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Journal articles on the topic 'Syllable weight'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 2 February 2022

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1

Roberts-Smith, Jennifer. "Thomas Campion’s iambic and quantitative Sapphic: Further evidence for phonological weight in Elizabethan English quantitative and non-quantitative meters." Language and Literature: International Journal of Stylistics 21, no. 4 (2012): 381–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963947012444952.

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Fulfilling a central goal of a generation of Elizabethan English metrical theory often referred to as the ‘quantitative movement’, Thomas Campion succeeded in demonstrating the role of syllable quantity, or phonological weight, in Elizabethan iambic pentameter. Following Kristin Hanson (2001, 2006), this article parses Campion’s scansions of Early Modern English syllables, according to moraic theory, into resolved moraic trochees. The analysis demonstrates that (1) Campion distinguished between syllable weight (syllable quantity) and stress or strength (accent) in Early Modern English; (2) Cam

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Blevins, Juliette. "Yurok Syllable Weight." International Journal of American Linguistics 69, no. 1 (2003): 4–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/376483.

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Kiegel-Keicher, Yvonne. "Simple metathesis in loanword phonology: the Arabic-Romance language contact." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 136, no. 4 (2020): 1049–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2020-0057.

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AbstractSimple metathesis can be found in numerous Ibero-Romance arabisms compared with their Andalusi Arabic etyma. The analysis of a corpus of Spanish, Portuguese and Catalan arabisms illustrates its effects on syllable structure and syllable weight. It can be shown that Arabic-Romance simple metathesis constitutes a motivated structural change that provides for typologically unmarked syllable weight relations within the word. After the resyllabification it entails the involved unstressed syllables no longer excede the stressed syllable in weight. However, it is not an obligatory, systematic

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4

Buckley, Eugene. "Core syllables vs. moraic writing." Written Language and Literacy 21, no. 1 (2018): 26–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.00009.buc.

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Abstract It is generally accepted that the units of writing systems represent categories found in spoken language; in phonographic writing, these categories traditionally include the syllable and segment, which correspond to syllabic and alphabetic systems. But it has been claimed that some or most “syllabaries” are actually based on moras, well known from phonological theory as units of syllable weight. I argue that apparent moraic systems are in fact built on signs that stand for core CV syllables, and consequently that moras do not appear to play a central role in any writing system.

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MUNSHI, SADAF, and MEGAN J. CROWHURST. "Weight sensitivity and syllable codas in Srinagar Koshur." Journal of Linguistics 48, no. 2 (2012): 427–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226712000096.

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This paper describes and analyses the pattern of word stress found in the standard dialect of Koshur (Kashmiri) spoken in Srinagar. The significance of Koshur for studies of stress lies in that taken together, its pattern of stress assignment and a pervasive pattern of syncope conspire to produce a four-way syllable weight distinction that has sometimes been expressed as the scale CVːC>CVː>CVC>CV. The interesting feature of this type of scale is that closed syllables, CVːC and CVC are preferred as stress peaks over open syllables with vowels of the same length. Other researchers have

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Kamran, Umaima, Saira Maqbool, and Lubna Umar. "Syllable Structure of Pakistani English in Phonological Theory." Volume V Issue I V, no. I (2020): 300–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2020(v-i).31.

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This article describes the syllable of Pakistani English (PE. It compares the syllable of PE with British English, in the light of concepts of syllabic (Chomsky and Halle, 1968), syllabification, template, syllable pattern, model of syllable structure, phonotactics and syllable weight. In the end, the following differences in syllabic phonology of PE and British English are summarized: In phonotactic constraints, one difference is found that is in the syllable of PE cluster of three consonants i.e. /s/, /p or t or k/, /l or r/ is allowed only in monosyllabic words, whereas word internally this

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7

Piggott, G. L. "Epenthesis and syllable weight." Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 13, no. 2 (1995): 283–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00992784.

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8

Lunden, Anya. "Syllable weight and duration: A rhyme/intervals comparison." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 2 (June 12, 2017): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v2i0.4084.

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Steriade (2012) proposed intervals as a more appropriate syllable weight domain than rhymes. This study explores how interval weight cashes out as duration across word positions and compares this to a rhyme-based account. The data reported on in Lunden (2013), from native speakers of Norwegian (a language in which (C)VC syllables are heavy only non-finally) is reanalyzed with intervals. Lunden found that syllable rhymes in all three positions, if taken as a percentage of the average V rhyme in that word position, fell into a coherent pattern for weight. It is shown that interval durations allo

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9

Gahl, Susanne. "Syllable onsets as a factor in stress rules: the case of Mathimathi revisited." Phonology 13, no. 3 (1996): 329–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700002669.

