, swimming pools, etc.) during a pandemic COVID-19 in our country. Materials and methods. Since November 2019 and so far, we have been taking water samples from one private pool and from the pool of a sports complex in one University in Kyiv, in addition, because of cooperation with the Brovary Regional Department of Laboratory Research of the State Institution «Kyiv Regional Laboratory Center of the Ministry of Health of Ukraine» we have known the results of water control in one under roof water park in Brovary, which is located in Kyiv region. We explored the quality of water by sanitary chemical indices (odor, color, turbidity, pH, water hardness, concentration of ammonia and ammonium ions, chlorides, sulfates, free chlorine, etc.) and microbiological indicators (total microbial count (TMC) and coli bacterial index (index of bacteria of the group of E. coli (CBI)). Results of the research. In our research, we analyzed the guidelines on the possibility and conditions of the functioning of water complexes during quarantine restrictions of various countries. We found that the free chlorine level in water samples complies to those recommendation, which WHO is provided in the context of the coronavirus pandemic in private and public water complexes. Currently, there are no studies that suggest the possibility of survival of SARS-CoV-2 virus in swimming pool water or other water entertainment complexes, although experimental data obtained previously with coronaviruses (on cell cultures) other than SARS CoV-2, indicate that they are usually sensitive to strong oxidants, such as chlorine. Therefore, today, we can assume that purified water in swimming pools and other water complexes is not an environment where the SARS-CoV-2 virus can survive. The WHO states that a residual free chlorine concentration ≥ 0.5 mg / L in pool water at pH < 8,0 is sufficient to kill coronaviruses. The virus that causes COVID-19 has been found in the fecal matter of infected people, not just those with symptoms of gastrointestinal disorders. It's generally believed that the excretion of the virus may persist for several days. However, it should be noted that there are no cases of fecal-oral transmission of SARS-CoV-2 now. Therefore, to date, the risk of SARS-CoV-2 transmission by fecal-oral route is assessed as low. Conclusions. According to the data from lead countries regarding recommendations for visiting water complexes during the COVID-19 pandemic and because of the lack of our own research in our country, we can talk about the possibility of their implementation in Ukraine. We believe that the constant closure of swimming pools and water complexes, and, consequently, constant breaks in the training of not only professional athletes, but also amateurs, run counter to the recommendations regarding the promotion of a healthy lifestyle. It`s worth to remember that prevention is always better than treatment, and training sports is one of the key points in ensuring the effective work of the body and the immune system in particular, which is especially important during a pandemic.

Background: The hygiene practices of pool patrons are important in maintaining water quality as well as patron health and safety. Poor practices, such as not taking a pre-swim shower, can introduce additional contaminants, which will then react with the free available chlorine to form disinfection by products (DBPs). Not only will excess contaminants decrease the free available chlorine but it will also cause a copious amount of DBPs to be formed. DBPs are known to cause eye and skin irritation, an unpleasant odor, and may cause additional respiratory issues. Therefore, in the interest of public health the number of contaminants introduced into the water should be minimized, which can be done through improving the hygiene practices of patrons. This study investigated factors that may affect pre-swim shower frequencies among aquatic facility patrons. Methods: Data from 78 respondents to a self-administered electronic survey were used in this study. The survey evaluated respondents’ knowledge of pool related illnesses, knowledge of proper aquatic facility hygiene practices and their attitudes toward these practices. Results were analyzed using one-way ANOVA, chi squared test and independent samples t-test. Results: The only statistically significant relationship found was an association between the how often an individual used aquatic facilities and their pre-swim shower frequency; frequent aquatic facility users were found to rarely/never take a pre-swim shower (p = 0.049). As well, factors such as knowledge of pool related illnesses, knowledge of proper hygiene practices, age, and if an individual had read the pool rules were not found to be related to pre-swim shower frequency. Conclusion: The results indicate that educational campaigns aimed at increasing the public knowledge of pool related illnesses and proper pool hygiene practices may not increase pre-swim shower frequencies. Results from this study also indicate that if the showers were cleaner, warmer, and or more private, pre-swim shower frequencies may increase. As well, 79.5% of respondents knew that taking a pre-swim shower is required and 52.6% of participants indicated that they would improve their hygiene practices if consequences were implemented. Taken together, this may suggest that the physical layout of the showering facilities within a swimming pool complex may influence showering behaviour, and greater enforcement of pool rules may be needed in order to increase pre-swim shower frequency.

ABSTRACT Dickeya zeae is an important and aggressive bacterial phytopathogen that can cause substantial economic losses in banana and rice plantations. We previously showed that c-di-GMP signaling proteins (cyclases/phosphodiesterases) in D. zeae strain EC1 play a significant role in the bacterial sessile-to-motile transition. To determine whether there is any synergistic effect among these c-di-GMP signaling proteins, we prepared a series of mutant strains by generating consecutive in-frame deletions of the genes encoding diguanylate cyclases (which make c-di-GMP) and phosphodiesterases (which break down c-di-GMP), respectively, using EC1 as a parental strain. The results showed that the complete deletion of all the putative diguanylate cyclases resulted in significantly increased bacterial motility and abrogated biofilm formation but did not appear to affect pathogenicity and virulence factor production. In contrast, the deletion of all the c-di-GMP phosphodiesterase genes disabled motility and prevented the invasion of EC1 into rice seeds. By measuring the c-di-GMP concentrations and swimming motility of all the mutants, we propose that c-di-GMP controlled swimming behavior through a multitiered program in a c-di-GMP concentration-dependent manner, which could be described as an L-shaped regression curve. These features are quite different from those that have been shown for other bacterial species such as Salmonella and Caulobacter crescentus. Further analysis identified three c-di-GMP signaling proteins, i.e., PDE10355, DGC14945, and PDE14950, that play dominant roles in influencing the global c-di-GMP pool of strain EC1. The findings from this study highlight the complexity and plasticity of c-di-GMP regulatory circuits in different bacterial species. IMPORTANCE Dickeya zeae is the etiological agent of bacterial foot rot disease, which can cause massive economic losses in banana and rice plantations. Genome sequence analysis showed that D. zeae strain EC1 contains multiple c-di-GMP turnover genes, but their roles and regulatory mechanisms in bacterial physiology and virulence remain vague. By generating consecutive in-frame deletion mutants of the genes encoding c-di-GMP biosynthesis and degradation, respectively, we analyzed the individual and collective impacts of these c-di-GMP metabolic genes on the c-di-GMP global pool, bacterial physiology, and virulence. The significance of our study is in identifying the mechanism of c-di-GMP signaling in strain EC1 more clearly, which expands the c-di-GMP regulating patterns in Gram-negative species. The methods and experimental designs in this research will provide a valuable reference for the exploration of the complex c-di-GMP regulation mechanisms in other bacteria.

This special issue of M/C Journal has been prompted by the "Creative Suburbia" symposium held at the Queensland University of Technology in September 2010. The symposium brought together researchers from cultural studies, communication and media studies, cultural geography, urban planning and cultural policy to share research and perspectives while collectively exploring issues around understandings of suburbia and suburban life. The word “suburbia” is almost automatically associated with homogeneity and dullness. But we ask does this "imagined geography" of suburbia match suburbia’s material and experiential geographies? If not, what suburban cultures, economies, and movements might it obscure? Where, and what is suburbia, and how does it work? Despite a renaissance in critiques of the city, attention has largely been focussed on city centres and their inner core, with far less attention paid to the suburbs. As urbanism intensifies across the world—for the first time in history the majority of people live in cities—concerns about environmental degradation and management, social cohesion and the cultural diversity of cities are firmly on the agenda. In Australia, as in many other countries, the suburbs are where most people live and work, and, while metropolitan centres have undergone major changes, so too have their suburbs. Shaping the suburbs today are influences such as technological innovations enabling more people to work from home or to work flexibly. Many suburbs are now busy commercial centres offering a wide range of activities and services. The increasingly multicultural nature of Australian suburbs, enhanced access to mortgages and consumer credit fuelling speculation and consumption, have all contributed to the development of a suburban geography that is very different from the suburbs’ 1950s antecedents. The rise of the "creative city" agenda (Florida) has also contributed to re-positioning cities as creative and cultural powerhouses, where cities are measured by their cultural assets and their creative, innovative workforce. The ARC funded "Creative Suburbia" project, questioned the inner- city focus of the creativity discourse, and looked at the creative workforce and creative activity beyond urban centres, to the outer suburbs of Brisbane and Melbourne. Researchers found plenty of evidence of a creative workforce and local creative communities which challenged the assumption that creative industries are best fostered in a dense inner-urban milieux. In this special issue, we include several papers that examine the experience of creative workers in the suburbs, bringing to the fore implications for urban and cultural policy and suburban community capacity building. The first article in this edition, Terry Flew’s “Right to the City, Desire for the Suburb?,” discusses the rise of research into cities and points out that the paradox here is that much of the recent urbanisation process is in fact suburbanisation. The focus on developing inner-urban cultural amenity has been overplayed, and greater attention needs to be paid to how better enable distributed knowledge systems through high-speed broadband infrastructure. Suburbia has become more multicultural. Maree Pardy’s “Eat, Pray, Swim—Women, Religion and Multiculturalism in the Suburbs” discusses multiculturalism and its intersection in the public spaces of cities and suburbs, raising questions around multicultural democracy. An event organised by Islamic women at a public swimming pool in a Melbourne outer suburb raises tensions around cultural differences in urban public space. As urbanisation intensifies across the world, Australian cities are becoming denser, creating different morphologies of the suburbs and inner-cities. Brisbane, once a low-density, suburban city, has undergone intense urban development since the early 1990s. In “Urban construction, Suburban Dreaming," Emma Felton examines the shift to new, denser forms of living in Brisbane and how this shift is played out in discursive accounts of the city in marketing material during the years of urban renewal in Brisbane. She identifies the ways in which suburbanism is re-asserted in cultural discourses of the “new” city. New research methodologies provide new ways of understanding cultural and social activity. Chris Brennan-Horley’s “Reappraising the Role of Suburban Workplaces in Darwin’s Creative Economy” provides further evidence of creative industries in suburban locations through the lens of a participatory mapping exercise using GIS software. His data and methodology reveal a more complex and nuanced portrait of the creative workforce than that of census statistics on employment, and identify distinct spatial patterns used by creative workers. Such changes and trends illustrate the ever-changing relationship between the experience of place, creativity, and social life. Aneta Podkalicka explores this theme through a case study of a Melbourne-based youth media program called Youthworx to analyze the processes at stake in cultural engagement for marginalised young people. Her research opens up an opportunity to understand "suburbs" empirically, rather than treating "suburbs" as abstract, analytical constructs. In China, as elsewhere, the suburbs provide lower rent and offer a conducive creative ethos. Angela Lin Huang’s “Leaving the City: artists villages in Beijing” shows how artists locational preferences are often overlooked in policies that are aimed to support them. Government policies have either protected or dismantled artists’ settlements and Huang reviews the history of artists’ villages, tracing their migration routes, and investigates artists’ lives on the edge of the city. The logic of government policy causes a distinction between cities and outlying districts that overlooks the basic needs of artists, needs that are not only for a free or affordable place, but also a space for creativity. Belinda Burns in “Untold Tales of the Intra-Suburban Female” tells of the flight of Australian woman from the suburbs in literature. Fictional narratives of flight occurred in narratives women embarked upon journeys of self-realisation previously reserved for men. Alan Davies upturns the idea that the suburbs are places of leisure and retreat with his study of changes to the suburban workforce. Davies's research identifies the suburbs as the location for the majority of the Melbourne workforce, a fact applicable to other Australian cities such as Sydney and Brisbane. Finally, Apperley, Nansen, Arnold, and Wilken in "Broadband in the Burbs" raise questions around the rollout of the NBN and its impact on people living in the suburbs. Their research suggests that, despite claims to the contrary, there will be a "patchwork geography" of media and communication access and use in peoples' homes across the country. Collectively, the articles in this edition address the many changes in life and work occurring in the contemporary suburbs, in the contours of suburban experience, and their shifting cultural value, reflected in suburban representations. What the articles share in common is the recognition of the suburbs as complex and dynamic places that have undergone a significant transformation, undermining an established view that not much happens there. For some writers, this raises questions for urban and cultural policy makers, for others it points to new geographies of creativity, collaboration, and community. As the suburbs continue to grow in scale and complexity, it is evident that their story is still unfolding. Reference Florida, Richard. The Rise of the Creative Class. New York: Basic Books, 2002.

