Relevant bibliographies by topics / Synagoga (Christian art)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Synagoga (Christian art)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 27 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Synagoga (Christian art)"

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Hemans, Caroline J., Kurt Weitzmann, and Herbert L. Kessler. "The Frescoes of the Dura Synagogue and Christian Art." American Journal of Archaeology 95, no. 3 (July 1991): 566. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505519.

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Kastner, Birgit, and Joseph Spooner. "Should the sculpture of Synagoga at Bamberg Cathedral be removed? Considerations and approaches to the problem of anti-Jewish images in a Christian church." Sculpture Journal: Volume 31, Issue 3 31, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 289–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/sj.2022.31.3.02.

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Since the early thirteenth century the outstanding Gothic sculptures of Synagoga and Ecclesia at Bamberg Cathedral - personifications of Judaism and the Church - have been part of an iconographic programme of the history of salvation. After the original statues at the Princes’ portal were relocated to the interior for conservation reasons, copies now fill the gaps in the portal’s pictorial programme. This ‘doubling’ of the motif and of its message recently led to demands for the removal of Synagoga. The archbishop, cathedral chapter and monument conservators are striving to retain both groups of figures in situ in order to preserve their history and context at the cathedral while confronting their controversial message. The aim of this article is to situate the sculptures of Ecclesia and Synagoga in the context of the many, often conflicting positions that have arisen during the current debate and to discuss these points of view in the context of present-day tendencies towards iconoclasm. Thus it considers the applicability of the term antisemitic to medieval sculptures and examines the iconographic development of the Ecclesia-Synagoga group for its anti-Jewish or antisemitic content. It also considers the partial or complete loss of the medieval horizon of meaning in today’s secular society, which leads to a loss of acceptance of the monument. The article concludes with a ten-point plan which aims to reconstruct the legibility of the figures and to raise awareness of the meaning and value of the sculptures without perpetuating outdated patterns of thinking.
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Orgad, Zvi. "Prey of Pray: Allegorizing the Liturgical Practice." Arts 9, no. 1 (December 30, 2019): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9010003.

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Numerous images embedded in the painted decorations in early modern Central and Eastern European synagogues conveyed allegorical messages to the congregation. The symbolism was derived from biblical verses, stories, legends, and prayers, and sometimes different allegories were combined to develop coherent stories. In the present case study, which concerns a bird, seemingly a nocturnal raptor, depicted on the ceiling of the Unterlimpurg Synagogue, I explore the symbolism of this image in the contexts of liturgy, eschatology, and folklore. I undertake a comparative analysis of paintings in medieval and early modern illuminated manuscripts—both Christian and Jewish—and in synagogues in both Eastern and Central Europe. I argue that in some Hebrew illuminated manuscripts and synagogue paintings, nocturnal birds of prey may have been positive representations of the Jewish people, rather than simply a response to their negative image in Christian literature and art, but also a symbol of redemption. In the Unterlimpurg Synagogue, the night bird of prey, combined with other symbolic elements, represented a complex allegoric picture of redemption, possibly implying the image of King David and the kabbalistic nighttime prayer Tikkun Ḥaẓot. This case study demonstrates the way in which early modern synagogue painters created allegoric paintings that captured contemporary religious and mystical ideas and liturgical developments.
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Szkołut, Paweł. "Sceny męczeństwa i ocalenia w późnoantycznej sztuce synagogalnej." Vox Patrum 44 (March 30, 2003): 381–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.8093.

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The aim the article „The Scenes of Martyrdom and Salvation in Late Antique Synagogue Art" is presentation of all iconographical examples of these scenes appearing in Jewish art of late Antiquity. There are two types of them: one is showing the sacrifice of Abraham and another the prophet Daniel in lions' den. These imaginations belong to a broader range of so called „salvations scenes", which decorated mosaics, relieves and paintings of many synagogues, as well as churches and Christian catacombs.
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Noga-Banai, Galit. "Local Medievalism: Bernward’s Doors, Hezilo’s Chandelier, and the Memorial Fountain for the Synagogue at Lappenberg in Hildesheim." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 82, no. 2 (July 11, 2019): 249–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zkg-2019-2006.