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Theories of stress assignment commonly assume that syllable onsets do not determine a syllable's ability to attract stress. In the frameworks of McCarthy (1979) and Hayes (1981, 1995), for example, only the rhyme is projected in order to determine the weight of a syllable. In Moraic Theory (Hyman 1985), onsets do not contribute to the weight of a syllable as a consequence of the Onset Creation rule, by which onsets lose their weightbearing unit. In the framework of Hayes (1989), the rule of Weight-by-Position ensures that only coda consonants can ever be weight-bearing.

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Urua, Eno-Abasi E. "Length and syllable weight in Ibibio." Studies in African Linguistics 28, no. 2 (1999): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v28i2.107376.

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This paper presents a study of segment length and its relationship to the syllable in Ibibio, a Lower Cross language spoken in Nigeria. Syllable structure processes such as consonant lengthening, lenition, vowel lengthening and truncation all occur to satisfy syllable weight requirements.

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11

Davis, Stuart. "Syllable onsets as a factor in stress rules." Phonology 5, no. 1 (1988): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700002177.

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One of the common assumptions of standard metrical phonology (Hayes 1981) is that rules of stress placement do not refer to the weight or nature of syllable onsets. This is most clearly stated in Halle & Vergnaud (1980:93): ‘in all languages known to us, stress assignment rules are sensitive to the structure of the syllable rime, but disregard completely the character of the onset’. This assumption has been attacked by both Davis (1982, 1985a, b) and Everett & Everett (1984). These researchers have pointed to a number of languages which seem to have stress-placement rules that are sens

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12

Cable, Thomas. "Syllable Weight in Old English Meter." Diachronica 11, no. 1 (1994): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.11.1.03cab.

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SUMMARY Syllable weight in Old English meter is usually seen as a technicality involving rules of 'resolution' and 'suspension of resolution'. Because the patterns of syllable weight seem more arbitrary than other features of Old English meter, some metrists reject the concept altogether, and those who use it normally relegate it to a kind of addendum to the rules of stress. However, by directly linking the possibility for resolution to degree of stress, syllable weight becomes as basic as stress in the 'strong-stress meter' of Old English, and suspension of resolution is accounted for as a ma

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13

Domahs, Ulrike, Richard Wiese, Ina Bornkessel-Schlesewsky, and Matthias Schlesewsky. "The processing of German word stress: evidence for the prosodic hierarchy." Phonology 25, no. 1 (2008): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675708001383.

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The present paper explores whether the metrical foot is necessary for the description of prosodic systems. To this end, we present empirical findings on the perception of German word stress using event-related brain potentials as the dependent measure. A manipulation of the main stress position within three-syllable words revealed differential brain responses, which (a) correlated with the reorganisation of syllables into feet in stress violations, and (b) differed in strength depending on syllable weight. The experiments therefore provide evidence that the processing of word stress not only i

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14

Ryan, Kevin M. "Gradient syllable weight and weight universals in quantitative metrics." Phonology 28, no. 3 (2011): 413–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675711000212.

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Homeric Greek, Kalevala Finnish, Old Norse and Middle Tamil are all languages in which weight is claimed to be exclusively binary in the poetic metrics. As I demonstrate through corpus studies of these traditions, the poets were sensitive to additional grades of weight, such that finely articulated continua of syllable weight can be inferred from distributional asymmetries in the metres. Across all four languages, the scales are strongly correlated (for example, in each, C0V<C0VC<C0VV<C0VVC). These language-internal scales reflect the cross-linguistic typology of categorical weight cr

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15

Hyman, Larry M. "Does Gokana really have no syllables? Or: what's so great about being universal?" Phonology 28, no. 1 (2011): 55–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675711000030.

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This paper is concerned with syllable universals, especially the claim that all languages have syllables. Expanding beyond my earlier work, I take a new look at Gokana, the major counterexample to the universal syllable, and present overlooked (but ambiguous) evidence for a weight-insensitive bisyllabic trochee. After demonstrating the theory-dependent nature of absolute universals, and distinguishing between analyticvs. descriptive claims, I focus on the latter as a means of ‘normalising’ the discussion of what constitutes evidence for the syllable, both in Gokana and in general. A typologica

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16

Duménil, Annie. "A Rule-Account of Metathesis in Gascon." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 11, no. 1 (1987): 81–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.11.1.04dum.