The habitual passenger cannot grasp the folly of traffic based overwhelmingly on transport. His inherited perceptions of space and time and of personal pace have been industrially deformed. He has lost the power to conceive of himself outside the passenger role (Illich 25).The most basic definition of Stillness refers to a state of being in the absence of both motion and disturbance. Some might say it is anti-American. Stillness denies the democratic freedom of mobility in a social system where, as Ivan Illich writes in Energy and Equity, people “believe that political power grows out of the capacity of a transportation system, and in its absence is the result of access to the television screen” (26). In America, it isn’t too far of a stretch to say that most are quite used to being interpolated as some sort of subject of the screen, be it the windshield or the flat screen. Whether in transport or tele-vision, life is full of traffic and flickering images. In the best of times there is a choice between being citizen-audience member or citizen-passenger. A full day might include both.But during the summer of 2008 things seemed to change. The citizen-passenger was left beached, not in some sandy paradise but in their backyard. In this state of SIMBY (stuck in my backyard), the citizen-passenger experienced the energy crisis first hand. Middle class suburbanites were forced to come to terms with a new disturbance due to rising fuel prices: unattainable motion. Domestic travel had been exchanged for domestication. The citizen-passenger was rendered what Paul Virilio might call, “a voyager without a voyage, this passenger without a passage, the ultimate stranger, and renegade to himself” (Crepuscular 131). The threat to capitalism posed by this unattainable motion was quickly thwarted by America’s 'big box' stores, hotel chains, and news networks. What might have become a culturally transformative politics of attainable stillness was hijacked instead by The Great American Staycation. The Staycation is a neologism that refers to the activity of making a vacation out of staying at home. But the Staycation is more than a passing phrase; it is a complex cultural phenomenon that targeted middle class homes during the summer of 2008. A major constraint to a happy Staycation was the uncomfortable fact that the middle class home was not really a desirable destination as it stood. The family home would have to undergo a series of changes, one being the initiation of a set of time management strategies; and the second, the adoption of new objects for consumption. Good Morning America first featured the Staycation as a helpful parenting strategy for what was expected to be a long and arduous summer. GMA defined the parameters of the Staycation with four golden rules in May of 2008:Schedule start and end dates. Otherwise, it runs the risk of feeling just like another string of nights in front of the tube. Take Staycation photos or videos, just as you would if you went away from home on your vacation. Declare a 'choratorium.' That means no chores! Don't make the bed, vacuum, clean out the closets, pull weeds, or nothing, Pack that time with activities. (Leamy)Not only did GMA continue with the theme throughout the summer but the other networks also weighed in. Expert knowledge was doled out and therapeutic interventions were made to make people feel better about staying at home. Online travel companies such as expedia.com and tripadvisor.com, estimated that 60% of regular vacation takers would be staying home. With the rise and fall of gas prices, came the rise of fall of the Staycation.The emergence of the Staycation occurred precisely at a time when American citizens were confronted with the reality that their mobility and localities, including their relationship to domestic space, were structurally bound to larger geopolitical forces. The Staycation was an invention deployed by various interlocutors most threatened by the political possibilities inherent in stillness. The family home was catapulted into the circuits of production, consumption, and exchange. Big TV and Big Box stores furthered individual’s unease towards having to stay at home by discursively constructing the gas prices as an impediment to a happy domestic life and an affront to the American born right to be mobile. What was reinforced was that Americans ideally should be moving, but could not. Yet, at the same time it was rather un-American not to travel. The Staycation was couched in a powerful rhetoric of one’s moral duty to the nation while playing off of middle class anxieties and senses of privilege regarding the right to be mobile and the freedom to consume. The Staycation satiates all of these tensions by insisting that the home can become a somewhere else. Between spring and autumn of 2008, lifestyle experts, representatives from major retailers, and avid Staycationers filled morning slots on ABC, NBC, FOX, CBS, and CNN with Staycation tips. CNN highlighted the Staycation as a “1st Issue” in their Weekend Report on 12 June 2008 (Alban). This lead story centred on a father in South Windsor, Connecticut “who took the money he would normally spend on vacations and created a permanent Staycation residence.” The palatial home was fitted with a basketball court, swimming pool, hot tub, gardening area, and volleyball court. In the same week (and for those without several acres) CBS’s Early Show featured the editor of behindthebuy.com, a company that specialises in informing the “time starved consumer” about new commodities. The lifestyle consultant previewed the newest and most necessary items “so you could get away without leaving home.” Key essentials included a “family-sized” tent replete with an air conditioning unit, a projector TV screen amenable to the outdoors, a high-end snow-cone maker, a small beer keg, a mini-golf kit, and a fast-setting swimming pool that attaches to any garden hose. The segment also extolled the virtues of the Staycation even when gas prices might not be so high, “you have this stuff forever, if you go on vacation all you have are the pictures.” Here, the value of the consumer products outweighs the value of erstwhile experiences that would have to be left to mere recollection.Throughout the summer ABC News’ homepage included links to specific products and profiled hotels, such as Hiltons and Holiday Inns, where families could at least get a few miles away from home (Leamy). USA Today, in an article about retailers and the Staycation, reported that Wal-Mart would be “rolling back prices on everything from mosquito repellent to portable DVD players to baked beans and barbecue sauce”. Target and Kohl’s were celebrated for offering discounts on patio furniture, grills, scented candles, air fresheners and other products to make middle class homes ‘staycationable’. A Lexis Nexis count revealed over 200 news stories in various North American sources, including the New York Times, Financial Times, Investors Guide, the Christian Science Monitor, and various local Consumer Credit Counselling Guides. Staying home was not necessarily an inexpensive option. USA Today reported brand new grills, grilling meats, patio furniture and other accoutrements were still going to cost six percent more than the previous year (24 May 2008). While it was suggested that the Staycation was a cost-saving option, it is clear Staycations were for the well-enough off and would likely cost more or as much as an actual vacation. To put this in context with US vacation policies and practices, a recent report by the Center for Economic and Policy Research called No-Vacation Nation found that the US is the only advanced economy in the world that does not guarantee its workers paid vacation (Ray and Schmidt 3). Subsequently, without government standards 25% of Americans have neither paid vacation nor paid holidays. The Staycation was not for the working poor who were having difficulty even getting to work in the first place, nor were they for the unemployed, recently job-less, or the foreclosed. No, the Staycationers were middle class suburbanites who had backyards and enough acreage for swimming pools and tents. These were people who were going to be ‘stuck’ at home for the first time and a new grill could make that palatable. The Staycation would be exciting enough to include in their vacation history repertoire.All of the families profiled on the major networks were white Americans and in most cases nuclear families. For them, unattainable motion is an affront to the privilege of their white middle class mobility which is usually easy and unencumbered, in comparison to raced mobilities. Doreen Massey’s theory of “power geometry” which argues that different people have differential and inequitable relationships to mobility is relevant here. The lack of racial representation in Staycation stories reinforces the reality that has already been well documented in the works of bell hooks in Black Looks: Race and Representation, Lynn Spigel in Welcome to the Dreamhouse: Popular Media and Postwar Suburbs, and Jeremy Packer in Mobility without Mayhem: Safety, Cars and Citizenship. All of these critical works suggest that taking easily to the great open road is not the experience of all Americans. Freedom of mobility is in fact a great American fiction.The proprietors for the Great American Staycation were finding all sorts of dark corners in the American psyche to extol the virtues of staying at home. The Staycation capitalised on latent xenophobic tendencies of the insular family. Encountering cultural difference along the way could become taxing and an impediment to the fully deserved relaxation that is the stuff of dream vacations. CNN.com ran an article soon after their Weekend Report mentioned above quoting a life coach who argued Staycations were more fitting for many Americans because the “strangeness of different cultures or languages, figuring out foreign currencies or worrying about lost luggage can take a toll” (12 June 2008). The Staycation sustains a culture of insularity, consumption, distraction, and fear, but in doing so serves the national economic interests quite well. Stay at home, shop, grill, watch TV and movies, these were the economic directives programmed by mass media and retail giants. As such it was a cultural phenomenon commensurable to the mundane everyday life of the suburbs.The popular version of the Staycation is a highly managed and purified event that reflects the resort style/compound tourism of ‘Club Meds’ and cruise ships. The Staycation as a new form of domestication bears a significant resemblance to the contemporary spatial formations that Marc Augé refers to as non-places – contemporary forms of homogeneous architecture that are scattered across disparate locales. The nuclear family home becomes another point of transfer in the global circulation of capital, information, and goods. The chain hotels and big box stores that are invested in the Staycation are touted as part of the local economy but instead devalue the local by making it harder for independent restaurants, grocers, farmers’ markets and bed and breakfasts to thrive. In this regard the Staycation excludes the local economy and the community. It includes backyards not balconies, hot-dogs not ‘other’ types of food, and Wal-Mart rather than then a local café or deli. Playing on the American democratic ideals of freedom of mobility and activating one’s identity as a consumer left little room to re-think how life in constant motion (moving capital, moving people, moving information, and moving goods) was partially responsible for the energy crisis in the first place. Instead, staying at home became a way for the American citizen to support the floundering economy while waiting for gas prices to go back down. And, one wouldn’t have to look that much further to see that the Staycation slips discursively into a renewed mission for a just cause – the environment. For example, ABC launched at the end of the summer a ruse of a national holiday, “National Stay at Home Week” with the tag line: “With gas prices so high, the economy taking a nosedive and global warming, it's just better to stay in and enjoy great ABC TV.” It comes as no shock that none of the major networks covered this as an environmental issue or an important moment for transformation. In fact, the air conditioning units in backyard tents attest to quite the opposite. Instead, the overwhelming sense was of a nation waiting at home for it all to be over. Soon real life would resume and everyone could get moving again. The economic slowdown and the energy crisis are examples of the breakdown and failure of capitalism. In a sense, a potential opened up in this breakdown for Stillness to become an alternative to life in constant and unrequited motion. That is, for the practice of non-movement and non-circulation to take on new political and cultural forms especially in the sprawling suburbs where the car moves individuals between the trifecta of home, box store, and work. The economic crisis is also a temporary stoppage of the flows. If the individual couldn’t move, global corporate capital would find a way to set the house in motion, to reinsert it back into the machinery that is now almost fully equated with freedom.The reinvention of the home into a campground or drive-in theatre makes the house a moving entity, an inverted mobile home that is both sedentary and in motion. Paul Virilio’s concept of “polar inertia” is important here. He argues, since the advent of transportation individuals live in a state of “resident polar inertia” wherein “people don’t move, even when they’re in a high speed train. They don’t move when they travel in their jet. They are residents in absolute motion” (Crepuscular 71). Lynn Spigel has written extensively about these dynamics, including the home as mobile home, in Make Room for TV and Welcome to the Dreamhouse. She examines how the introduction of the television into domestic space is worked through the tension between the private space of the home and the public world outside. Spigel refers to the dual emergence of portable television and mobile homes. Her work shows how domestic space is constantly imagined and longed for “as a vehicle of transport through which they (families) could imaginatively travel to an illicit place of passion while remaining in the safe space of the family home” (Welcome 60-61). But similarly to what Virilio has inferred Spigel points out that these mobile homes stayed parked and the portable TVs were often stationary as well. The Staycation exists as an addendum to what Spigel captures about the relationship between domestic space and the television set. It provides another example of advertisers’ attempts to play off the suburban tension between domestic space and the world “out there.” The Staycation exacerbates the role of the domestic space as a site of production, distribution, and consumption. The gendered dynamics of the Staycation include redecorating possibilities targeted at women and the backyard beer and grill culture aimed at men. In fact, ‘Mom’ might suffer the most during a Staycation, but that is another topic. The point is the whole family can get involved in a way that sustains the configurations of power but with an element of novelty.The Staycation is both a cultural phenomenon that feeds off the cultural anxieties of the middle class and an economic directive. It has been constructed to maintain movement at a time when the crisis of capital contains seeds for an alternative, for Stillness to become politically and culturally transformative. But life feels dull when the passenger is stuck and the virtues of Stillness are quite difficult to locate in this cultural context. As Illich argues, “the passenger who agrees to live in a world monopolised by transport becomes a harassed, overburdened consumer of distances whose shape and length he can no longer control” (45). When the passenger is the mode of identification, immobility becomes unbearable. In this context a form of “still mobility” such as the Staycation might be satisfying enough. ConclusionThe still citizen is a threatening figure for capital. In Politics of the Very Worst Virilio argues at the heart of capitalism is a state of permanent mobility, a condition to which polar inertia attests. The Staycation fits completely within this context of this form of mobile immobility. The flow needs to keep flowing. When people are stationary, still, and calm the market suffers. It has often been argued that the advertising industries construct dissatisfaction while also marginally eliminating it through the promises of various products, yet ultimately leaving the individual in a constant state of almost satisfied but never really. The fact that the Staycation is a mode of waiting attests to this complacent dissatisfaction.The subjective and experiential dimensions of living in a capitalist society are experienced through one’s relationship to time and staying on the right path. The economic slowdown and the energy crisis are also crises in pace, energy, and time. The mobility and tempo, the pace and path that capital relies on, has become unhinged and vulnerable to a resistant re-shaping. The Staycation re-sets the tempo of suburbia to meet the new needs of an economic slowdown and financial crisis. Following the directive to staycate is not necessarily a new form of false consciousness, but an intensified technological and economic mode of subjection that depends on already established cultural anxieties. But what makes the Staycation unique and worthy of consideration is that capitalists and other disciplinary institutions of power, in this case big media, construct new and innovative ways to control people’s time and regulate their movement in space. The Staycation is a particular re-territorialisation of the temporal and spatial dimensions of home, work, and leisure. In sum, Staycation and the staging of National Stay at Home Week reveals a systemic mobilising and control of a population’s pace and path. As Bernard Stiegler writes in Technics and Time: “Deceleration remains a figure of speed, just as immobility is a figure of movement” (133). These processes are inexorably tied to one another. Thinking back to the opening quote from Illich, we could ask how we might stop imagining ourselves as passengers – ushered along, falling in line, or complacently floating past. To be still in the flows could be a form of ultimate resistance. In fact, Stillness has the possibility of becoming an autonomous practice of refusal. It is after all this threatening potentiality that created the frenzied invention of the Staycation in the first place. To end where I began, Illich states that “the habitual passenger must adopt a new set of beliefs and expectations if he is to feel secure in the strange world” (25-26). The horizon of political possibility is uniformly limited for the passenger. Whether people actually did follow these directives during the summer of 2008 is hard to determine. The point is that the energy crisis and economic slowdown offered a potential to vacate capital’s premises, both its pace and path. But corporate capital is doing its best to make sure that people wait, staycate, and see it through. The Staycation is not just about staying at home for vacation. It is about staying within reach, being accounted for, at a time when departing global corporate capital seems to be the best option. ReferencesAlban, Debra. “Staycations: Alternative to Pricey, Stressful Travel.” CNN News 12 June 2008. 6 Mar. 2009 ‹http://edition.cnn.com/2008/LIVING/worklife/06/12/balance.staycation/index.html›.Augé, Marc. Non-Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity. Verso, London, 1995.hooks, bell. Black Looks: Race and Representation. Boston: South End Press, 1992.Illich, Ivan. Energy and Equity. New York: Perennial Library, 1974.Leamy, Elisabeth. “Tips for Planning a Great 'Staycation'.” ABC News 23 May 2008. 6 Mar. 2009 ‹http://abcnews.go.com/GMA/Parenting/story?id=4919211›.Massey, Doreen. Space, Place, and Gender. Minneapolis: Minnesota U P, 1994.Packer, Jeremy. Mobility without Mayhem: Safety, Cars, and Citizenship. Durham, NC: Duke U P, 2008.Ray, Rebecca and John Schmitt. No-Vacation Nation. Washington, D.C.: Center for Economic and Policy Research, May 2007.Spigel, Lynn. Make Room for TV: Television and the Family Ideal in Postwar America. Chicago: Chicago U P, 1992.———. Welcome to the Dreamhouse: Popular Media and Postwar Suburbs. Durham, NC: Duke U P, 2001.Stiegler, Bernard. Technics and Time 2: Disorientation. Trans. Stephen Barker. California: Stanford University Press, 2009.USA Today. “Retailers Promote 'Staycation' Sales.” 24 May 2008. 6 Mar. 2009 ‹http://www.usatoday.com/money/industries/retail/2008-05-24-staycations_N.htm›.Virilio, Paul. Speed and Politics. Trans. Mark Polizzotti. New York: Semiotext(e), 1986.———. In James der Derian, ed. The Virilio Reader. Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 1998.———. Politics of the Very Worst. New York: Semiotext(e), 1999.———. Crepuscular Dawn. New York: Semiotext(e), 2002.

Objective To explore the usage of heart rate and derivative index, such as quick recovery index (QRI) and training impulse (TRIMP), to monitor and evaluate load level at physical training course. With simplified load evaluation program, we can accurately feedback load stress and recovery conditions of the athletes, so as to timely adjust training load and avoid sports fatigue. Methods Maximum oxygen uptake is tested to determine maximum heart rate of the athletes, which can be used as the basis for monitoring assessment of physical training load. During training phase, monitoring the variation of the relative index of HR and sleeping conditions of 10 athletes by Firstbeat. The test means was High-intensity interval endurance of climbing machine in 7*20s-20s before and after stage training. The main indexes include of QRI/TRIMP/EPOC/BLa\climbing height. Results It’s shown through monitoring that maximum heart rate of the athletes in the physical training course is up to 200BPM, which prompts high load level during training. Such athletic ability is promoted to satisfy the demands for complex choreography. Characteristics of energy supply for power endurance with high intensity closely agree with physical fitness demand during synchronized swimming competition, which is general performance of strength, speed and endurance. Through comparison of data on testing power endurance of climbing machine in 7*20s-20S before and after training, average climbing height of the athletes is increased from 60.1m/20s to 62.4m/20s with increased range up to 3.8% and blood lactate level is decreased from 10.7mmol/L to 10.5mmol/L in 2 minutes after exercise, which can be regarded as slightly improvement of ability of the athletes for lactate decomposition and fatigue relief, and aerobic capacity of the athletes are improved to a certain degree. After training, heart rate QRI and TRIMP of the athletes are improved slightly. Among them, QRI is significantly improved from 19.6% to 21.6% after stage training, which shows slightly improvement of training quality and recovery capability of the athletes, i.e. adaptive capacity to training load; After physical training, research on monitoring QRI of the athletes during arrangement and relaxation shows that maximum heart rate level without voice guidance is 75.1bpm,which is higher than those with voice guidance 72.9bmp after 5-min quick recovery; QRI of the athletes is 31.9% when voice is used to guide relaxation, which is significantly higher than those without relaxation under voice guidance (QRI is 27.0%); night pressure monitoring unit (BodyGuard2) of Firstbeat is used to monitor sleeping conditions of the athletes. In the initial stage of heavy load training cycle, training load enables athletes to produce a strong stress response, which causes relatively poor sleeping and recovery conditions; with gradual adaptation of the athletes to the training load, in the middle and later stages of the cycle, stress response of the athletes during sleeping almost disappears, and their sleeping quality and recovery conditions are improved significantly. Conclusions Through Power endurance training, lactate elimination capacity of the athletes, i.e. anti-fatigue capacity and quick recovery capability are improved; during quick recovery of the athletes, voice guidance can be used to effectively promote quick recovery of the athletes. Exercise heart rate, TRIMP and QRI can be used to perceptually and rapidly monitor completion of physical training load in a real-time way, Objective to evaluate recovery and sleeping conditions of the athletes, and effectively evaluate high-intensity interval physical training load and training effect.