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Abstract This article discusses a fountain erected in 1988 in memory of the Hildesheim Synagogue at Lappenberg, which was destroyed during Kristallnacht. It traces the relationship between this modern monument and Hildesheim’s rich artistic heritage, mostly from the Middle Ages and centered around the Christian Church. Based on the artists’ choice of technique and materials, as well as on an analysis of some of the monument’s iconography, the layout of its motifs, and its overall composition, the article argues that, although (and because?) the fountain commemorates a synagogue, it must have been expressly designed to evoke Hildesheim’s (Christian) cultural and historical memory so as to elicit the empathy of the local population.
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Britt, Brian. "Concealment, Revelation, And Gender: The Veil Of Moses in The Bible And in Christian Art." Religion and the Arts 7, no. 3 (2003): 227–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852903322694636.

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AbstractMoses's wearing of a veil (Exod 34:25-39) remains a puzzling and relatively obscure biblical episode. This article interprets Moses's veil as a sign of divine communication and prophecy. Through analysis of the passage, commentary, and images from the history of art, I trace the legacy of the veil as a symbol of the problem of divine revelation itself. For written commentary and artistic tradition, I argue that the veil is concealed, repressed, and transformed in order to ease an anxiety about the veil that is also an anxiety about the text. Christian interpreters (following 2 Cor 3:7-18) associate the veil with Jewish blindness to the gospel. In artistic tradition, the veil of Moses is often linked to the allegorical female Synagogue, who wears a blindfold. The veil, which originally enables Moses to act as a prophet, is thus concealed by religious polemic and linked to the Christian feminization of Jewishness. At the same time, the ambiguity and uncanniness of the veil images evoke the mysterious quality of Exodus 34:29-35. The veil of Moses may thus be seen as a meta-text that alternates between presence and absence, concealment and revelation.
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Gutmann, Joseph. "The Dura Europos Synagogue Paintings and Their Influence on Later Christian and Jewish Art." Artibus et Historiae 9, no. 17 (1988): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1483314.

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Kinney, Dale. "The Frescoes of the Dura Synagogue and Christian Art. Kurt Weitzmann and Herbert L. Kessler." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 287 (August 1992): 94–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357147.

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Olin, Margaret. ""Early Christian Synagogues" and "Jewish Art Historians". The Discovery of the Synagogue of Dura-Europos." Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissenschaft 27 (2000): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1348714.

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Stern, Karen B. "Opening Doors to Jewish Life in Syro-Mesopotamian Dura-Europos." Journal of Ancient Judaism 9, no. 2 (May 19, 2018): 178–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00902004.

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Analyses of the synagogue discovered in the ancient town of Dura Europos commonly emphasize connections between the construction and decoration of the building and aspects of Jewish life along the Roman eastern frontier. By focusing on lesser-known data from the synagogue, including burial deposits found inside its doorways, as well as examples of non-monumental writings and art (graffiti) from its interior, this article offers distinct insights into the cultural horizons of those who used and visited the structure. Closer consideration of the locations and contents of associated finds and their comparisons with analogues discovered in Dura and throughout the Syro-Mesopotamian world collectively advance new hypotheses about how visitors to the synagogue behaved inside its varied spaces and used acts of object-burial and writing to manipulate and reshape its walls, doorways, thresholds, and floors. The impetus to reconsider deposits of writing and objects from the Dura synagogue from this vantage, in its Syro-Mesopotamian context, owes to the recent publication of additional finds from other parts of the town. These augmented local comparisons for the synagogue evidence particularly reveal dynamic and otherwise unidentified continuities between devotional behaviors and spatial practices conducted by local and regional Jews and Christians, neighboring Durenes, and other inhabitants of Syrian, Mesopotamian, and Persian cities. These similarities, at times, can overshadow connections traditionally emphasized between daily life in Dura and the provincial world of Rome. Working outwards from the synagogue evidence, this approach ultimately demonstrates that many Durenes, whether Jews or their neighbors, engaged in daily devotional acts, in distinctive locations, which reflected, transformed, and responded to their local Syrian, Mesopotamian, and Arsacid cultural orbits.
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Books on the topic "Synagoga (Christian art)"

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L'Église et la Synagogue dans l'art médiéval: Étude iconographique. Colmar: Jérôme Do Bentzinger éditeur, 2013.