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This paper presents a systematic diachronic study of metathesis in Gascon, in dialect of Occitan. A method of weighing syllables is proposed to arrive at a rule-account of metathesis and the analysis is based on the claim that the difference in weight between two contiguous syllables can explain the metathesis process. The syllable weight approach is shown to apply to all instances and absences of metathesis in Gascon and is able to predict its occurrence under a single rule accounting for all possibly relevant environments.

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17

Minkova, Donka, and Robert P. Stockwell. "Syllable Weight, Prosody, and Meter in Old English." Diachronica 11, no. 1 (1994): 35–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.11.1.05min.

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SUMMARY Nearly all recent studies of Old English prosody have argued that main stress is fixed by phonological rules which make reference to syllable weight. We claim that such arguments are wrong, partly because they depend on still dubious assumptions about the scansion of Old English verse, and partly because the hypotheses they construct violate an essential axiom of prosodie theory, that a single syllable is the domain of stress. Stress assignment rules based on morphological properties are both simpler and less exceptionable in Old English. We argue that a major change between Old and Mi

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18

Broselow, Ellen, Su-I. Chen, and Marie Huffman. "Syllable weight: convergence of phonology and phonetics." Phonology 14, no. 1 (1997): 47–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095267579700331x.

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19

Gordon, Matthew. "Weight-by-position adjunction and syllable structure." Lingua 112, no. 11 (2002): 901–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0024-3841(02)00052-9.

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20

Shelton, Michael, and Hannah Grant. "Syllable weight in monolingual and heritage Spanish." Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 11, no. 2 (2018): 395–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0015.

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AbstractThis study presents two experiments employing a naming task that test the modulation of stress assignment by syllable structure in Spanish. The first replicates the findings of a previous study in which words containing arguably heavy penultimate diphthongs provoke higher error rates than putatively light monophthong controls when marked for antepenultimate stress. This result is interpreted as support for quantity sensitivity in the language. This experiment also replicates a subtler finding of differential patterning between rising and falling diphthong in their interaction with Span

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21

Gordon, Matthew J. "A Phonetically Driven Account of Syllable Weight." Language 78, no. 1 (2002): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2002.0020.

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22

Gordon, Matthew, Carmen Jany, and Carlos Nash. "Acoustic and perceptual correlates of syllable weight." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 118, no. 3 (2005): 1899. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4779920.

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23

Gordon, Matthew. "Syllable Weight and the Phonetics/Phonology Interface." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 23, no. 1 (1997): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v23i1.1287.

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24

Vertegaal, Alexander. "Syllable Weight Gradation in the Luwic Languages." Transactions of the Philological Society 118, no. 2 (2020): 211–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-968x.12186.

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25

POLGÁRDI, KRISZTINA. "Syncope, syllabic consonant formation, and the distribution of stressed vowels in English." Journal of Linguistics 51, no. 2 (2014): 383–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226714000486.

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Post-tonic synope in English (Received Pronunciation) optionally deletes a schwa between a stressed and an unstressed vowel (gén(e)ral), but it cannot apply if the vowel following the schwa is stressed (gén*(e)ràte), or if no vowel follows (hápp*(e)n). Syncope is thus triggered by a metrical lapse of unstressed vowels. In addition, short stressed vowels cannot occur in an open syllable in English (Stress-to-Weight), except when preceding a single consonant and a vowel. Hammond (1997a) analyses such seemingly open stressed syllables in words like gén(e)ral as closed by a virtual geminate. I arg

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Garcia, Guilherme D. "Weight gradience and stress in Portuguese." Phonology 34, no. 1 (2017): 41–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675717000033.

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This paper examines the role of weight in stress assignment in the Portuguese lexicon, and proposes a probabilistic approach to stress. I show that weight effects are gradient, and weaken monotonically as we move away from the right edge of the word. Such effects depend on the position of a syllable in the word, as well as on the number of segments the syllable contains. The probabilistic model proposed in this paper is based on a single predictor, namely weight, and yields more accurate results than a categorical analysis, where weight is treated as binary. Finally, I discuss implications for

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27

Yeh, Shih-chi Stella. "Quantity-sensitive stress and syllable weight in Paiwan." Acta Linguistica Academica 64, no. 4 (2017): 539–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/2062.2017.64.4.3.