IntroductionCirque du Soleil, the largest live entertainment company in the world, has eight standing shows in Las Vegas alone, KÀ, Love, Mystère, Zumanity, Believe, Michael Jackson ONE, Zarkana and O. Close to 150 million spectators have seen Cirque du Soleil shows since the company’s beginnings in 1984 and it is estimated that over 15 million spectators will see a Cirque du Soleil show in 2014 (Cirque du Soleil). The Cirque du Soleil concept of circus as a form of theatre, with simple, often archetypal, narrative arcs conveyed without words, virtuoso physicality with the circus artists presented as characters in a fictional world, cutting-edge lighting and visuals, extraordinary innovative staging, and the uptake of new technology for special effects can all be linked back to an early form of circus which is sometimes termed illegitimate circus. In the late 18th century and early 19th century, in the age of Romanticism, only two theatres in London, Covent Garden and Drury Lane, plus the summer theatre in the Haymarket, had royal patents allowing them to produce plays or text-based productions, and these were considered legitimate theatres. (These theatres retained this monopoly until the Theatre Regulation Act of 1843; Saxon 301.) Other circuses and theatres such as Astley’s Amphitheatre, which were precluded from performing text-based works by the terms of their licenses, have been termed illegitimate (Moody 1). Perversely, the effect of licensing venues in this way, instead of having the desired effect of enshrining some particular forms of expression and “casting all others beyond the cultural pale,” served instead to help to cultivate a different kind of theatrical landscape, “a theatrical terrain with a new, rich and varied dramatic ecology” (Reed 255). A fundamental change to the theatrical culture of London took place, and pivotal to “that transformation was the emergence of an illegitimate theatrical culture” (Moody 1) with circus at its heart. An innovative and different form of performance, a theatre of the body, featuring spectacle and athleticism emerged, with “a sensuous, spectacular aesthetic largely wordless except for the lyrics of songs” (Bratton 117).This writing sets out to explore some of the strong parallels between the aesthetic that emerged in this early illegitimate circus and the aesthetic of the Montreal-based, multi-billion dollar entertainment empire of Cirque du Soleil. Although it is not fighting against legal restrictions and can in no way be considered illegitimate, the circus of Cirque du Soleil can be seen to be the descendant of the early circus entrepreneurs and their illegitimate aesthetic which arose out of the desire to find ways to continue to attract audiences to their shows in spite of the restrictions of the licenses granted to them. BackgroundCircus has served as an inspiration for many innovatory theatre productions including Peter Brook’s Midsummer Night’s Dream (1970) and Tom Stoppard’s Jumpers (1972) as well as the earlier experiments of Meyerhold, Eisenstein, Mayakovsky and other Soviet directors of the 1920’s (Saxon 299). A. H. Saxon points out, however, that the relationship between circus and theatre is a long-standing one that begins in the late 18th century and the early 19th century, when circus itself was theatre (Saxon 299).Modern circus was founded in London in 1768 by an ex-cavalryman and his wife, Philip and Patty Astley, and consisted of spectacular stunt horse riding taking place in a ring, with acts from traditional fairs such as juggling, acrobatics, clowning and wire-walking inserted to cover the changeovers between riding acts. From the very first shows entry was by paid ticket only and the early history of circus was driven by innovative, risk-taking entrepreneurs such as Philip Astley, who indeed built so many new amphitheatres for his productions that he became known as Amphi-Philip (Jando). After years of legal tussles with the authorities concerning the legal status of this new entertainment, a limited license was finally granted in 1783 for Astley’s Amphitheatre. This license precluded the performing of plays, anything text-based, or anything which had a script that resembled a play. Instead the annual license granted allowed only for “public dancing and music” and “other public entertainments of like kind” (St. Leon 9).Corporeal Dramaturgy and TextIn the face of the ban on scripted text, illegitimate circus turned to the human body and privileged it as a means of dramatic expression. A resultant dramaturgy focusing on the expressive capabilities of the performers’ bodies emerged. “The primacy of rhetoric and the spoken word in legitimate drama gave way […] to a corporeal dramaturgy which privileged the galvanic, affective capacity of the human body as a vehicle of dramatic expression” (Moody 83). Moody proposes that the “iconography of illegitimacy participated in a broader cultural and scientific transformation in which the human body began to be understood as an eloquent compendium of visible signs” (83). Even though the company has the use of text and dramatic dialogue freely available to it, Cirque du Soleil, shares this investment in the bodies of the performers and their “galvanic, affective capacity” (83) to communicate with the audience directly without the use of a scripted text, and this remains a constant between the two forms of circus. Robert Lepage, the director of two Cirque du Soleil shows, KÀ (2004) and more recently Totem (2010), speaking about KÀ in 2004, said, “We wanted it to be an epic story told not with the use of words, but with the universal language of body movement” (Lepage cited in Fink).In accordance with David Graver’s system of classifying performers’ bodies, Cirque du Soleil’s productions most usually present performers’ ‘character bodies’ in which the performers are understood by spectators to be playing fictional roles or characters (Hurley n/p) and this was also the case with illegitimate circus which right from its very beginnings presented its performers within narratives in which the performers are understood to be playing characters. In Cirque du Soleil’s shows, as with illegitimate circus, this presentation of the performers’ character bodies is interspersed with acts “that emphasize the extraordinary training and physical skill of the performers, that is which draw attention to the ‘performer body’ but always within the context of an overall narrative” (Fricker n.p.).Insertion of Vital TextAfter audience feedback, text was eventually added into KÀ (2004) in the form of a pre-recorded prologue inserted to enable people to follow the narrative arc, and in the show Wintuk (2007) there are tales that are sung by Jim Comcoran (Leroux 126). Interestingly early illegitimate circus creators, in their efforts to circumvent the ban on using dramatic dialogue, often inserted text into their performances in similar ways to the methods Cirque du Soleil chose for KÀ and Wintuk. Illegitimate circus included dramatic recitatives accompanied by music to facilitate the following of the storyline (Moody 28) in the same way that Cirque du Soleil inserted a pre-recorded prologue to KÀ to enable audience members to understand the narrative. Performers in illegitimate circus often conveyed essential information to the audience as lyrics of songs (Bratton 117) in the same way that Jim Comcoran does in Wintuk. Dramaturgical StructuresAstley from his very first circus show in 1768 began to set his equestrian stunts within a narrative. Billy Button’s Ride to Brentford (1768), showed a tailor, a novice rider, mounting backwards, losing his belongings and being thrown off the horse when it bucks. The act ends with the tailor being chased around the ring by his horse (Schlicke 161). Early circus innovators, searching for dramaturgy for their shows drew on contemporary warfare, creating vivid physical enactments of contemporary battles. They also created a new dramatic form known as Hippodramas (literally ‘horse dramas’ from hippos the Attic Greek for Horse), a hybridization of melodrama and circus featuring the trick riding skills of the early circus pioneers. The narrative arcs chosen were often archetypal or sourced from well-known contemporary books or poems. As Moody writes, at the heart of many of these shows “lay an archetypal narrative of the villainous usurper finally defeated” (Moody 30).One of the first hippodramas, The Blood Red Knight, opened at Astley’s Amphitheatre in 1810.Presented in dumbshow, and interspersed with grand chivalric processions, the show featured Alphonso’s rescue of his wife Isabella from her imprisonment and forced marriage to the evil knight Sir Rowland and concluded with the spectacular, fiery destruction of the castle and Sir Rowland’s death. (Moody 69)Another later hippodrama, The Spectre Monarch and his Phantom Steed, or the Genii Horseman of the Air (1830) was set in China where the rightful prince was ousted by a Tartar usurper who entered into a pact with the Spectre Monarch and received,a magic ring, by aid of which his unlawful desires were instantly gratified. Virtue, predictably won out in the end, and the discomforted villain, in a final settling of accounts with his dread master was borne off through the air in a car of fire pursued by Daemon Horsemen above THE GREAT WALL OF CHINA. (Saxon 303)Karen Fricker writes of early Cirque du Soleil shows that “while plot is doubtless too strong a word, each of Cirque’s recent shows has a distinct concept or theme, that is urbanity for Saltimbanco; nomadism in Varekai (2002) and humanity’s clownish spirit for Corteo (2005), and tend to follow the same very basic storyline, which is not narrated in words but suggested by the staging that connects the individual acts” (Fricker n/p). Leroux describes the early Cirque du Soleil shows as following a “proverbial and well-worn ‘collective transformation trope’” (Leroux 122) whilst Peta Tait points out that the narrative arc of Cirque du Soleil “ might be summarized as an innocent protagonist, often female, helped by an older identity, seemingly male, to face a challenging journey or search for identity; more generally, old versus young” (Tait 128). However Leroux discerns an increasing interest in narrative devices such as action and plot in Cirque du Soleil’s Las Vegas productions (Leroux 122). Fricker points out that “with KÀ, what Cirque sought – and indeed found in Lepage’s staging – was to push this storytelling tendency further into full-fledged plot and character” (Fricker n/p). Telling a story without words, apart from the inserted prologue, means that the narrative arc of Kà is, however, very simple. A young prince and princess, twins in a mythical Far Eastern kingdom, are separated when a ceremonial occasion is interrupted by an attack by a tribe of enemy warriors. A variety of adventures follow, most involving perilous escapes from bad guys with flaming arrows and fierce-looking body tattoos. After many trials, a happy reunion arrives. (Isherwood)This increasing emphasis on developing a plot and a narrative arc positions Cirque as moving closer in dramaturgical aesthetic to illegitimate circus.Visual TechnologiesTo increase the visual excitement of its shows and compensate for the absence of spoken dialogue, illegitimate circus in the late 18th and early 19th century drew on contemporaneous and emerging visual technologies. Some of the new visual technologies that Astley’s used have been termed pre-cinematic, including the panorama (or diorama as it is sometimes called) and “the phantasmagoria and other visual machines… [which] expanded the means through which an audience could be addressed” (O’Quinn, Governance 312). The panorama or diorama ran in the same way that a film runs in an analogue camera, rolling between vertical rollers on either side of the stage. In Astley’s production The Siege and Storming of Seringapatam (1800) he used another effect almost equivalent to a modern day camera zoom-in by showing scenic back drops which, as they moved through time, progressively moved geographically closer to the battle. This meant that “the increasing enlargement of scale-each successive scene has a smaller geographic space-has a telescopic event. Although the size of the performance space remains constant, the spatial parameters of the spectacle become increasingly magnified” (O’Quinn, Governance 345). In KÀ, Robert Lepage experiments with “cinematographic stage storytelling on a very grand scale” (Fricker n.p.). A KÀ press release (2005) from Cirque du Soleil describes the show “as a cinematic journey of aerial adventure” (Cirque du Soleil). Cirque du Soleil worked with ground-breaking visual technologies in KÀ, developing an interactive projected set. This involves the performers controlling what happens to the projected environment in real time, with the projected scenery responding to their movements. The performers’ movements are tracked by an infra-red sensitive camera above the stage, and by computer software written by Interactive Production Designer Olger Förterer. “In essence, what we have is an intelligent set,” says Förterer. “And everything the audience sees is created by the computer” (Cirque du Soleil).Contemporary Technology Cutting edge technologies, many of which came directly from contemporaneous warfare, were introduced into the illegitimate circus performance space by Astley and his competitors. These included explosions using redfire, a new military explosive that combined “strontia, shellac and chlorate of potash, [which] produced […] spectacular flame effects” (Moody 28). Redfire was used for ‘blow-ups,’ the spectacular explosions often occurring at the end of the performance when the villain’s castle or hideout was destroyed. Cirque du Soleil is also drawing on contemporary military technology for performance projects. Sparked: A Live interaction between Humans and Quadcopters (2014) is a recent short film released by Cirque du Soleil, which features the theatrical use of drones. The new collaboration between Cirque du Soleil, ETH Zurich and Verity Studios uses 10 quadcopters disguised as animated lampshades which take to the air, “carrying out the kinds of complex synchronized dance manoeuvres we usually see from the circus' famed acrobats” (Huffington Post). This shows, as with early illegitimate circus, the quick theatrical uptake of contemporary technology originally developed for use in warfare.Innovative StagingArrighi writes that the performance space that Astley developed was a “completely new theatrical configuration that had not been seen in Western culture before… [and] included a circular ring (primarily for equestrian performance) and a raised theatre stage (for pantomime and burletta)” (177) joined together by ramps that were large enough and strong enough to allow horses to be ridden over them during performances. The stage at Astley’s Amphitheatre was said to be the largest in Europe measuring over 130 feet across. A proscenium arch was installed in 1818 which could be adjusted in full view of the audience with the stage opening changing anywhere in size from forty to sixty feet (Saxon 300). The staging evolved so that it had the capacity to be multi-level, involving “immense [moveable] platforms or floors, rising above each other, and extending the whole width of the stage” (Meisel 214). The ability to transform the stage by the use of draped and masked platforms which could be moved mechanically, proved central to the creation of the “new hybrid genre of swashbuckling melodramas on horseback, or ‘hippodramas’” (Kwint, Leisure 46). Foot soldiers and mounted cavalry would fight their way across the elaborate sets and the production would culminate with a big finale that usually featured a burning castle (Kwint, Legitimization 95). Cirque du Soleil’s investment in high-tech staging can be clearly seen in KÀ. Mark Swed writes that KÀ is, “the most lavish production in the history of Western theatre. It is surely the most technologically advanced” (Swed). With a production budget of $165 million (Swed), theatre designer Michael Fisher has replaced the conventional stage floor with two huge moveable performance platforms and five smaller platforms that appear to float above a gigantic pit descending 51 feet below floor level. One of the larger platforms is a tatami floor that moves backwards and forwards, the other platform is described by the New York Times as being the most thrilling performer in the show.The most consistently thrilling performer, perhaps appropriately, isn't even human: It's the giant slab of machinery that serves as one of the two stages designed by Mark Fisher. Here Mr. Lepage's ability to use a single emblem or image for a variety of dramatic purposes is magnified to epic proportions. Rising and falling with amazing speed and ease, spinning and tilting to a full vertical position, this huge, hydraulically powered game board is a sandy beach in one segment, a sheer cliff wall in another and a battleground, viewed from above, for the evening's exuberantly cinematic climax. (Isherwood)In the climax a vertical battle is fought by aerialists fighting up and down the surface of the sand stone cliff with defeated fighters portrayed as tumbling down the surface of the cliff into the depths of the pit below. Cirque du Soleil’s production entitled O, which phonetically is the French word eau meaning water, is a collaboration with director Franco Dragone that has been running at Las Vegas’ Bellagio Hotel since 1998. O has grossed over a billion dollars since it opened in 1998 (Sylt and Reid). It is an aquatic circus or an aquadrama. In 1804, Charles Dibdin, one of Astley’s rivals, taking advantage of the nearby New River, “added to the accoutrements of the Sadler’s Wells Theatre a tank three feet deep, ninety feet long and as wide as twenty-four feet which could be filled with water from the New River” (Hays and Nickolopoulou 171) Sadler’s Wells presented aquadramas depicting many reconstructions of famous naval battles. One of the first of these was The Siege of Gibraltar (1804) that used “117 ships designed by the Woolwich Dockyard shipwrights and capable of firing their guns” (Hays and Nickolopoulou 5). To represent the drowning Spanish sailors saved by the British, “Dibdin used children, ‘who were seen swimming and affecting to struggle with the waves’”(5).O (1998) is the first Cirque production to be performed in a proscenium arch theatre, with the pool installed behind the proscenium arch. “To light the water in the pool, a majority of the front lighting comes from a subterranean light tunnel (at the same level as the pool) which has eleven 4" thick Plexiglas windows that open along the downstage perimeter of the pool” (Lampert-Greaux). Accompanied by a live orchestra, performers dive into the 53 x 90 foot pool from on high, they swim underwater lit by lights installed in the subterranean light tunnel and they also perform on perforated platforms that rise up out of the water and turn the pool into a solid stage floor. In many respects, Cirque du Soleil can be seen to be the inheritors of the spectacular illegitimate circus of the 18th and 19th Century. The inheritance can be seen in Cirque du Soleil’s entrepreneurial daring, the corporeal dramaturgy privileging the affective power of the body over the use of words, in the performers presented primarily as character bodies, and in the delivering of essential text either as a prologue or as lyrics to songs. It can also be seen in Cirque du Soleil’s innovative staging design, the uptake of military based technology and the experimentation with cutting edge visual effects. Although re-invigorating the tradition and creating spectacular shows that in many respects are entirely of the moment, Cirque du Soleil’s aesthetic roots can be clearly seen to draw deeply on the inheritance of illegitimate circus.ReferencesBratton, Jacky. “Romantic Melodrama.” The Cambridge Companion to British Theatre 1730-1830. Eds. Jane Moody and Daniel O'Quinn. Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2007. 115-27. Bratton, Jacky. “What Is a Play? Drama and the Victorian Circus in the Performing Century.” Nineteenth-Century Theatre’s History. Eds. Tracey C. Davis and Peter Holland. Hampshire, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. 250-62.Cavendish, Richard. “Death of Madame Tussaud.” History Today 50.4 (2000). 15 Aug. 2014 ‹http://www.historytoday.com/richard-cavendish/death-madame-tussaud›.Cirque du Soleil. 2014. 10 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.cirquedusoleil.com/en/home/about-us/at-a-glance.aspx›.Davis, Janet M. The Circus Age: Culture and Society under the American Big Top. Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 2002. Hays, Michael, and Anastasia Nikolopoulou. Melodrama: The Cultural Emergence of a Genre. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999.House of Dancing Water. 2014. 17 Aug. 2014 ‹http://thehouseofdancingwater.com/en/›.Isherwood, Charles. “Fire, Acrobatics and Most of All Hydraulics.” New York Times 5 Feb. 2005. 12 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/2005/02/05/theater/reviews/05cirq.html?_r=0›.Fink, Jerry. “Cirque du Soleil Spares No Cost with Kà.” Las Vegas Sun 2004. 17 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.lasvegassun.com/news/2004/sep/16/cirque-du-soleil-spares-no-cost-with-ka/›.Fricker, Karen. “Le Goût du Risque: Kà de Robert Lepage et du Cirque du Soleil.” (“Risky Business: Robert Lepage and the Cirque du Soleil’s Kà.”) L’Annuaire théâtral 45 (2010) 45-68. Trans. Isabelle Savoie. (Original English Version not paginated.)Hurley, Erin. "Les Corps Multiples du Cirque du Soleil." Globe: Revue Internationale d’Études Quebecoise. Les Arts de la Scene au Quebec, 11.2 (2008). (Original English n.p.)Jacob, Pascal. The Circus Artist Today: Analysis of the Key Competences. Brussels: FEDEC: European Federation of Professional Circus Schools, 2008. 5 June 2010 ‹http://sideshow-circusmagazine.com/research/downloads/circus-artist-today-analysis-key-competencies›.Jando, Dominique. “Philip Astley, Circus Owner, Equestrian.” Circopedia. 15 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.circopedia.org/Philip_Astley›.Kwint, Marius. “The Legitimization of Circus in Late Georgian England.” Past and Present 174 (2002): 72-115.---. “The Circus and Nature in Late Georgian England.” Histories of Leisure. Ed. Rudy Koshar. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2002. 45-60. ---. “The Theatre of War.” History Today 53.6 (2003). 28 Mar. 2012 ‹http://www.historytoday.com/marius-kwint/theatre-war›.Lampert-Greaux, Ellen. “The Wizardry of O: Cirque du Soleil Takes the Plunge into an Underwater World.” livedesignonline 1999. 17 Aug. 2014 ‹http://livedesignonline.com/mag/wizardry-o-cirque-du-soleil-takes-plunge-underwater-world›.Lavers, Katie. “Sighting Circus: Perceptions of Circus Phenomena Investigated through Diverse Bodies.” Doctoral Thesis. Perth, WA: Edith Cowan University, 2014. Leroux, Patrick Louis. “The Cirque du Soleil in Las Vegas: An American Striptease.” Revista Mexicana de Estudio Canadiens (Nueva Época) 16 (2008): 121-126.Mazza, Ed. “Cirque du Soleil’s Drone Video ‘Sparked’ is Pure Magic.” Huffington Post 22 Sep. 2014. 23 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/09/22/cirque-du-soleil-sparked-drone-video_n_5865668.html›.Meisel, Martin. Realizations: Narrative, Pictorial and Theatrical Arts in Nineteenth-Century England. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1983.Moody, Jane. Illegitimate Theatre in London, 1770-1840. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. O'Quinn, Daniel. Staging Governance: Teatrical Imperialism in London 1770-1800. Baltimore, Maryland, USA: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005. O'Quinn, Daniel. “Theatre and Empire.” The Cambridge Companion to British Theatre 1730-1830. Eds. Jane Moody and Daniel O'Quinn. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. 233-46. Reed, Peter P. “Interrogating Legitimacy in Britain and America.” The Oxford Handbook of Georgian Theatre. Eds. Julia Swindells and Francis David. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014. 247-264.Saxon, A.H. “The Circus as Theatre: Astley’s and Its Actors in the Age of Romanticism.” Educational Theatre Journal 27.3 (1975): 299-312.Schlicke, P. Dickens and Popular Entertainment. London: Unwin Hyman, 1985.St. Leon, Mark. Circus: The Australian Story. Melbourne: Melbourne Books, 2011. Stoddart, Helen. Rings of Desire: Circus History and Representation. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000. Swed, Mark. “Epic, Extravagant: In Ka the Acrobatics and Dazzling Special Effects Are Stunning and Enchanting.” Los Angeles Times 5 Feb. 2005. 22 Aug. 2014 ‹http://articles.latimes.com/2005/feb/05/entertainment/et-ka5›.Sylt, Cristian, and Caroline Reid. “Cirque du Soleil Swings to $1bn Revenue as It Mulls Shows at O2.” The Independent Oct. 2011. 14 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.independent.co.uk/news/business/news/cirque-du-soleil-swings-to-1bn-revenue-as-it-mulls-shows-at-o2-2191850.html›.Tait, Peta. Circus Bodies: Cultural Identity in Aerial Performance. 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IntroductionThis paper addresses two separate notions of embodiment – western maternal embodiment and art making as a form of embodied critical resistance. It takes as its subject breeder; my unpublished five minute video installation from 2012, which synthesises these two separate conceptual framings of embodiment as a means to visually and conceptually rupture dominant ideologies surrounding Australian motherhood. Emerging from a paradoxical landscape of fear, loathing and desire, breeder is my dark satirical take on ambivalent myths surrounding suburban Australian motherhood. Portraying my white, heavily pregnant body breeding, cooking and consuming pink, sugar-coated butterflies, breeder renders literal the Australian mother as both idealised nation-builder and vilified, self-indulgent abuser. A feminine reification of Goya’s Saturn Devouring His Children, breeder attempts to make visible my own grapplings with maternal ambivalence, to complicate even further, the already strained position of motherhood within the Australian cultural imaginary. Employing the mediums of video and performance to visually manifest an ambivalent protagonist who displays both nurturing maternal ideals and murderous inclinations, breeder pushes contradictory maternal expectations to their breaking point and challengingly offers the following proposition: “This is what you want; but what you’ll get is so much more than you bargained for” (Grosz 136). Drawing upon critical, feminist theorising that challenges idealised views of motherhood; accounts of motherhood by mothers themselves; as well as my own personal grapplings with maternal expectations, this paper weaves reflexive writing with textual analysis to explore how an art-based methodology of embodied critical resistance can problematise representations of motherhood within Australia. By visualising the disjuncture between dominant representations of motherhood that have saturated Australian mainstream media since the late 1990s and the complex ambivalent reality of some women’s actual experiences of mothering, this paper discusses how breeder’s intimate portrayal of maternal domesticity at the limits of tolerability, critically resists socially acceptable mothering practices by satirising the cultural construct of motherhood as a means “to use it, deform it, and make it groan and protest” (Nietzsche qtd. in Gutting).Contradictory Maternal KnowledgeImages of motherhood are all around us; communicating ideals and stereotypes that tell us how mothers should feel, think and act. But these images and the concepts of motherhood that underpin them are full of contradictions. Cultural representations of the idealised and sometimes “yummy mummy” - middle class, attractive, healthy, sexy and heterosexual – (see Fraser; Johnson), contrast with depictions of “bad” mothers, leading to motherhood being simultaneously idealised and demonised within the popular press (Bullen et al.; McRobbie, Top Girls; McRobbie, In the Aftermath; McRobbie, Reflections on Feminism; Walkerdine et al.). Mothers own accounts of motherhood reflect these unsettling contradictions (Miller; Thomson et al.; Wilkinson). Claiming the maternal experience is both “heaven and hell” due to the daily experience of irreconcilable and contradictory feelings (Coward), mothers (myself included), silently struggle between feelings of extreme love and opposing feelings of failure, despair and hate as we get caught up in trying to achieve a set of ideals that promulgate standards of perfection that are beyond our reach. Surrounded by images of motherhood that do not resonate with the contradictory nature of the lived maternal experience, mothers are “torn in two” as we desperately try to reconcile or find absolution for maternal emotions that dominant cultural representations of motherhood render unacceptable. According to Roszika Parker, this complicated and contradictory experience where a mother has both loving and hating feelings for her child is that of maternal ambivalence; a form of exquisite suffering that oscillates between the overwhelming affect of blissful gratification and the raw edges of bitter resentment (Parker 1). As Parker states, maternal ambivalence refers to:Those fleeting (or not so fleeting) feelings of hatred for a child that can grip a mother, the moment of recoil from a much loved body, the desire to abandon, to smash the untouched plate of food in a toddler’s face, to yank a child’s arm while crossing the road, scrub too hard with a face cloth, change the lock on an adolescent or the fantasy of hurling a howling baby out of the window (5).However, it is not only feelings of hatred that stir up ambivalence in the mother, so too can the overwhelming intensity of love itself render the rush of ambivalence so surprising and so painful. Commenting on the extreme contradictory emotions that fill a mother and how not only excessive hatred, but excessive love can turn dangerously fatal, Parker turns to Simone De Beauvoir’s idea of “carnal plenitude”; that is, where the child elicits from the mother, the emotion of domination; where the child becomes the “other” who is both prey and double (30). For Parker, De Beauvoir’s “carnal plenitude” is imaged by mothers in a myriad of ways, from a desire to gobble up the child, to feelings of wanting to gather the child into a fatal smothering hug. Commenting on her own unsettling love/hate relationship with her child, Adrienne Rich describes her experiences of maternal ambivalences as “the murderous alternation between bitter resentment and raw-edged nerves and blissful gratification and tenderness” (363). Unable to come to terms with this paradox at the core of the unfolding process of motherhood, our culture defends itself against this illogical ambivalence in the mother by separating the good nurturing mother from the bad neglectful mother in an attempt to deny the fact that they are one and the same. Resulting in a culture that either denigrates or idealises mothers, we are constantly presented with images of the good perfect nurturing mother and her murderous alter ego; the bad fatal mother who neglects and smothers. This means that how a mother feels about mothering or the meaning it has for her, is heavily determined by cultural representations of motherhood. Arguing for a creative transformation of the maternal that breaches the mutual exclusivities that separate motherhood, I am called to action by Susan Rubin Suleiman, who writes (quoting psychoanalyst Helene Deutsch): “Mothers don’t write, they are written” (Suleiman 5). As a visual attempt to negotiate, translate and thus “write” my lived experience of Australian motherhood, breeder gives voice to the raw material of contradictory (and often taboo experiences) surrounding maternal embodiment and subjectivity. Hijacking and redeploying contradictory understandings and representations of Australian motherhood to push maternal ideals to their breaking point, breeder seeks to create a kind of “mother trouble” that challenges the disjuncture between dominant social constructions of motherhood designed to keep us assigned to our proper place. Viscerally embracing the reality that much of life with small children revolves around loss of control and disintegration of physical boundaries, breeder visually explores the complex and contradictory performances surrounding lived experiences of mothering within Australia to complicate even further the already strained position of western maternal embodiment.Situated Maternal KnowledgeOver the last decade and a half, women’s bodies and their capacity to reproduce have become centre stage in the unfolding drama of Australian economic policy. In 1999 fears surrounding dwindling birth-rates and less future tax revenue, led then Victorian Premier Jeff Kennett to address a number of exclusive private girls’ schools. Making Australia-wide headlines, Kennett urged these affluent young women to abandon their desire for a university degree and instead invited them to consider motherhood as the ultimate career choice (Dever). In 2004, John Howard’s Liberal government made headlines as they announced the new maternity allowance; a $3000 lump-sum financial incentive for women to leave work and have babies. Ending this announcement by urging the assembled gathering of mostly male reporters to go home and have “one for the Dad, one for the Mum and one for the Country” (Baird and Cutcher 103), Federal Treasurer Peter Costello made a last ditch effort to save Baby Boomers from their imminent pensionless doom. Failing to come to terms with the impending saturation of the retirement market without the appropriate tax payer support, the Liberal Government turned baby-making into the ultimate Patriotic act as they saw in women bodies, the key to prevent Australia’s looming economic crisis. However, not all women’s bodies were considered up to the job of producing the longed for “Good tax-paying Citizen” (Tyler). Kennett only visited exclusive private girls’ schools (Ferrier), headhunting only the highest calibre of affluent breeders. Blue-collar inter-mingling was to be adamantly discouraged. Costello’s 2004 “baby bonus” catch-cry not only caused international ire, but also implicitly relegated the duty of child-bearing patriotism to a normalised heterosexual, nuclear family milieu. Unwed or lesbian mothers need not apply. Finally, as government spokespeople repeatedly proclaimed that the new maternity allowance was not income tested, this suggested that the target nation-builder breeder demographic was the higher than average income earner. Let’s get it straight people – only highly skilled, high IQ’s, heterosexual, wedded, young, white women were required