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Rowe, Nina. The Jew, the cathedral and the medieval city: Synagoga and Ecclesia in the thirteenth century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011.

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Synagoga-- Typologien eines christlich-kultivierten Antijudaismus: Einsichten und Auswege im Fokus anamnetischer Religionspädagogik. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 2009.

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The Jew, the cathedral and the medieval city: Synagoga and Ecclesia in the thirteenth century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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5

1941-, Kessler Herbert L., ed. The frescoes of the Dura synagogue and Christian art. Washington, D.C: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1990.

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Wettstein, Stefanie. Ornament und Farbe: Zur Geschichte der Dekorationsmalerei in Sakralräumen der Schweiz um 1890. [Sulgen, Switzerland]: Niggli, 1996.

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7

Herbert, Jochum, and Alte Synagoge Essen, eds. Ecclesia und Synagoga: Das Judentum in der christlichen Kunst : Ausstellungskatalog, Alte Synagoge Essen, Regionalgeschichtliches Museum Saarbrücken. [Essen]: The Synagogue, 1993.

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Ecclesia und Synagoga: Das Judentum in der christlichen Kunst : Ausstellungskatalog, Alte Synagoge Essen, Regionalgeschichtliches Museum Saarbrucken. The Museum, 1993.

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9

Rowe, Nina. Jew, the Cathedral and the Medieval City: Synagoga and Ecclesia in the Thirteenth Century. Cambridge University Press, 2014.

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Rowe, Nina. Jew, the Cathedral and the Medieval City: Synagoga and Ecclesia in the Thirteenth Century. Cambridge University Press, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Synagoga (Christian art)"

1

Moyaert, Marianne. "Comparative Theology After the Shoah." In How to Do Comparative Theology. Fordham University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823278404.003.0009.

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Marianne Moyaert shows the potentially violent nature of comparisons between Jewish and Christian scriptures by recollecting the story of the sibling rivalry between Jacob and Esau and exploring how it has been interpreted. She notes some classical Christian (and anti-Jewish) readings of this story, which to her mind are exemplary of what Nicholson has termed the “old comparative theology.” Consequently, she formulates some ground rules for comparative theology after the Shoah, such as may help minimize the problem of violence in the comparative use of another’s tradition. In the last section of her chapter, she makes the proposed ground rules come alive by returning to the Jacob and Esau saga. A careful study of this story together with rabbinic interpretations—including contemporary readings such as that of Rabbi Jonathan Sacks—not only interrupts thought patterns of replacement and substitution but also initiates constructive theological reflections about the relation between Esau and Jacob, Church and Synagogue, and Christians and Jews.
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Kravtsov, Sergey R. "A Synagogue in Olyka: Architecture and Legends." In Jewishness, 58–84. Liverpool University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781904113454.003.0003.

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This chapter examines Olyka's main synagogue, known as the Great Synagogue, reconstructing it as a virtual site of memory. At the centre of a fertile area populated by Ukrainians and ruled at different times by members of the Ruthenian/Ukrainian, Polish, and Lithuanian nobility, it attracted a community of Jews, who settled there and plied their various trades and crafts for three and a half centuries. Though these activities connected them to the local population and to the rulers of the city, the Jews preserved their identity in a local population dominated by Christian denominations, including Orthodox, Calvinist, and Greek and Roman Catholic. Central to both Jewish and Christian communities was the visible sacred symbol of the synagogue or church, and in their synagogue architecture, Jews felt a need to substantiate a Jewish presence, organized around their sacred space, in their own eyes and in the eyes of other communities. Belarusian, Ukrainian, Russian, and Polish historiographies are informative concerning the Jewish past of Olyka, while Jewish sources are largely silent, or give a legendary narrative of events. Thus, both legend and history contribute to the construction of a place of memory.
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Rodov, Ilia. "The King Of The King Of Kings: Images Of Rulership In Late Medieval And Early Modern Christian Art And Synagogue Design." In Interaction between Judaism and Christianity in History, Religion, Art and Literature. BRILL, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004171503.i-626.160.