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Bourzeg, Meymouna, and Radwan S. Mahadin. "On the Moraic Weight Representation of Geminates in Taguinian Algerian Arabic." International Journal of Linguistics 12, no. 2 (2020): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v12i2.16648.

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This study sheds light on the moraic representation of geminates in Taguinian Spoken Arabic (TSA), a dialect of Algerian Arabic. The examined data were primarily provided by the first researcher who is a native speaker of the variety under scrutiny. To increase data reliability, the spontaneous speech of five Taguinian native speakers was analyzed by means of note taking and tape recording. The researchers support geminates’ moraicity in TSA by proffering three pieces of evidence, namely bimoraic word minimality condition, word stress, and long vowel shortening before geminates. A systematic a

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Tranel, Bernard. "CVC light syllables, geminates and Moraic Theory." Phonology 8, no. 2 (1991): 291–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095267570000141x.

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The functional equivalence of CVV and CVC syllables, as opposed to CV syllables, is a time-honoured observation holding true for numerous languages over a variety of phonological and morphological phenomena, including stress assignment (cf. Newman 1972 for a review). Traditionally, the opposition between the two types of syllables has been informally described by reference to syllable weight: CVV and CVC syllables are heavy, CV syllables are light (e.g. La Grasserie 1909: 31–32). It has also been observed, however, that in languages sensitive to the CV/CVV distinction, CVC syllables do not nec

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Sabol, Ján, and Lena Ivančová. "Slabičné Rozhrania V Modeloch Trojčlenných Konsonantických Skupín V Slovenčine." Journal of Linguistics/Jazykovedný casopis 65, no. 2 (2015): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jazcas-2015-0001.

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Abstract The paper analyzes the criteria for the determination of the syllabic boundary in consonant clusters in the intersonantic position of three-syllable words (material base is standard Slovak), while the applicability and „weight” of individual criteria for the determination of syllable boundaries, as well as their „cooperative” and „contradicting” character, are manifested. The interpretative procedure is realized on the abstract level of phonic units, on which three groups of nonsonants (resonant, noise occlusives and noise fricatives) are determined. As a result, a limited number of m

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31

Essien, Dr Nkereke M. "Monophthongisation and Vowel Lengthening in Educated Ibibio English." Studies in English Language Teaching 8, no. 1 (2020): p131. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/selt.v8n1p131.

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The major preoccupation of this paper is to study monophthongisation and vowel lengthening in Educated Ibibio English with a view to explaining the lengthening of vowels in final open stressed syllables. Educated Ibibio English (here after EIE) is an ethnic variety of Nigerian English spoken by literate home-grown Ibibio people in Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria. Monophthongisation is a phonological process whereby one of two vowel elements of a diphthong, usually the second (offset) element, is deleted, leaving the stranded stressed (onset) to be lengthened, if found in final open, stressed syllable

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Moore-Cantwell, Claire. "Weight and final vowels in the English stress system." Phonology 37, no. 4 (2020): 657–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675720000305.

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This paper presents both dictionary evidence and experimental evidence that the quality of a word's final vowel plays a role in assigning main stress in English. Specifically, a final [i] pushes main stress leftwards – three-syllable words ending with [i] have a strong tendency to take antepenultimate stress. This pattern is compared with the Latin Stress Rule for English, according to which words with heavy penultimate syllables should have penultimate stress. Both pressures are shown to be productive in experiments. Two analyses of the final-[i] generalisation are tested, one using the ‘clon

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SHIMAMORI, Sachiyo, and Tomohiko ITO. "Initial Syllable Weight and Frequency of Stuttering in Japanese Children." Japanese Journal of Special Education 43, no. 6 (2006): 519–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.6033/tokkyou.43.519.

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SHIMAMORI, Sachiyo, and Tomohiko ITO. "Syllable Weight and Phonological Encoding in Japanese Children Who Stutter." Japanese Journal of Special Education 44, no. 6 (2007): 451–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.6033/tokkyou.44.451.

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35

Turk, Alice E., Peter W. Jusczyk, and Louann Gerken. "Do English-Learning Infants use Syllable Weight to Determine Stress?" Language and Speech 38, no. 2 (1995): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002383099503800202.

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Duanmu, San. "Syllabic weight and syllabic duration: a correlation between phonology and phonetics." Phonology 11, no. 1 (1994): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001822.