in this exclusive breeding program (see Allen and Osgood; Skeggs; Tyler). And if the point hadn’t already been made perfectly clear, newspaper tabloids, talkback radio and current affairs programs all over the country were recruited to make sure the public knew exactly what type of mother Australia was looking for. Out of control young, jobless single mothers hit the headlines as fears abounded that they were breeding into oblivion. An inherently selfish and narcissistic lot, you could be forgiven for thinking that Australia was running rampant with so-called bogan single mothers, who left their babies trapped in hot airless cars in casino carparks all over the country as they spent their multiple “baby bonus’” on booze, ciggies, LCD’s and gambling (see Milne; O’Connor; Simpson and Dowling). Sucking the economy dry as they leeched good tax-payer dollars from Centrelink, these undesirables were the mothers Australia neither needed nor wanted. Producing offspring relegated to the category of bludgerhood before they could even crawl, these mothers became the punching bag for the Australian cultural imaginary as newspaper headlines screamed “Thou Shalt Not Breed” (Gordon). Seen as the embodiment of horror regarding the ever out-of-control nature of women’s bodies, these undesirable mothers materialised out of a socio-political landscape that although idealised women’s bodies as Australia’s economic saviour, also feared their inability to be managed and contained. Hoarding their capacity to reproduce for their own selfish narcissistic desires, these white trash mothers became the horror par excellence within the Australian cultural imaginary as they were publically regarded as the vilified evil alter-ego of the good, respectable white affluent young mother Australian policy makers were after. Forums all over the country were inundated. “Yes,” the dominant voices seemed to proclaim: “We want to build our population. We need more tax-paying citizens. But we only want white, self-less, nurturing, affluent mothers. We want women who can breed us moral upstanding subjects. We do not want lazy good for nothing moochers.” Emerging from this paradoxical maternal landscape of fear, loathing and desire, breeder is a visual and performative manifestation of my own inability to come to terms with the idealisation and denigration of motherhood within Australia. Involving a profound recognition that the personal is still the political, I not only attempt to visually trace the relationship between popular Australian cultural formations and individual experiences, but also to visually “write” my own embodied grapplings with maternal ambivalence. Following the premise that “critique without resistance is empty and resistance without critique is blind” (Hoy 6), I find art practice to be a critically situated and embodied act that can openly resist the power of dominant ideologies by highlighting maternal corporeal transgressions. A creative destablising action, I utilise the mediums of video and performance within breeder to explore personal, historical and culturally situated expectations of motherhood within Australia as a means to subvert dominant ideologies of motherhood within the Australian cultural imaginary. Performing Maternal KnowledgeReworking Goya’s Romantic Gothic vision of fatherhood in Saturn Devouring His Children, breeder is a five minute two-screen video performance that puts an ironic twist to the “good” and “bad” myths of Australian motherhood. Depicting myself as the young white heavily pregnant protagonist breeding monarch butterflies in my suburban backyard, sugar-coating, cooking and then eating them, breeder uses an exaggerated kitsch aesthetic to render literal the Australian mother as both idealistic nation-builder and self-indulgent abuser. Selfishly hoarding my breeding potential for myself, luxuriating and devouring my “offspring” for my own pleasure and delight rather than for the common good, breeder simultaneously defies and is complicit with motherhood expectations within the suburban Australian imaginary. Filmed in my backyard in the southern suburbs of Perth, Western Australia, breeder manifests my own maternal ambivalence and deliberately complicates the dichotomous and strained position motherhood holds in western society. Breeder is presented as a two screen video installation. The left screen is a fast-paced, brightly coloured, jump-cut narrative with a pregnant protagonist (myself). It has three main scenes or settings: garden, kitchen and terrace. The right screen is a slow-moving flow of images that shows the entire monarch butterfly breeding cycle in detail; close ups of eggs slowly turning into caterpillars, caterpillars creating cocoons and the gradual opening of wings as butterflies emerge from cocoons. All the while, the metamorphic cycle is aided by the pregnant protagonist, who cares for them until she sets them free of their breeding cage. In the left screen, apricot roses, orange trees, yellow hibiscus bushes, lush green lawns, a swimming pool and an Aussie backyard garden shed are glimpsed as the pregnant protagonist runs, jumps and sneaks up on butterflies while brandishing a red-handled butterfly net; dressed in red high heels and a white lace frock. Bunnies with pink bows jump, dogs in pink collars bark and a very young boy dressed in a navy-blue sailor suit all make cameo appearances as large monarch butterflies are collected and placed inside a child’s cherry red insect container. In a jump-cut transition, the female protagonist appears in a stark white kitchen; now dressed in a bright pink and apricot floral apron and baby-pink hair ribbon tied in a bow in her blonde ponytail. Standing behind the kitchen bench, she carefully measures sugar into a bowl. She then adds pink food colouring into the crystal white sugar, turning it into a bright pink concoction. Cracking eggs and separating them, she whisks the egg whites to form soft marshmallow peaks. Dipping a paint brush into the egg whites, she paints the fluffy mixture onto the butterflies (now dead), which are laid out on a well-used metal biscuit tray. Using her fingers to sprinkle the bright pink sugar concoction onto the butterflies, she then places them into the oven to bake and stands back with a smile. In the third and final scene, the female protagonist sits down at a table in a garden terrace in front of French-styled doors. Set for high tea with an antique floral tea pot and cup, lace table cloth and petit fours, she pours herself a cup of tea. Adding a teaspoon of sugar, she stirs and then selects a strawberry tart from a three-tiered high-tea stand that holds brightly iced cupcakes, cherry friands, tiny lemon meringue pies, sweet little strawberry tarts and pink sugar coated butterflies. Munching her way through tarts, pies, friands and cupcakes, she finally licks her lips and fuchsia tipped fingers and then carefully chooses a pink sugar coated butterfly. Close ups of her crimson coated mouth show her licking the pink sugar-crumbs from lips and fingers as she silently devours the butterfly. Leaning back in chair, she smiles, then picks up a pink leather bound book and relaxes as she begins to read herself into the afternoon. Screen fades to black. ConclusionAs a mother I am all fragmented, contradictory; full of ambivalence, love, guilt and shame. After seventeen years and five children, you would think that I would be used to this space. Instead, it is a space that I battle to come to terms with each and every day. So how to strategically negotiate engrained codes of maternity and embrace the complexities of embodied maternal knowledge? Indeed, how to speak of the difficulties and incomparable beauties of the maternal without having those variously inflected and complex experiences turn into clichés of what enduring motherhood is supposed to be? Visually and performatively grappling with my own fallout from mothering ideals and expectations where sometimes all I feel I am left with is “a monster of selfishness and intolerance” (Rich 363), breeder materialises my own experiences with maternal ambivalence and my inability to reconcile or negotiate multiple contradictory identities into a single maternal position. Ashamed of my self, my body, my obsessions, my anger, my hatred, my rage, my laughter, my sorrow and most of all my oscillation between a complete and utter desire to kill each and every one of my children and an overwhelming desire to gobble them all up, I make art work that is embedded in the grime and grittiness of my everyday life as a young mother living in the southern suburbs of Western Australia. A life that is most often mundane, sometimes sad, embarrassing, rude and occasionally heartbreaking. A life filled with such simple joy and such complicated sorrow. A life that in reality, is anything but manageable and contained. Although this is my experience, I know that I am not the only one. As an artist I engage in the embodied and critically resistant practice of sampling from my “mother” identities in order to bring out multiple, conflictive responses that provocatively encourage new ways of thinking and acknowledging embodied maternal knowledge. Although claims abound that this results in a practice that is “too personal” or “too specific” (Liss xv), I do not believe that this in fact risks reifying essentialism. Despite much feminist debate over the years regarding essentialist/social constructivist positions, I would still rather use my body as a site of embodied knowledge then rhetorically give it up. Acting as a disruption and challenge to the concepts of idealised or denigrated maternal embodiment, the images and performances of motherhood in breeder then, are more than simple acknowledgements of the reality of the good and bad mother, or acts reclaiming an identity that they taught me to despise (Cliff) or rebelling against having to be a "woman" at all. Instead, breeder is a lucid and explicit declaration of intent that politely refuses to keep every maternal body in its place.References Allen, Kim, and Jane Osgood. “Young Women Negotiating Maternal Subjectivities: The Significance of Social Class.” Studies in the Maternal. 1.2 (2009). 30 July 2012 ‹www.mamsie.bbk.ac.uk›.Almond, Barbara. The Monster Within. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011.Baird, Marian, and Leanne Cutcher. “’One for the Father, One for the Mother and One for the Country': An Examination of the Construction of Motherhood through the Prism of Paid Maternity Leave.” Hecate 31.2 (2005): 103-113. 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Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2005.Milne, Glenn. “Baby Bonus Rethink.” The Courier Mail 11 Nov. 2006. 30 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.couriermail.com.au/news/national-old/baby-bonus-rethink/story-e6freooo-1111112507517›.O’Connor, Mike. “Baby Bonus Budget Handouts a Luxury We Can Ill Afford.” The Courier Mai. 5 Dec. 2011. 30 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.couriermail.com.au/news/opinion/handouts-luxury-we-can-ill-afford/story-e6frerdf-1226213654447›.Parker, Roszika. Mother Love/Mother Hate, London: Virago Press, 1995.Rich, Adrienne. “Anger and Tenderness.” In M. Davey, ed. Mother Reader. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2001.Simpson, Kirsty, and Jason Dowling. “Gambling Soars in Child Bonus Week”. The Sunday Age Aug. 2004. 28 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.couriermail.com.au/news/opinion/handouts-luxury-we-can-ill-afford/story-e6frerdf-1226213654447›.Skeggs, Beverly. Formations of Class and Gender: Becoming Respectable. London: Sage, 1997.Suleiman, Susan. “Writing and Motherhood,” Mother Reader Ed. Moyra Davey. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2001. 113-138Thomson, Rachel, Mary Jane Kehily, Lucy Hadfield, and Sue Sharpe. Making Modern Mothers. Bristol: Policy Press, 2011. 30 July 2012 ‹http://www.policypress.co.uk/display.asp?K=9781847426055&sf1=keyword&st1=motherhood&m=1&dc=16›.Tyler, Imogen. “’Chav Mum, Chav Scum’: Class Disgust in Contemporary Britain.” Feminist Media Studies 8.2. (2008): 17-34. 31 July 2012 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14680770701824779›.Walkerdine, Valerie, Helen Lucey, and Melody June. Growing Up Girl: Psychosocial Explorations of Gender and Class. London: Palgrave. 2001. Wilkinson, Tony. Uncertain Surrenders: The Coexistence of Beauty and Menace in the Maternal Bond and Photography. PhD thesis. Perth: Edith Cowan University, 2012. 31 July 2012 ‹http://ro.ecu.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1458&context=theses›.

Halfway through the 2006 memoir comic Fun Home, the reader encounters a photograph that the book’s author, Alison Bechdel, found in a box of family snapshots shortly after her father’s death. The picture—“literally the core of the book, the centrefold” (Bechdel qtd. in Chute “Interview” 1006)—of Alison’s teenaged babysitter, Roy, erotically reclining on a bed in only his underwear, is the most tangible and direct evidence of her father’s sexual affairs with teenage boys, more confronting than his own earlier confession. Through this image, and a rich archive of familial texts, Bechdel chronicles her father’s thwarted desires and ambitions, probable suicide, and her own sexual and artistic coming of age.Bruce Bechdel, a married school teacher and part-time funeral director, was also an avid amateur historical restorer and connoisseur of modernist literature. Shortly after Alison came out to her parents at nineteen, Bruce was hit by a truck in what his daughter believes was an act of suicide. In Fun Home, Bechdel reads her family history suspiciously, plumbing family snapshots, letters, and favoured novels, interpreting against the grain, to trace her queer genealogy. Ultimately, she inverts this suspicious and interrogative reading, using the evidence she has gathered in order to read her father’s sexuality positively and embrace her queer and artistic inheritance from him. In The New York Times Magazine, in 2004, Charles McGrath made the suggestion that comics were “the new literary form” (24). Although comics have not yet reached widespread mainstream acceptance as a medium of merit, the burgeoning field of comics scholarship over the last fifteen years, the 2007 adaptation of Marjane Satrapi’s Persepolis into a feature film, and the addition of comics to the Best American series all testify to the widening popularity and status of the form. Memoir comics have established themselves, as Hillary Chute notes, as “the dominant mode of contemporary work” (Graphic 17). Many of these autobiographical works, including Fun Home, recount traumatic histories, employing the medium’s unique capacity to evoke the fractured and repetitive experience of the traumatised through panel structure and use of images. Comics articulate “what wasn’t permitted to be said or imagined, defying the ordinary processes of thought” (Said qtd. in Whitlock 967). The hand-drawn nature of comics emphasises the subjectivity of perception and memory, making it a particularly powerful medium for personal histories. The clear mediation of a history by the artist’s hand complicates truth claims. Comics open up avenues for both suspicious and restorative readings because their form suggests that history is always constructed and therefore not able to be confirmed as “ultimately truthful,” but also that there is no ultimate truth to be unveiled. No narrative is unmediated; a timeline is not more “pure” than a fleshed out narrative text. All narratives exclude information in order to craft a comprehensible series of events. Bechdel’s role as a suspicious reader of her father and of her own history resonates through her role as a historian and her interrogation of the ethical concerns of referential writing.Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick’s Touching Feeling: Affect, Pedagogy, Performativity critiques the hermeneutics of suspicion from a queer theory perspective, instead advocating reparative reading as a critical strategy. The hermeneutics of suspicion describes “the well-oiled machine of ideology critique” that has become the primary mode of critical reading over the last thirty or so years, suspiciously interpreting texts to uncover their hidden ideological biases (Felski, Uses 1). Reparative reading, on the other hand, moves away from this paranoid mode, instead valuing pleasure and “positive affects like joy and excitement” (Vincent). Sedgwick does not wholly reject suspicious reading, suggesting that it “represent[s] a way, among other ways, of seeking, finding, and organizing knowledge. Paranoia knows some things well and others poorly” (Touching 129). Felski, paraphrasing Ricoeur, notes that the hermeneutics of suspicion “adopts an adversarial sensibility to probe for concealed, repressed, or disavowed meanings” (“Suspicious” 216). In this fashion, Bechdel employs suspicious strategies to reveal her father’s hidden desires and transgressions that were obscured in the standard version of her family narrative, but ultimately moves away from such techniques to joyfully embrace her inheritance from him. Sedgwick notes that paranoid readings may only reveal that which is already known:While there is plenty of hidden violence that requires exposure there is also, and increasingly, an ethos where forms of violence that are hypervisible from the start may be offered as an exemplary spectacle rather than remain to be unveiled as a scandalous secret. (Touching 139)This is contrary to suspicious reading’s assumption that violence is culturally shunned, hidden, and in need of “unveiling” in contemporary Western culture. It would be too obvious for Bechdel to condemn her father: gay men have been unfairly misrepresented in the American popular imagination for decades, if not longer. Through her reparative reading of him, she rejects this single-minded reduction of people to one negative type. She accepts both her father’s weaknesses and her debts to him. A reading which only sought to publicise Bruce’s homosexual affairs would lack the great depth that Bechdel finds in the slippage between her father’s identity and her own.Bechdel’s embrace of Bruce’s failings as a father, a husband, and an artist, her revisioning of his death as a positive, creative act full of agency, and her characterisation of him as a supportive forerunner, “there to catch [Alison] as [she] leapt,” (Bechdel 232) moves his story away from archetypal narratives of homosexual tragedy. Bechdel’s memoir ends with (and enacts through its virtuoso execution) her own success, and the support of those who came before her. This move mirrors Joseph Litvak’s suggestion that “the importance of ‘mistakes’ in queer reading and writing […] has a lot to do with loosening the traumatic, inevitable-seeming connection between mistakes and humiliation […] Doesn’t reading queer mean learning, among other things, that mistakes can be good rather than bad surprises?” (Sedgwick Touching 146–7).Fun Home is saturated with intertextual references and archival materials that attempt to piece together the memoir’s fractured and hidden histories. The construction of this personal history works by including familial and historical records to register the trauma of the Bechdels’ personal tragedy. The archival texts are meticulously hand-drawn, their time-worn and ragged physicality maintained to emphasise the referentiality of these documents. Bechdel’s use of realistically drawn family photographs, complete with photo corners, suggests a family photograph album, although rather than establishing a censored and idealistic narrative, as most family albums do, the photographs are read and reproduced for their suppressed and destabilising content. Bechdel describes them as “particularly mythic” (Chute “Interview” 1009), and she plunders this symbolic richness to rewrite her family history. The archival documents function as primary texts, which stand in opposition to the deadly secrecy of her childhood home: they are concrete and evidentiary. Bechdel reads her father’s letters and photographs (and their gothic revival house) for sexual and artistic evidence, “read[ing] the text against the grain in order to draw out what it refuses to own up to” (Felski “Suspicious” 23). She interprets his letters’ baroque lyrical flourishes as indications both of his semi-repressed homosexuality and of the artistic sensibility that she would inherit and refine.Suspicion of the entire historical project marks the memoir. Philippe Lejeune describes the “Autobiographical Pact” as “a contract of identity that is sealed by the proper name” of the author (19). Bechdel does not challenge this pact fundamentally—the authoritative narrative voice of her book structures it to be read as historically truthful—but she does challenge and complicate the apparent simplicity of this referential model. Bechdel’s discussion of the referential failings of her childhood diary making—“the troubled gap between word and meaning”—casts a suspicious eye over the rest of the memoir’s historical project (Bechdel 143). She asks how language can adequately articulate experience or refer to the external world in an environment defined by secrets and silence. At the time of her childhood, it cannot—the claim to full disclosure that the memoir ultimately makes is predicated on distance and time. Bechdel simultaneously makes a claim for the historical veracity of her narrative and destabilises our assumptions around the idea of factual and retrospective truth:When I was ten, I was obsessed with making sure my diary entries bore no false witness. But as I aged, hard facts gave way to vagaries of emotion and opinion. False humility, overwrought penmanship, and self-disgust began to cloud my testimony […] until […] the truth is barely perceptible behind a hedge of qualifiers, encryption, and stray punctuation. (Bechdel 169)That which is “unrepresentable” is simultaneously represented and denied. The comics medium itself, with its simultaneous graphic and textual representation, suggests the unreliability of any one means of representation. Of Bechdel’s diaries, Jared Gardner notes, “what develops over the course of her diary […] is an increasing sense that text and image are each alone inadequate to the task, and that some merger of the two is required to tell the story of the truth, and the truth of the story” (“Archives” 3).As the boyishly dressed Alison urges her father, applying scare-quoted “bronzer,” to hurry up, Bechdel narrates, “my father began to seem morally suspect to me long before I knew that he actually had a dark secret” (16). Alison is presented as her father’s binary opposite, “butch to his nelly. Utilitarian to his aesthete,” (15) and, as a teenager, frames his love of art and extravagance as debauched. This clear distinction soon becomes blurred, as Alison and Bruce’s similarities begin to overwhelm their differences. The huge drawn hand shown holding the photograph of Roy, in the memoir’s “centrefold,” more than twice life-size, reproduces the reader’s hand holding the book. We are placed in Bechdel’s, and by extension her father’s, role, as the illicit and transgressive voyeurs of the erotic spectacle of Roy’s body, and as the possessors and consumers of hidden, troubling texts. At this point, Bechdel begins to take her queer reading of this family archive and use it to establish a strong connection between her initially unsympathetic father and herself. Despite his neglect of his children, and his self-involvement, Bechdel claims him as her spiritual and creative father, as well as her biological one. This reparative embrace moves Bruce from the role of criticised outsider in Alison’s world to one of queer predecessor. Bechdel figures herself and her father as doubled aesthetic and erotic observers and appreciators. Ann Cvetkovich suggests that “mimicking her father as witness to the image, Alison is brought closer to him only at the risk of replicating his illicit sexual desires” (118). For Alison, consuming her father’s texts connects her with him in a positive yet troubling way: “My father’s end was my beginning. Or more precisely, […] the end of his lie coincided with the beginning of my truth” (Bechdel 116–17). The final panel of the same chapter depicts Alison’s hands holding drawn photos of herself at twenty-one and Bruce at twenty-two. The snapshots overlap, and Bechdel lists the similarities between the photographs, concluding, “it’s about as close as a translation can get” (120). Through the “vast network of transversals” (102) that is their life together, Alison and Bruce are, paradoxically, twinned “inversions of one another” (98). Sedgwick suggests that “inversion models […] locate gay people—whether biologically or culturally—at the threshold between genders” (Epistemology 88). Bechdel’s focus on Proust’s “antiquated clinical term” both neatly fits her thematic expression of Alison and Bruce’s relationship as doubles (“Not only were we inverts. We were inversions of one another”) and situates them in a space of possibility and liminality (97-98).Bechdel rejects a wholly suspicious approach by maintaining and embracing the aporia in her and her father’s story, an essential element of memory. According to Chute, Fun Home shows “that the form of comics crucially retains the insolvable gaps of family history” (Graphic 175). Rejecting suspicion involves embracing ambiguity and unresolvability. It concedes that there is no one authentic truth to be neatly revealed and resolved. Fun Home’s “spatial and semantic gaps […] express a critical unknowability or undecidability” (Chute Graphic 182). Bechdel allows the gaps in her narrative to remain, refusing to “pretend to know” Bruce’s “erotic truth” (230), an act to which suspicious reading is diametrically opposed. Suspicious reading wishes to close all gaps, to articulate silences and literalise mysteries, and Bechdel’s narrative progressively moves away from this mode. The medium of comics uses words and images together, simultaneously separate and united. Similarly, Alison and Bruce are presented as opposites: butch/sissy, artist/dilettante. Yet the memoir’s conclusion presents Alison and Bruce in a loving, reciprocal relationship. The final page of the book has two frames: one of Bruce’s perspective in the moment before his death, and one showing him contentedly playing with a young Alison in a swimming pool—death contrasted with life. The gaps in the narrative are not closed but embraced. Bechdel’s “tricky reverse narration” (232) suggests a complex mode of reading that allows both Bechdel and the reader to perceive Bruce as a positive forebear. Comics as a medium pay particular visual attention to absence and silence. The gutter, the space between panels, functions in a way that is not quite paralleled by silence in speech and music, and spaces and line breaks in text—after all, there are still blank spaces between words and elements of the image within the comics panel. The gutter is the space where closure occurs, allowing readers to infer causality and often the passing of time (McCloud 5). The gutters in this book echo the many gaps in knowledge and presence that mark the narrative. Fun Home is impelled by absence on a practical level: the absence of the dead parent, the absence of a past that was unspoken of and yet informed every element of Alison’s childhood.Bechdel’s hyper-literate narration steers the reader through the memoir and acknowledges its own aporia. Fun Home “does not seek to preserve the past as it was, as its archival obsession might suggest, but rather to circulate ideas about the past with gaps fully intact” (Chute Graphic 180). Bechdel, while making her own interpretation of her father’s death clear, does not insist on her reading. While Bruce attempted to restore his home into a perfect, hermetically sealed simulacrum of nineteenth-century domestic glamour, Bechdel creates a postmodern text that slips easily between a multiplicity of time periods, opening up the absences, failures, and humiliations of her story. Chute argues:Bruce Bechdel wants the past to be whole; Alison Bechdel makes it free-floating […] She animates the past in a book that is […] a counterarchitecture to the stifling, shame-filled house in which she grew up: she animates and releases its histories, circulating them and giving them life even when they devolve on death. (Graphic 216)Bechdel employs a literary process of detection in the revelation of both of their sexualities. Her archive is constructed like an evidence file; through layered tableaux of letters, novels and photographs, we see how Bruce’s obsessive love of avant-garde literature functions as an emblem of his hidden desire; Alison discovers her sexuality through the memoirs of Colette and the seminal gay pride manifestos of the late 1970s. Watson suggests that the “panels, gutters, and page, as bounded and delimited visual space, allow texturing of the two-dimensional image through collage, counterpoint, the superimposition of multiple media, and self-referential gestures […] Bechdel's rich exploitation of visual possibilities places Fun Home at an autobiographical interface where disparate modes of self-inscription intersect and comment upon one another” (32).Alison’s role as a literary and literal detective of concealed sexualities and of texts is particularly evident in the scene when she realises that she is gay. Wearing a plaid trench coat with the collar turned up like a private eye, she stands in the campus bookshop reading a copy of Word is Out, with a shadowy figure in the background (one whose silhouette resembles her father’s teenaged lover, Roy), and a speech bubble with a single exclamation mark articulating her realisation. While “the classic detective novel […] depends on […] a double plot, telling the story of a crime via the story of its investigation” (Felski “Suspicious” 225), Fun Home tells the story of Alison’s coming out and genesis as an artist through the story of her father’s brief life and thwarted desires. On the memoir’s final page, revisioning the artifactual photograph that begins her final chapter, Bechdel reclaims her father from what a cool reading of the historical record (adultery with adolescents, verbally abusive, emotionally distant) might encourage readers to superficially assume. Cvetkovich articulates the way Fun Home uses:Ordinary experience as an opening onto revisionist histories that avoid the emotional simplifications that can sometimes accompany representations of even the most unassimilable historical traumas […] Bechdel refuses easy distinctions between heroes and perpetrators, but doing so via a figure who represents a highly stigmatised sexuality is a bold move. (125)Rejecting paranoid strategies, Bechdel is less interested in classification and condemnation of her father than she is in her own tangled relation to him. She adopts a reparative strategy by focusing on the strands of joy and identification in her history with her father, rather than simply making a paranoid attack on his character.She occludes the negative possibilities and connotations of her father’s story to end on a largely positive note: “But in the tricky reverse narration that impels our entwined stories, he was there to catch me when I leapt” (232). In the final moment of her text Bechdel moves away from the memoir’s earlier destabilising actions, which forced the reader to regard Bruce with suspicion, as the keeper of destructive secrets and as a menacing presence in the Bechdels’ family life. The final image is of complete trust and support. His death is rendered not as chaotic and violent as it historically was, but calm, controlled, beneficent. Bechdel has commented, “I think it’s part of my father’s brilliance, the fact that his death was so ambiguous […] The idea that he could pull that off. That it was his last great wheeze. I want to believe that he went out triumphantly” (qtd. in Burkeman). The revisioning of Bruce’s death as a suicide and the reverse narration which establishes the accomplished artist and writer Bechdel’s creative and literary debt to him function as a redemption.Bechdel queers her suspicious reading of her family history in order to reparatively reclaim her father’s historical and personal connection with herself. The narrative testifies to Bruce’s failings as a father and husband, and confesses to Alison’s own complicity in her father’s transgressive desires and artistic interest, and to her inability to represent the past authoritatively and with complete accuracy. Bechdel both engages in and ultimately rejects a suspicious interpretation of her family and personal history. As Gardner notes, “only by allowing the past to bleed into history, fact to bleed into fiction, image into text, might we begin to allow our own pain to bleed into the other, and more urgently, the pain of the other to bleed into ourselves” (“Autobiography’s” 23). Suspicion itself is queered in the reparative revisioning of Bruce’s life and death, and in the “tricky reverse narration” (232) of the künstlerroman’s joyful conclusion.ReferencesBechdel, Alison. Fun Home: A Family Tragicomic. New York: Mariner Books, 2007. Burkeman, Oliver. “A life stripped bare.” The Guardian 16 Oct. 2006: G2 16.Cvetkovich, Ann. “Drawing the Archive in Alison Bechdel’s Fun Home.” Women’s Studies Quarterly 36.1/2 (2008): 111–29. Chute, Hillary L. Graphic Women: Life Narrative and Contemporary Comics. New York: Columbia UP, 2010. ---. “Interview with Alison Bechdel.” MFS Modern Fiction Studies 52.4 (2006): 1004–13. Felski, Rita. Uses of Literature. Malden: Blackwell Publishing, 2008.---. “Suspicious Minds.” Poetics Today 32:3 (2011): 215–34. Gardner, Jared. “Archives, Collectors, and the New Media Work of Comics.” MFS Modern Fiction Studies 52.4 (2006): 787–806. ---. “Autobiography’s Biography 1972-2007.” Biography 31.1 (2008): 1–26. Lejeune, Philippe. On Autobiography. Ed. Paul John Eakin. Trans. Katherine Leary. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989. McCloud, Scott. Understanding Comics: The Invisible Art. New York: HarperPerennial, 1994. McGrath, Charles. “Not Funnies.” New York Times Magazine 11 Jul. 2004: 24–56. Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky. Epistemology of the Closet. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008. ---. Touching Feeling. Durham : Duke University Press, 2003. Vincent, J. Keith. “Affect and Reparative Reading.” Honoring Eve. Ed. J. Keith Vincent. Affect and Reparative Reading. Boston University College of Arts and Sciences. October 31 2009. 25 May 2011. ‹http://www.bu.edu/honoringeve/panels/affect-and-reparative-reading/?›.Watson, Julia. “Autographic disclosures and genealogies of desire in Alison Bechdel’s Fun Home.” Biography 31.1 (2008): 27–59. Whitlock, Gillian. “Autographics: The Seeing “I” of the Comics.” Modern Fiction Studies 52.4 (2006): 965–79.