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Stern, Karen B. "Carving Graffiti as Devotion." In Writing on the Wall, 35–79. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691161334.003.0002.

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This chapter examines how graffiti was inscribed and painted by ancient Jews to communicate with and about the divine. It begins with a discussion of paintings and carvings that cover the surfaces of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre—revered by many Christians as the site where Jesus was crucified and buried—and serve as physical vestiges of pilgrims' devotions, rather than marks of defacement. It then considers common assumptions that govern studies of ancient Jewish prayer before analyzing Aramaic and Greek signature and remembrance graffiti in the Dura-Europos synagogue and elsewhere in Dura, as well as devotional graffiti written by Jews in shrines shared by pagans and Christians, such as Elijah's Cave. The chapter suggests that certain acts of graffiti writing are in reality modes of prayer conducted by Jews and their neighbors alike, and that ancient Jews prayed in a variety of built and natural environments.
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Ben-Shalom, Ram. "The Social Context of Apostasy among Fifteenth-Century Spanish Jewry." In Rethinking European Jewish History, 173–98. Liverpool University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781904113560.003.0010.

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This chapter seeks to ground individual expressions of the new rhetoric in concrete details of the social context of apostasy that spawned it. It discusses how Jews and the Conversos engaged in the construction and reconstruction of their respective identities in response to the mass conversions. It also emphasizes how the Jew was an entirely contemporary concept and representative of real Jews and Conversos that is firmly rooted in the realities of social interaction during the fifteenth-century Castile. The chapter recognizes the elusiveness and mutability of ethnic and religious identity in formulating the essential characteristics of the self. It describes images of the anthropomorphized figures of Church and Synagogue that adorn the Christian art of western Europe and which contain theological and social messages revealing the chasm separating Christianity and Judaism.
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Abulafia, David. "Crossing the Boundaries between Christendom and Islam, 900–1050." In The Great Sea. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195323344.003.0025.

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The enlargement of Muslim domination to include Morocco, Spain and eventually Sicily meant that the southern half of the Mediterranean became a Muslim-ruled lake, offering splendid new opportunities for trade. Jewish merchants emerge most prominently from the records. Whether this is an accident of survival, or whether they were more successful than Coptic and Syriac Christians or Muslim townsmen of North Africa, Spain and Egypt is uncertain. There are grounds for thinking that non-Muslim merchants had a distinct advantage. Muslims were constrained by legal rulings that forbade them from living or even trading in infidel lands. Over the centuries this meant that the rulers of Muslim cities in the Mediterranean opened their doors to Christian and Jewish traders, but their Muslim inhabitants were wary of venturing to Italy, Catalonia or Provence. The reason so much is known about the Jewish traders is that hundreds of their letters and business documents have survived in the collection known as the Cairo Genizah. In the mid-seventh century, the Arab invaders of Egypt established their base at Fustat (meaning ‘the Ditch’) on the edge of modern Cairo, and only later moved their capital to the surroundings of the great citadel of New Cairo. Old Cairo, or Fustat, became the base for the city’s Jewish and Coptic population; in the eleventh century one group of Jews rebuilt the Ben Ezra synagogue, incorporating on the upper floor a storeroom, or Genizah, accessible only by ladder, into which they threw and stuffed their discarded papers and manuscripts. They wished to avoid destroying anything that carried the name of God; by extension they did not destroy anything written in Hebrew characters. It has been well said that the Genizah collection is ‘the very opposite of an archive’, because the aim was to throw away documents without destroying them, in effect burying them above ground, rather than to create an accessible room that could be used for systematic reference.
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Fant, Clyde E., and Mitchell G. Reddish. "Sardis." In A Guide to Biblical Sites in Greece and Turkey. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195139174.003.0044.