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This paper explores a correlation between phonology and phonetics. It first reviews a phonological analysis that proposes that all full Mandarin rhymes are heavy and that all Shanghai rhymes are underlyingly light. Then it reports a small phonetic experiment that attempts to determine whether there is a phonetic correlate for the phonological claim. Four Mandarin speakers and five Shanghai speakers were recorded, each reading five sentences four times at normal speed. Average syllable durations were determined. It was found that the average syllable duration in Mandarin was 215 ms and that in

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Gordon, Matthew, Carmen Jany, Carlos Nash, and Nobutaka Takara. "Syllable structure and extrametricality." Studies in Language 34, no. 1 (2010): 131–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.34.1.15gor.

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This paper proposes a functional basis for final consonant extrametricality, the asymmetric status of CVC syllables as stress-attracting in non-final position of a word but stress-rejecting in final position. A typological study of phonemic vowel length pattern in 10 languages with this final vs. non-final stress asymmetry and 30 languages in which CVC attracts stress in final position indicates a robust asymmetry between languages differing in their stress system’s treatment of final CVC. Languages that asymmetrically allow stress on non-final but not on final CVC all lack phonemic vowel leng

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Ryan, Kevin M. "Onsets contribute to syllable weight: Statistical evidence from stress and meter." Language 90, no. 2 (2014): 309–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2014.0029.

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Woodbury, Anthony C. "Graded Syllable Weight in Central Alaskan Yupik Eskimo (Hooper Bay-Chevak)." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (1985): 620–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465996.

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Bosworth, Yulia. "High vowel distribution and trochaic markedness in Québécois." Linguistic Review 34, no. 1 (2019): 39–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2016-0009.

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Abstract This paper argues for quantity-sensitive, trochaic foot structure in Québécois French, which allows for a unified prosodic account of the variable distribution of tenseness of high vowels in non-final syllables. Following Montreuil (Montreuil, Jean-Pierre. 2004a. Fragmenting weight in Scottish English. In Monica Pulki (ed.), La tribune internationale des langues vivantes, 36, 114–22. Paris. Montreuil, Jean-Pierre. 2004b. The Computation of weight in English and in Québec French. First PAC Workshop 23–24 April 2004, Université de Toulouse le Mirail.) a grammatical, sonority-based surfa

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Damulakis, Gean. "Interview with Ellen Broselow." Revista Linguíʃtica 13, no. 3 (2017): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31513/linguistica.2017.v13n3a16825.

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Ellen Broselow is a Professor of Linguistics at Stony Brook University and a Fellow of the Linguistic Society of America. Her work investigates loanword phonology, acquisition, and their interfaces with perception. She has authored dozens of articles on phenomena such as syllable structure, stress-epenthesis interactions, vowel insertion, and syllable weight. Her work employs a combination of experimental methods and theoretical models in order to formulate novel research hypotheses. E-mail: ellen.broselow@stonybrook.edu

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Abalkheel, Albatool Mohammed. "Exceptional Arabic Diminutive Forms of Nouns with [aa]: An Optimality-Theoretic Analysis." International Journal of English Linguistics 10, no. 5 (2020): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v10n5p68.

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Most diminutive forms in Arabic adhere in their derivation to certain simple phonological and morphological processes without any complications. However, there are exceptions to be found, including diminutive forms of nouns with [aa] in which the segment [w] surfaces. Using Optimality Theory (OT) as a framework and using syllable weight as a base of analysis, this study aims to provide an accurate explanation of such phenomena. This work will show that the root of words with [w] is not simply biconsonantal with an emphatic segment (i.e., [w]) inserted to fill the empty onset. Instead, the root

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Pons, Ferran, and Laura Bosch. "Stress Pattern Preference in Spanish-Learning Infants: The Role of Syllable Weight." Infancy 15, no. 3 (2010): 223–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7078.2009.00016.x.

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Pittman, Andrea L., and Patricia G. Stelmachowicz. "Perception of Voiceless Fricatives by Normal-Hearing and Hearing-Impaired Children and Adults." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 43, no. 6 (2000): 1389–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/jslhr.4306.1389.

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This study examined the perceptual-weighting strategies and performance-audibility functions of 11 moderately hearing-impaired (HI) children, 11 age-matched normal-hearing (NH) children, 11 moderately HI adults, and 11 NH adults. The purpose was to (a) determine the perceptual-weighting strategies of HI children relative to the other groups and (b) determine the audibility required by each group to achieve a criterion level of performance. Stimuli were 4 nonsense syllables (/us/, /u∫/, /uf/, and /uθ/). The vowel, transition, and fricative segments of each nonsense syllable were identified alon

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Lunden, Anya. "Perception evidence for the proportional increase theory of weight." LSA Annual Meeting Extended Abstracts 3 (April 8, 2012): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.590.