Introduction Burning Man (BM) is a festival of art and music that materialises for one week each year in the Nevada desert. It is considered by many to be the world’s largest countercultural event. But what is BM, really? With record attendance of 69,613 in 2013 (Griffith) (the original event in 1986 had twenty), and recent event themes that have engaged with mainstream political themes such as “Green Man” (2007) and “American Dream” (2008), can BM still be considered countercultural? Was it ever? In the first part of this article, we define counterculture as a subculture that originates in the hippie movement of 1960s America and the rejection of “mainstream” values associated with post-WWII industrial culture, that aligns itself with environmentalism and ecological consciousness, and that is distinctly anti-consumer (Roszak, Making). Second, we identify BM as an art and music festival that transcends the event to travel with its desert denizens out into the “real world.” In this way, it is also a festival that has countercultural connections. Third, though BM bears some resemblance to counterculture, given that it is founded upon “Radical Self-Reliance”, BM is actually anything but countercultural because it interlocks with the current socioeconomic zeitgeist of neoliberalism, and that reflects a “new individualism” (Elliot & Lemert). BM’s ambition to be a commercial-free zone runs aground against its entanglement with market relations, and BM is also arguably a consumer space. Finally, neoliberal ideology and “new individualism” are encoded in the space of BM at the level of the spectacle (Debord). The Uchronian’s structure from BM 2006 (a cavernous wooden construction nicknamed the “Belgian Waffle”) could be read as one example. However, opportunities for personal transformation and transcendent experience may persist as counterculture moves into a global age. Defining Counterculture To talk about BM as a counterculture, we must first define counterculture. Hebdige provided a useful distinction between subculture and counterculture in an endnote to a discussion of Teds versus Rockers (148). According to Hebdige, what distinguishes counterculture from mere subculture and related styles is its association with a specific era (1967–70), that its adherents tended to hail from educated, middle-class families, and that it is “explicitly political and ideological” and thus more easily “read” by the dominant powers. Finally, it opposes the dominant culture. Counterculture has its roots in “the hippies, the flower children, the yippies” of the 60s. However, perhaps Hebdige’s definition is too narrow; it is more of an instance of counterculture than a definition. A more general definition of counterculture might be a subculture that rejects “mainstream” values, and examples of this have existed throughout time. For example, we might include the 19th century Romantics with their rejection of the Enlightenment and distrust of capitalism (Roszak 1972), or the Beat generation and post-War America (Miller). Perhaps counterculture even requires one to be a criminal: the prominent Beat writer William S. Burroughs shot guns and heroin, was a homosexual, and accidentally shot and killed his wife in a drug haze (Severo). All of these are examples of subcultures that rejected or opposed the mainstream values of the time. But it was Roszak (Making) who originally defined counterculture as the hippie movement of 1960s era college-aged middle-class American youth who revolted against the values and society inherited not only from their parents, but from the “military-industrial complex” itself, which “quite simply was the American political system” (3). Indeed, the 1960s counterculture—what the term “counterculture” has more generally come to mean—was perhaps the most radical expression of humanity ever in its ontological overthrow of industrial culture and all that it implied (and also, Roszak speculates, in so much that it may have been an experiment gone wrong on the part of the American establishment): The Communist and Socialist Left had always been as committed to industrialism as their capitalist foes, never questioning it as an inevitable historical stage. From this viewpoint, all that needed to be debated was the ownership and control of the system. But here was a dissenting movement that yearned for an entirely different quality of life. It was not simply calling the political superstructure into question; with precocious ecological insight, it was challenging the culture of industrial cities on which that superstructure stood. And more troubling still, there were those among the dissenters who questioned the very sanity of that culture. These psychic disaffiliates took off in search of altered states of consciousness that might generate altered states of society. (8) For the purposes of this paper, then, counterculture refers specifically to those cultures that find their roots in the hippie movement of the late 1960s. I embrace both Roszak’s and Hebdige’s definitions of counterculture because they define it as a unique reaction of post-WWII American youth against industrial culture and a rejection of the accompanying values of home, marriage and career. Instead, counterculture embraced ecological awareness, rejected consumption, and even directed itself toward mystical altered states. In the case of the espoused ecological consciousness, that blossomed into the contemporary (increasingly mainstream) environmental movement toward “green” energy. In the case of counterculture, the specific instance really is the definition in this case because the response of postwar youth was so strong and idiosyncratic, and there is overlap between counterculture and the BM community. So what is Burning Man? Defining Burning Man According to the event’s website: Burning Man is an annual event and a thriving year-round culture. The event takes place the week leading up to and including Labor Day, in Nevada’s Black Rock Desert. The Burning Man organization […] creates the infrastructure of Black Rock City, wherein attendees (or “participants”) dedicate themselves to the spirit of community, art, self-expression, and self-reliance. They depart one week later, leaving no trace […] Outside the event, Burning Man’s vibrant year-round culture is growing through the non-profit Burning Man Project, including worldwide Regional Groups and associated non-profits who embody Burning Man’s ethos out in the world. (“What is Burning Man?”) I interpret BM as a massive art festival and party that materialises in the desert once a year to produce one of the largest cities in Nevada, but one with increasingly global reach in which the participants feel compelled to carry the ethos forward into their everyday lives. It is also an event with an increasing number of “regional burns” (Taylor) that have emerged as offshoots of the original. Creator Larry Harvey originally conceived of burning the effigy of a man on San Francisco’s Baker Beach in 1986 in honor of the solstice (“Burning Man Timeline”). Twenty people attended the first BM. That figure rapidly rose to 800 by 1990 when for legal reasons it became necessary to relocate to the remote Black Rock desert in Nevada, the largest expanse of flat land in the United States. In the early 90s, when BM had newly relocated and attendees numbered in the low thousands, it was not uncommon for participants to mix drugs, booze, speeding cars and firearms (Bonin) (reminiscent of the outlaw associations of counterculture). As the Internet became popular in the mid-1990s word spread quickly, leading to a surge in the population. By the early 2000s attendance regularly numbered in the tens of thousands and BM had become a global phenomenon. In 2014 the festival turned 28, but it had already been a corporation for nearly two decades before transitioning to a non-profit (“Burning Man Transitions”). Burning Man as Countercultural Event BM has connections to the counterculture, though the organisation is quick to dispel these connections as myths (“Media Myths”). For example, in response to the notion that BM is a “90s Woodstock”, the organisers point out that BM is for all ages and not a concert. Rather, it is a “noncommercial environment” where the participants come to entertain each other, and thus it is “not limited by the conventions of any subculture.” The idea that BM is a “hippie” festival is also a myth, but one with some truth to it: Hippies helped create environmental ethics, founded communes, wore colorful clothing, courted mysticism, and distrusted the modern industrial economy. In some ways, this counterculture bears a resemblance to aspects of Burning Man. Hippie society was also a youth movement that often revolved around drugs, music, and checks from home. Burning Man is about “radical self-reliance”–it is not a youth movement, and it is definitely not a subculture (“Media Myths”). There are some familiar aspects of counterculture here, particularly environmental consciousness, anti-consumer tendencies and mysticism. Yet, looking at the high attendance numbers and the progression of themes in recent years one might speculate that BM is no longer as countercultural as it once was. For instance, psychedelic themes such as “Vault of Heaven” (2004) and “Psyche” (2005) gave way to “The Green Man” (2007) and “American Dream” (2008). Although “Green Man” was an environmental theme it debuted the year after Vice President Al Gore’s “An Inconvenient Truth” (2006) brought the issue of climate change to a mainstream audience. Indeed, as a global, leaderless event with a strong participatory ethos in many respects BM followed suit with the business world, particularly given it was a Limited Liability Corporation (LLC) for many years (though it was ahead of the curve): “Capitalism has learned from the counter culture. But this is not news” (Rojek 355). Similarly, just in time for the 2008 U.S. Presidential election the organisational committee decided to juxtapose “the Man” with the American flag. Therefore, there has been an arguable shift toward engagement with mainstream issues and politics in recent years (and away from mysticism). Recent themes are really re-appropriations of mainstream discourses; hence they are “agonistic” readings (Mouffe). Take for example the VoterDrive Bus, an early example of political talk at BM that engaged with mainstream politics. The driver was seven-time BM veteran Corey Mervis (also known as “Misty Mocracy”) (“Jack Rabbit Speaks”). Beginning on 22 July 2004, the VoterDrive Bus wrote the word VOTE in script across the continental United States in the months before the election, stopping in the Black Rock City (BRC) for one week during the BM festival. Four years later the theme “American Dream” would reflect this countercultural re-appropriation of mainstream political themes in the final months leading up to the 2008 Presidential election. In that year, “the Man,” a massive wooden effigy that burns on the last night of the event, stood atop a platform of windows, each inscribed with the flag of a different country. “American Dream” was as politically as it was poetically inspired. Note the agonistic appeal: “This year's art theme is about patriotism—not that kind which freights the nation state with the collective weight of ego, but a patriotism that is based upon a love of country and culture. Leave ideology at home…Ask yourself, instead…What can postmodern America, this stumbling, roused, half-conscious giant, yet give to the world?” (“2008 Art Theme: American Dream”). BM has arguably retained its countercultural authenticity despite engagement with mainstream political themes by virtue of such agonistic appeals to “American Dream”, and to “Green Man” which promoted environmental awareness, and which after all started out in the counterculture. I attended BM twice in 2006 and 2007 with “The Zombie Hotel”, one among a thousand camps in the BRC, Nevada (oddly, there were numerous zombie-themed camps). The last year I attended, the festival seemed to have come of age, and 2007 was the first in its history that BM invited corporate presence in the form of green energy companies (and informational kiosks, courtesy of Google) (Taylor). Midway through the week, as I stumbled through the haphazard common area that was The Zombie Hotel hiding from the infernal heat of the desert sun, two twin fighter jets, their paths intertwining, disturbed the sanctity of the clear, blue afternoon sky followed by a collective roar from the city. One can imagine my dismay at rumours that the fighter jets—which I had initially assumed to be some sort of military reconnaissance—were in fact hired by the BM Organizational Committee to trace the event’s symbol in the sky. Speculation would later abound on Tribe.net (“What was up with the fighter jets?”). What had BM become after all? Figure 1: Misty Mocracy & the VoterDrive Bus. Photo: Erick Leskinen (2004). Reproduced with permission. “Radical Self-Reliance”, Neoliberalism and the “New Individualism” Despite overlap with elements of counterculture, there is something quite normative about BM from the standpoint of ideology, and thus “mainstream” in the sense of favouring values associated with what Roszak calls “industrial society”, namely consumption and capitalist labor relations. To understand this, let us examine “The Ten Principles of BM”. These include: Radical Inclusion, Gifting, Decommodification, Radical Self-Reliance, Radical Self-Expression, Communal Effort, Civic Responsibility, Leaving No Trace, Participation and Immediacy (“Ten Principles of Burning Man”). These categories speak to BM’s strong connection to the counterculture. For example, “Decommodification” is a rejection of consumerism in favour of a culture of giving; “Immediacy” rejects mediation, and “Participation” stresses transformative change. Many of these categories also evoke political agonism, for example “Radical Inclusion” requires that “anyone may be a part of Burning Man”, and “Radical Self-Expression”, which suggests that no one other than the gift-giver can determine the content of the message. Finally, there are categories that also engage with concepts associated with traditional civil society and democracy, such as “Civic Responsibility”, which refers to the “public welfare”, “Participation”, and “Communal Effort.” Though at first it may seem to connect with countercultural values, upon closer inspection “Radical Self-Reliance” aligns BM with the larger socioeconomic zeitgeist under late-capitalism, subverting its message of “Decommodification.” Here is what it says: “Burning Man encourages the individual to discover, exercise and rely on his or her inner resources.” That message is transformative, even mystical, but it aligns well with a neoliberal ideology and uncertain labor relations under late capitalism. Indeed, Elliot and Lemert explore the psychological impact of a “new individualism”, setting the self in opposition to the incoming forces of globalisation. They address the question of how individuals respond to globalisation, perhaps pathologically. Elliot and Lemert clarify the socio-psychological ramifications of economic fragmentation. They envision this as inextricably caught up with the erosion of personal identity and the necessity to please “self-absorbed others” in a multiplicity of incommensurate realities (20, 21). Individuals are not merely atomised socially but fragmented psychologically, while at the macroscopic level privatisation of the economy spawns this colonisation of the personal Lifeworld, as social things move into the realm of individualised dilemmas (42). It is interesting to note how BM’s principles (in particular “Radical Self-Reliance”) evoke this fracturing of identity as identities and realities multiply in the BRC. Furthermore, the spectre of neoliberal labour conditions on “the Playa” kicks down the door for consumer culture’s entrée. Consumer society “technicises” the project of the self as a series of problems having consumer solutions with reference to expert advice (Slater 86), BM provides that solution in the form of a transformative experience through “Participation”, and acolytes of the BM festival can be said to be deeply invested in the “experience economy” (Pine & Gilmore): “We believe that transformative change, whether in the individual or in society, can occur only through the medium of deeply personal participation” (“Ten Principles”). Yet, while BM rejects consumption as part of “Decommodification”, the event has become something of a playground for new technological elites (with a taste for pink fur and glow tape rather than wine and cheese) with some camps charging as much as US $25,000 in fees per person for the week (most charge $300) (Bilton). BM is gentrifying, or as veteran attendee Tyler Hanson put it, “Burning Man is no longer a counterculture revolution. It’s now become a mirror of society” (quoted in Bilton). Neoliberalism and “new individualism” are all around at BM, and a reading of space and spectacle in the Uchronian structure reveals this encoding. Figure 2: “Message Out of the Future by Night” (also known as “the Belgian Waffle). Photo: Laurent Chavanne (2006). Reproduced with permission. “Long Gone Hippies” Republican tax reformist Grover Norquist made his way to BM for the first time this year, joining the tech elites. He subsequently proclaimed that America had a lot to learn from BM: “The story of Burning Man is one of radical self-reliance” (Norquist). As the population of the BRC surges toward seventy thousand, it may be difficult to call BM a countercultural event any longer. Given parallels between the BM ethos and neoliberal market relations and a “new individualism”, it is hard to deny that BM is deeply intertwined with counterposing forces of globalisation. However, if you ask the participants (and Norquist) they will have a different story: After you buy your ticket to Burning Man to help pay for the infrastructure, and after you pay for your own transportation, food and water, and if you optionally decide to pay to join a camp that provides some services THEN you never have to take your wallet out while at Burning Man. Folks share food, massages, alcohol, swimming pools, trampolines, many experiences. The expenses that occur prior to the festival are very reasonable and it is wonderful to walk around free from shopping or purchasing. Pockets are unnecessary. So are clothes. (Alex & Allyson Grey) Consumerism is a means to an end in an environment where the meanings of civic participation and “giving back” to the counterculture take many forms. Moreover, Thornton argued that the varied definitions of what is “mainstream” among subcultures point more to a complex and multifaceted landscape of subculture than to any coherent agreement as to what “mainstream” actually means (101), and so perhaps our entire discussion of the counterculture/mainstream binary is moot. Perhaps there is something yet to be salvaged in the spaces of participation at BM, some agonistic activity to be harnessed. The fluid spaces of the desert are the loci of community action. Jan Kriekels, founder of the Uchronia Community, holds out some hope. The Belgian based art collective hauled 150 kilometres of lumber to the BRC in the summer of 2006 to construct a freestanding, cavernous structure with a floor space of 60 by 30 metres at its center and a height of 15 metres (they promised a reforestation of the equivalent amount of trees) (Figure 1). “Don’t mistake us for long gone hippies in the desert”, wrote Kriekels in Message Out of the Future: Uchronia Community, “we are trying to build a bridge between materialism and spiritualism” (102). The Uchronians announced themselves as not only desert nomads but nomads in time (“U” signifying “nothing” and “chronos” or “time”), their time-traveller personas designed to subvert commodification, their mysterious structure (nicknamed the “Belgian Waffle” by the burners, a painful misnomer in the eyes of the Uchronians) evoking a sense of timelessness. I remember standing within that “cathedral-like” (60) structure and feeling exhilarated and lonely and cold all at once for the chill of the desert at night, and later, much later, away from the Playa in conversations with a friend we recalled Guy Debord’s “Thesis 30”: “The spectator feels at home nowhere, for the spectacle is everywhere.” The message of the Uchronians provokes a comparison with Virilio’s conceptualisations of “world time” and “simultaneity” that emerge from globalisation and digital technologies (13), part of the rise of a “globalitarianism” (15)—“world time (‘live’) takes over from the ancient, immemorial supremacy of the local time of regions” (113). A fragmented sense of time, after all, accompanies unstable labour conditions in the 21st century. Still, I hold out hope for the “resistance” inherent in counterculture as it fosters humanity’s “bothersomely unfulfilled potentialities” (Roszak, Making 16). I wonder in closing if I have damaged the trust of burners in attempting to write about what is a transcendent experience for many. It may be argued that the space of the BRC is not merely a spectacle—rather, it contains the urban “forests of gestures” (de Certeau 102). These are the secret perambulations—physical and mental—at risk of betrayal. References An Inconvenient Truth. Dir. Davis Guggenheim. Perf. Al Gore. Paramount Pictures, 2006. Bilton, Nick. “At Burning Man, the Tech Elite One-Up One Another.” The New York Times: Fashion & Style, 20 Aug. 2014. 10 Oct. 2014 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/21/fashion/at-burning-man-the-tech-elite-one-up-one-another.html› “Burning Man Timeline.” Burningman. 10 Oct. 2014 ‹http://burningman.org/timeline/›. “Burning Man Transitions to Non-Profit Organization.” Burningman 3 Mar. 2014. 10 Oct. 2014 ‹http://blog.burningman.com/2014/03/news/burning-man-transitions-to-non-profit-organization/›. De Bord, Guy. The Society of the Spectacle. 