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A city with a strong and vibrant Jewish community during the Roman period, as well as a center for the worship of Artemis and home to a significant Christian community, Sardis is an intriguing place to visit for anyone interested in biblical studies or ancient religious history. The partially restored 3rd-century-C.E. synagogue in the city is the largest known synagogue outside Palestine from ancient times. Ancient shops, a bath-gymnasium complex, and the Temple of Artemis provide glimpses of the life of this ancient city. Once the capital of the ancient Lydian Kingdom, Sardis (Sart) lies approximately 60 miles east of Izmir along the modern highway (E96/300) connecting Izmir to Ankara in the Hermus River valley (today called the Gediz River). Portions of the ruins of Sardis are situated adjacent to the highway and are easily accessible. The ancient city was built along the Pactolus River, a tributary of the Hermus, and at the foothills of the Tmolus Mountains. The city’s acropolis was strategically located atop a spur of the Tmolus Mountains. The Tmolus Mountains (or Mt. Tmolus) were, according to some ancient traditions, the birthplace of the gods Dionysus and Zeus. Sardis first came to prominence during the 1st millennium B.C.E. when it served as the center of the powerful Lydian kingdom, which encompassed most of the western half of Asia Minor. The Lydians supposedly were the first to develop a technique to dye wool and also to invent dice games, knucklebones, and other games. (Interestingly, archaeologists found a terra-cotta die in the ruins at Sardis.) Legend says that Midas, the mythical Phrygian king, was able to rid himself of his golden touch by bathing in the Pactolus River. As a result, the sands of the river turned to gold. Though legendary, this account points nonetheless to the enormous wealth enjoyed by the Lydian kingdom. The earliest Lydian rulers belonged to the Heraclid dynasty, which according to Herodotus (5th-century-B.C.E. Greek historian) lasted 505 years. They were succeeded by the Mermnad dynasty, of which the first king was Gyges (r. ca. 680–ca. 652 B.C.E.).
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Fant, Clyde E., and Mitchell G. Reddish. "Beroea." In A Guide to Biblical Sites in Greece and Turkey. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195139174.003.0011.

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Virtually nothing remains from the ancient city of Beroea, once the second city of the Macedonian Empire. In the 1st century the Apostle Paul found Beroea hospitable to his message, and today the city contains the most notable individual monument in Greece to the Christian missionary. The ancient city of Beroea today is known as Veria, located 42 miles west of Thessaloniki and 9 miles northwest of Vergina. Public buses are available from Thessaloniki’s KTEL stations (be sure to use the west side stations). Check carefully for departing and returning times, as the frequency of connections varies. Fares are inexpensive, less than $10 round trip. It is possible, if desired or time is limited, to make a day trip from Thessaloniki to nearby Vergina, go on to Veria, and return. Beroea was first mentioned by Thucydides in his histories when he records that the Athenians failed to take the city by siege in 432 B.C.E., during the Peloponnesian War. Plutarch later tells of a successful siege of Beroea in 288 B.C.E., after which the city was occupied by Pyrrhus. The Gauls who later robbed the royal tombs at Vergina were unsuccessful in taking Beroea. The city became part of the Roman Empire in 148 B.C.E. and was the site of training for the armies of Pompey, who spent the winter of 49–48 B.C.E. in Beroea prior to the battle of Pharsalos (48 B.C.E.). In the 1st century C.E. Beroea found favor with several of the Roman emperors and became an international city of varied races and religions. The Apostle Paul visited the city in 50 C.E. Later Diocletian made Beroea one of the two capitals of Macedonia. The biblical account of Paul’s visit to Beroea, following his escape from the hostility at Thessalonica, is found in Acts 17:10–15: . . . That very night the believers sent Paul and Silas off to Beroea; and when they arrived, they went to the Jewish synagogue. These Jews were more receptive than those at Thessalonica, for they welcomed the message very eagerly and examined the scriptures every day to see whether these things were so. . . .
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