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Lunden 2006 gave evidence from a production study with Norwegian speakers that shows there is a proportional relationship between V, the canonical light rhyme, and heavy syllable rhymes. The average proportional increase of a heavy rhyme over a light V rhyme was notably consistent across all positions. Crucially, a final VC rhyme did not reach the same proportional increase in a duration that a non-final VC or VXC did, as final lengthening disproportionally affected V-final rhymes. This poster presents an MFC experiment with Norwegian speakers that finds evidence from the perceptual side for t

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Minkova, Donka. "Constraint ranking in Middle English stress-shifting." English Language and Linguistics 1, no. 1 (1997): 135–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674300000393.

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Developing an idea first articulated by Luick in 1896, Halle & Keyser (1971) posit the introduction of a new accentuation rule in Middle English (ME), the weight-sensitive Romance Stress Rule (RSR). All post-1971 accounts of English stress take the syllable weight principle of the RSR as their starting point. For twenty-five years there has been no scrutiny of the assumption that syllable weight became relevant for stress assignment in ME. It has been claimed, and the claims have not been addressed, that the RSR is part of the phonology of late OE (O'Neil, 1973), that by late ME the RSR ha

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Faust, Noam, and Shanti Ulfsbjorninn. "Arabic stress in strict CV, with no moras, no syllables, no feet and no extrametricality." Linguistic Review 35, no. 4 (2018): 561–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2018-2001.

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Abstract This paper continues the effort that began in (Scheer, Tobias & Peter Szigetvari. 2005. Unified representations for stress and the syllable. Phonology 22(1). 37–75.) to present a compelling alternative to moraic accounts of stress systems, framed in the theory of Strict CV (Lowenstamm, Jean. 1996. CV as the only syllable type. In Jacques Durand & Bernard Laks (eds.), Current trends in phonology models and methods, 419–442. European Studies Research Institute, University of Salford.). We have chosen stress in Palestinian Arabic, a stronghold of moraic theory, to be the empirica

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Kleban, Grzegorz. "Compensatory Lengthening in OT and DOT: Loss of Dorsal Fricatives in Middle or Early Modern English." Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies, no. 28/2 (September 20, 2019): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/0860-5734.28.2.03.

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The loss of dorsal fricatives in English held significant consequences for the adjacent tautosyllabic vowels, which underwent Compensatory Lengthening in order to preserve a syllable weight. While the process appears to be regular in descriptive terms, its evaluation handled within standard Optimality Theory highlights the ineffectiveness of the framework to parse both the segment deletion and two weight-related processes: Weight- by-Position and vowel lengthening due to mora preservation. As Optimality Theory has failed to analyse the data in a compelling manner, the introduction of derivatio

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Barry, William, and Bistra Andreeva. "Cross-language similarities and differences in spontaneous speech patterns." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 31, no. 1 (2001): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100301001050.

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Quasi-spontaneous dialogues from six languages which, according to recent discussion of rhythmic types, belong to three rhythmic groups – Russian and Bulgarian as ‘stress-timed’, Italian and Greek as ‘syllable-timed’ and Polish and Czech as an intermediate ‘mixed’ type – were examined for the following segmental reduction phenomena: reduction of consonant clusters, weakening of consonant articulation, residual properties from elided consonants in the original context segments, phonetic schwa-isation and syllable elision. The hypothesis tested was that there are comparable reduction phenomena i

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CHAN, RICKY K. W., and JANNY H. C. LEUNG. "Implicit knowledge of lexical stress rules: Evidence from the combined use of subjective and objective awareness measures." Applied Psycholinguistics 39, no. 1 (2017): 37–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716417000376.

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ABSTRACTDespite the growing interest in the phenomenon of learning without intention, the incidental learning of phonological features, especially prosodic features, has received relatively little attention. This paper reports an experiment on incidental learning of lexical stress rules, and investigates whether the resultant knowledge can be unconscious, abstract, and rule based. Participants were incidentally exposed to a lexical stress system where stress location of a word is mainly determined by the final phoneme, syllable type, and syllable weight. Learning was assessed by a pronunciatio

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