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Introduction: Bubbles and Sport The ephemeral materiality of bubbles – beautiful, spectacular, and distracting but ultimately fragile – when applied to protect or conserve in the interests of sport-media profit, creates conditions that exacerbate existing inequalities in sport and society. Bubbles are usually something to watch, admire, and chase after in their brief yet shiny lives. There is supposed to be, technically, nothing inside them other than one or more gasses, and yet we constantly refer to people and objects being inside bubbles. The metaphor of the bubble has been used to describe the life of celebrities, politicians in purpose-built capital cities like Canberra, and even leftist, environmentally activist urban dwellers. The metaphorical and material qualities of bubbles are aligned—they cannot be easily captured and are liable to change at any time. In this article we address the metaphorical sporting bubble, which is often evoked in describing life in professional sport. This is a vernacular term used to capture and condemn the conditions of life of elite sportspeople (usually men), most commonly after there has been a sport-related scandal, especially of a sexual nature (Rowe). It is frequently paired with connotatively loaded adjectives like pampered and indulged. The sporting bubble is rarely interrogated in academic literature, the concept largely being left to the media and moral entrepreneurs. It is represented as involving a highly privileged but also pressurised life for those who live inside it. A sporting bubble is a world constructed for its most prized inhabitants that enables them to be protected from insurgents and to set the terms of their encounters with others, especially sport fans and disciplinary agents of the state. The Covid-19 pandemic both reinforced and reconfigured the operational concept of the bubble, re-arranging tensions between safety (protecting athletes) and fragility (short careers, risks of injury, etc.) for those within, while safeguarding those without from bubble contagion. Privilege and Precarity Bubble-induced social isolation, critics argue, encourages a loss of perspective among those under its protection, an entitled disconnection from the usual rules and responsibilities of everyday life. For this reason, the denizens of the sporting bubble are seen as being at risk to themselves and, more troublingly, to those allowed temporarily to penetrate it, especially young women who are first exploited by and then ejected from it (Benedict). There are many well-documented cases of professional male athletes “behaving badly” and trying to rely on institutional status and various versions of the sporting bubble for shelter (Flood and Dyson; Reel and Crouch; Wade). In the age of mobile and social media, it is increasingly difficult to keep misbehaviour in-house, resulting in a slew of media stories about, for example, drunkenness and sexual misconduct, such as when then-Sydney Roosters co-captain Mitchell Pearce was suspended and fined in 2016 after being filmed trying to force an unwanted kiss on a woman and then simulating a lewd act with her dog while drunk. There is contestation between those who condemn such behaviour as aberrant and those who regard it as the conventional expression of youthful masculinity as part of the familiar “boys will be boys” dictum. The latter naturalise an inequitable gender order, frequently treating sportsmen as victims of predatory women, and ignoring asymmetries of power between men and women, especially in homosocial environments (Toffoletti). For those in the sporting bubble (predominantly elite sportsmen and highly paid executives, also mostly men, with an array of service staff of both sexes moving in and out of it), life is reflected for those being protected via an array of screens (small screens in homes and indoor places of entertainment, and even smaller screens on theirs and others’ phones, as well as huge screens at sport events). These male sport stars are paid handsomely to use their skill and strength to perform for the sporting codes, their every facial expression and bodily action watched by the media and relayed to audiences. This is often a precarious existence, the usually brief career of an athlete worker being dependent on health, luck, age, successful competition with rivals, networks, and club and coach preferences. There is a large, aspirational reserve army of athletes vying to play at the elite level, despite risks of injury and invasive, life-changing medical interventions. Responsibility for avoiding performance and image enhancing drugs (PIEDs) also weighs heavily on their shoulders (Connor). Professional sportspeople, in their more reflective moments, know that their time in the limelight will soon be up, meaning that getting a ticket to the sporting bubble, even for a short time, can make all the difference to their post-sport lives and those of their families. The most vulnerable of the small minority of participants in sport who make a good, short-term living from it are those for whom, in the absence of quality education and prior social status, it is their sole likely means of upward social mobility (Spaaij). Elite sport performers are surrounded by minders, doctors, fitness instructors, therapists, coaches, advisors and other service personnel, all supporting athletes to stay focussed on and maximise performance quality to satisfy co-present crowds, broadcasters, sponsors, sports bodies and mass media audiences. The shield offered by the sporting bubble supports the teleological win-at-all-costs mentality of professional sport. The stakes are high, with athlete and executive salaries, sponsorships and broadcasting deals entangled in a complex web of investments in keeping the “talent” pivotal to the “attention economy” (Davenport and Beck)—the players that provide the content for sale—in top form. Yet, the bubble cannot be entirely secured and poor behaviour or performance can have devastating effects, including permanent injury or disability, mental illness and loss of reputation (Rowe, “Scandals and Sport”). Given this fragile materiality of the sporting bubble, it is striking that, in response to the sudden shutdown following the economic and health crisis caused by the 2020 global pandemic, the leaders of professional sport decided to create more of them and seek to seal the metaphorical and material space with unprecedented efficiency. The outcome was a multi-sided tale of mobility, confinement, capital, labour, and the gendering of sport and society. The Covid-19 Gilded Cage Sociologists such as Zygmunt Bauman and John Urry have analysed the socio-politics of mobilities, whereby some people in the world, such as tourists, can traverse the globe at their leisure, while others remain fixed in geographical space because they lack the means to be mobile or, in contrast, are involuntarily displaced by war, so-called “ethnic cleansing”, famine, poverty or environmental degradation. The Covid-19 global pandemic re-framed these matters of mobilities (Rowe, “Subjecting Pandemic Sport”), with conventional moving around—between houses, businesses, cities, regions and countries—suddenly subjected to the imperative to be static and, in perniciously unreflective technocratic discourse, “socially distanced” (when what was actually meant was to be “physically distanced”). The late-twentieth century analysis of the “risk society” by Ulrich Beck, in which the mysterious consequences of humans’ predation on their environment are visited upon them with terrifying force, was dramatically realised with the coming of Covid-19. In another iteration of the metaphor, it burst the bubble of twenty-first century global sport. What we today call sport was formed through the process of sportisation (Maguire), whereby hyper-local, folk physical play was reconfigured as multi-spatial industrialised sport in modernity, becoming increasingly reliant on individual athletes and teams travelling across the landscape and well over the horizon. Co-present crowds were, in turn, overshadowed in the sport economy when sport events were taken to much larger, dispersed audiences via the media, especially in broadcast mode (Nicholson, Kerr, and Sherwood). This lucrative mediation of professional sport, though, came with an unforgiving obligation to generate an uninterrupted supply of spectacular live sport content. The pandemic closed down most sports events and those that did take place lacked the crucial participation of the co-present crowd to provide the requisite event atmosphere demanded by those viewers accustomed to a sense of occasion. Instead, they received a strange spectacle of sport performers operating in empty “cathedrals”, often with a “faked” crowd presence. The mediated sport spectacle under the pandemic involved cardboard cut-out and sex doll spectators, Zoom images of fans on large screens, and sampled sounds of the crowd recycled from sport video games. Confected co-presence produced simulacra of the “real” as Baudrillardian visions came to life. The sporting bubble had become even more remote. For elite sportspeople routinely isolated from the “common people”, the live sport encounter offered some sensory experience of the social – the sounds, sights and even smells of the crowd. Now the sporting bubble closed in on an already insulated and insular existence. It exposed the irony of the bubble as a sign of both privileged mobility and incarcerated athlete work, both refuge and prison. Its logic of contagion also turned a structure intended to protect those inside from those outside into, as already observed, a mechanism to manage the threat of insiders to outsiders. In Australia, as in many other countries, the populace was enjoined by governments and health authorities to help prevent the spread of Covid-19 through isolation and immobility. There were various exceptions, principally those classified as essential workers, a heterogeneous cohort ranging from supermarket shelf stackers to pharmacists. People in the cultural, leisure and sports industries, including musicians, actors, and athletes, were not counted among this crucial labour force. Indeed, the performing arts (including dance, theatre and music) were put on ice with quite devastating effects on the livelihoods and wellbeing of those involved. So, with all major sports shut down (the exception being horse racing, which received the benefit both of government subsidies and expanding online gambling revenue), sport organisations began to represent themselves as essential services that could help sustain collective mental and even spiritual wellbeing. This case was made most aggressively by Australian Rugby League Commission Chairman, Peter V’landys, in contending that “an Australia without rugby league is not Australia”. In similar vein, prominent sport and media figure Phil Gould insisted, when describing rugby league fans in Western Sydney’s Penrith, “they’re lost, because the football’s not on … . It holds their families together. People don’t understand that … . Their life begins in the second week of March, and it ends in October”. Despite misgivings about public safety and equality before the pandemic regime, sporting bubbles were allowed to form, re-form and circulate. The indefinite shutdown of the National Rugby League (NRL) on 23 March 2020 was followed after negotiation between multiple entities by its reopening on 28 May 2020. The competition included a team from another nation-state (the Warriors from Aotearoa/New Zealand) in creating an international sporting bubble on the Central Coast of New South Wales, separating them from their families and friends across the Tasman Sea. Appeals to the mental health of fans and the importance of the NRL to myths of “Australianness” notwithstanding, the league had not prudently maintained a financial reserve and so could not afford to shut down for long. Significant gambling revenue for leagues like the NRL and Australian Football League (AFL) also influenced the push to return to sport business as usual. Sport contests were needed in order to exploit the gambling opportunities – especially online and mobile – stimulated by home “confinement”. During the coronavirus lockdowns, Australians’ weekly spending on gambling went up by 142 per cent, and the NRL earned significantly more than usual from gambling revenue—potentially $10 million above forecasts for 2020. Despite the clear financial imperative at play, including heavy reliance on gambling, sporting bubble-making involved special licence. The state of Queensland, which had pursued a hard-line approach by closing its borders for most of those wishing to cross them for biographical landmark events like family funerals and even for medical treatment in border communities, became “the nation's sporting hub”. Queensland became the home of most teams of the men’s AFL (notably the women’s AFLW season having been cancelled) following a large Covid-19 second wave in Melbourne. The women’s National Netball League was based exclusively in Queensland. This state, which for the first time hosted the AFL Grand Final, deployed sport as a tool in both national sports tourism marketing and internal pre-election politics, sponsoring a documentary, The Sporting Bubble 2020, via its Tourism and Events arm. While Queensland became the larger bubble incorporating many other sporting bubbles, both the AFL and the NRL had versions of the “fly in, fly out” labour rhythms conventionally associated with the mining industry in remote and regional areas. In this instance, though, the bubble experience did not involve long stays in miners’ camps or even the one-night hotel stopovers familiar to the popular music and sport industries. Here, the bubble moved, usually by plane, to fulfil the requirements of a live sport “gig”, whereupon it was immediately returned to its more solid bubble hub or to domestic self-isolation. In the space created between disciplined expectation and deplored non-compliance, the sporting bubble inevitably became the scrutinised object and subject of scandal. Sporting Bubble Scandals While people with a very low risk of spreading Covid-19 (coming from areas with no active cases) were denied entry to Queensland for even the most serious of reasons (for example, the death of a child), images of AFL players and their families socialising and enjoying swimming at the Royal Pines Resort sporting bubble crossed our screens. Yet, despite their (players’, officials’ and families’) relative privilege and freedom of movement under the AFL Covid-Safe Plan, some players and others inside the bubble were involved in “scandals”. Most notable was the case of a drunken brawl outside a Gold Coast strip club which led to two Richmond players being “banished”, suspended for 10 matches, and the club fined $100,000. But it was not only players who breached Covid-19 bubble protocols: Collingwood coaches Nathan Buckley and Brenton Sanderson paid the $50,000 fine imposed on the club for playing tennis in Perth outside their bubble, while Richmond was fined $45,000 after Brooke Cotchin, wife of team captain Trent, posted an image to Instagram of a Gold Coast day spa that she had visited outside the “hub” (the institutionally preferred term for bubble). She was subsequently distressed after being trolled. Also of concern was the lack of physical distancing, and the range of people allowed into the sporting bubble, including babysitters, grandparents, and swimming coaches (for children). There were other cases of players being caught leaving the bubble to attend parties and sharing videos of their “antics” on social media. Biosecurity breaches of bubbles by players occurred relatively frequently, with stern words from both the AFL and NRL leaders (and their clubs) and fines accumulating in the thousands of dollars. Some people were also caught sneaking into bubbles, with Lekahni Pearce, the girlfriend of Swans player Elijah Taylor, stating that it was easy in Perth, “no security, I didn’t see a security guard” (in Barron, Stevens, and Zaczek) (a month later, outside the bubble, they had broken up and he pled guilty to unlawfully assaulting her; Ramsey). Flouting the rules, despite stern threats from government, did not lead to any bubble being popped. The sport-media machine powering sporting bubbles continued to run, the attendant emotional or health risks accepted in the name of national cultural therapy, while sponsorship, advertising and gambling revenue continued to accumulate mostly for the benefit of men. Gendering Sporting Bubbles Designed as biosecurity structures to maintain the supply of media-sport content, keep players and other vital cogs of the machine running smoothly, and to exclude Covid-19, sporting bubbles were, in their most advanced form, exclusive luxury camps that illuminated the elevated socio-cultural status of sportsmen. The ongoing inequalities between men’s and women’s sport in Australia and around the world were clearly in evidence, as well as the politics of gender whereby women are obliged to “care” and men are enabled to be “careless” – or at least to manage carefully their “duty of care”. In Australia, the only sport for women that continued during the height of the Covid-19 lockdown was netball, which operated in a bubble that was one of sacrifice rather than privilege. With minimum salaries of only $30,000 – significantly less than the lowest-paid “rookies” in the AFL – and some being mothers of small children and/or with professional jobs juggled alongside their netball careers, these elite sportswomen wanted to continue to play despite the personal inconvenience or cost (Pavlidis). Not one breach of the netballers out of the bubble was reported, indicating that they took their responsibilities with appropriate seriousness and, perhaps, were subjected to less scrutiny than the sportsmen accustomed to attracting front-page headlines. National Netball League (also known after its Queensland-based naming rights sponsor as Suncorp Super Netball) players could be regarded as fortunate to have the opportunity to be in a bubble and to participate in their competition. The NRL Women’s (NRLW) Premiership season was also completed, but only involved four teams subject to fly in, fly out and bubble arrangements, and being played in so-called curtain-raiser games for the NRL. As noted earlier, the AFLW season was truncated, despite all the prior training and sacrifice required of its players. Similarly, because of their resource advantages, the UK men’s and boy’s top six tiers of association football were allowed to continue during lockdown, compared to only two for women and girls. In the United States, inequalities between men’s and women’s sports were clearly demonstrated by the conditions afforded to those elite sportswomen inside the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) sport bubble in the IMG Academy in Florida. Players shared photos of rodent traps in their rooms, insect traps under their mattresses, inedible food and blocked plumbing in their bubble accommodation. These conditions were a far cry from the luxury usually afforded elite sportsmen, including in Florida’s Walt Disney World for the men’s NBA, and is just one of the many instances of how gendered inequality was both reproduced and exacerbated by Covid-19. Bursting the Bubble As we have seen, governments and corporate leaders in sport were able to create material and metaphorical bubbles during the Covid-19 lockdown in order to transmit stadium sport contests into home spaces. The rationale was the importance of sport to national identity, belonging and the routines and rhythms of life. But for whom? Many women, who still carry the major responsibilities of “care”, found that Covid-19 intensified the affective relations and gendered inequities of “home” as a leisure site (Fullagar and Pavlidis). Rates of domestic violence surged, and many women experienced significant anxiety and depression related to the stress of home confinement and home schooling. During the pandemic, women were also more likely to experience the stress and trauma of being first responders, witnessing virus-related sickness and death as the majority of nurses and care workers. They also bore the brunt of much of the economic and employment loss during this time. Also, as noted above, livelihoods in the arts and cultural sector did not receive the benefits of the “bubble”, despite having a comparable claim to sport in contributing significantly to societal wellbeing. This sector’s workforce is substantially female, although men dominate its senior roles. Despite these inequalities, after the late March to May hiatus, many elite male sportsmen – and some sportswomen - operated in a bubble. Moving in and out of them was not easy. Life inside could be mentally stressful (especially in long stays of up to 150 days in sports like cricket), and tabloid and social media troll punishment awaited those who were caught going “over the fence”. But, life in the sporting bubble was generally preferable to the daily realities of those afflicted by the trauma arising from forced home confinement, and for whom watching moving sports images was scant compensation for compulsory immobility. The ethical foundation of the sparkly, ephemeral fantasy of the sporting bubble is questionable when it is placed in the service of a voracious “media sports cultural complex” (Rowe, Global Media Sport) that consumes sport labour power and rolls back progress in gender relations as a default response to a global pandemic. Covid-19 dramatically highlighted social inequalities in many areas of life, including medical care, work, and sport. For the small minority of people involved in sport who are elite professionals, the only thing worse than being in a sporting bubble during the pandemic was not being in one, as being outside precluded their participation. Being inside the bubble was a privilege, albeit a dubious one. But, as in wider society, not all sporting bubbles are created equal. Some are more opulent than others, and the experiences of the supporting and the supported can be very different. The surface of the sporting bubble may be impermanent, but when its interior is opened up to scrutiny, it reveals some very durable structures of inequality. Bubbles are made to burst. They are, by nature, temporary, translucent structures created as spectacles. As a form of luminosity, bubbles “allow a thing or object to exist only as a flash, sparkle or shimmer” (Deleuze, 52). In echoing Deleuze, Angela McRobbie (54) argues that luminosity “softens and disguises the regulative dynamics of neoliberal society”. The sporting bubble was designed to discharge that function for those millions rendered immobile by home confinement legislation in Australia and around the world, who were having to deal with the associated trauma, risk and disadvantage. 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