Journal articles on the topic 'Syndicates (Journalism)'

This article examines the development of journalistic associations and syndicates in Algeria since independence, as well as explains the most essential shortcomings and difficulties of these entities in Algeria which could undermine journalistic practice's improvement and prosperity. The study sought to evaluate and assess the level of journalistic associations by using an online survey of 25 members of media associations and unions to explore its effectiveness on Algeria's media landscape. As a result, journalistic association and syndicate demonstrated the critical needs for a more democratic environment in order to carry out their duty effectively without any restrictions, based on the autonomy, pluralism, and diversity in Algeria media landscape.

Journalists are not immune from the emotional impact of their work as they report on mass shootings, terror attacks, and natural disasters. Adding to an established body of research on the interrelationship between journalism and trauma, this syndicate focused on how journalism schools should prepare students to deal with traumatic news content and events that would undoubtedly form part of their future day-to-day activities.

The World Journalism Education Congress (WJEC) holds global conferences every 3 years offering a unique opportunity for attendees: access to its Syndicate Program. The program gives participants the chance to meet in small groups with international counterparts to take part in research-based discussions focused on the most important journalism topics of the day. These discussions conclude with global recommendations to help advance journalism education pedagogy, practices, and research. This special section of Journalism & Mass Communication Educator features WJEC’s Paris (2019) syndicate results.

The study aims to identify the motives of journalists' reluctance to practice investigative journalism. The researcher relies on the method of codified interview and questionnaire in order to identify the main motives that prevent journalists from practicing investigative journalism and to analyse the motives in depth after collecting sufficient information. The study uses the descriptive research method, which is concerned with studying the current facts related to the nature of a particular phenomenon, a specific situation, or a group of events. The method aims to obtain sufficient information and gives an accurate description of the phenomenon studied. The study population is the Palestinian journalists registered at the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate (PJS) in the West Bank, and they totalled at (1200) journalists on 15 January 2020. The research sample was chosen randomly. The researcher could reach Journalists working in the West Bank. The total number of the distributed questionnaires was 126; 120 copies were collected, and 6 were excluded. The study showed that the different political trends in Palestinian society and the editorial policies pursued by the media are among the most prominent reasons that have led to the reluctance of journalists to practice investigative journalism. The study also found that the regulations and laws in force within press institutions, in addition to the lack of support and funding for institutions, have limited producing more investigations recently.

This syndicate offers four recommendations to help educators adjust curricula to accommodate the rapid integration of data into journalism. First, instruction in numeracy and basic descriptive statistics must be required as either modules in existing courses or as separate offerings. Second, students should be taught to avoid mistakes in interpreting and writing about data in both reporting and visual classes. Third, ethics courses should discuss data as a transparency tool that poses distinctive dilemmas. Fourth, computational thinking, or how to dissect and solve problems like a computer does, can be incorporated into existing classes that teach logic.

Educators face a major challenge protecting and nurturing students’ passion for journalism while scrambling to help them keep up with a work environment in constant flux. They cannot afford to sidetrack this passion while teaching new software, evolving technology, and marketplace needs. If universities want to produce the best and brightest future journalists, they need to teach the above while nurturing student excitement for the field. This syndicate offers three recommendations to reach this goal: reconsider the traditional learning “box” used for student curricula, evaluate experimentation and its value for the learning process, and engage students in passion projects that prompt critical thinking and problem-solving skills.

This article reviews the political history of Czechoslovakia as a vital part of the Soviet-dominated “Communist bloc” and its repercussions for the journalist associations based in the country. Following an eventful history since 1918, Czechoslovakia changed in 1948 from a liberal democracy into a Communist regime. This had significant consequences for journalists and their national union and also for the International Organization of Journalists (IOJ), which had just established its headquarters in Prague. The second historical event to shake the political system was the “Prague Spring” of 1968 and its aftermath among journalists and their unions. The third landmark was the “Velvet Revolution” of 1989, which played a significant part in the fall of Communism in Central and Eastern Europe and led to the closing of the old Union of Journalists in 1990, followed by the founding of a new Syndicate which refused to serve as the host of the IOJ. This led to a gradual disintegration and the closing down of what in the 1980s was the world’s largest non-governmental organization in the media field.

Around the world, journalism remains a male-dominated profession. This syndicate discussed the current state of the field and made recommendations on how to educate journalism students on gender and inequality. Participants agreed that good journalism is sensitive to gender and inequality issues and that course work should address these issues. Furthermore, schools must make a commitment to gender equality and diversity and offer resources to help faculty and students understand and better relate to these issues.

World issues and news organizations’ operational realities have become so complicated that journalism professionals realize collaboration is the only solution to quality reporting on global issues. Journalism schools need to train their students in the key elements of global collaboration so they can prepare them to stay relevant and cover as many aspects of global events and their implications as possible. This syndicate discussed these issues and new ways in which journalism schools can teach international reporting.

Journalism programs face many challenges today as they work to prepare students with the knowledge and skills to enter the ever-changing journalism industry. On one hand, programs need to determine whether students are learning the competencies their program designers have identified as essential to the field. On the other, students need to demonstrate the mastery of those skills before graduation. One of the best ways to measure these achievements is through the development and implementation of effective assessment processes. Syndicate 8 focused on this process.

The position of individual creditors over the collateral in syndicated loan is represented by security agent as the recipient of collateral and the holder of material collateral. It is the legal consequence of agency relation as regulated in Syndicated Loan Facility Agreement. Therefore, the security agent in this syndicated loan, for the sake of law, serves as preference creditor to other syndication participation. This research aims to answer the problems related to the implementation of pari passu pro rata parte principles in determining the hierarchy of creditor in syndicated loan facility agreement to the bankrupt debtor. Firstly, it is intended to find out the position of individual creditors to the collateral in syndicated loan in bankruptcy position and secondly, it is intended to the hierarchy of bankruptcy property payment to the debtor of syndicated loan in bankruptcy position. The research method employed in this research was a normative research. It used juridical normative research type aiming to find the truth based on the legal science logic from its normative side. Data source used in this research was secondary data including laws, court verdicts, books, journals, articles, materials from internet, and dictionaries.

Anthony Bellanger est secrétaire général de la Fédération internationale des journalistes. Établie en 1926, la FIJ regroupe aujourd’hui près de 190 syndicats et associations de 150 pays. Sa création fait suite au mouvement de création et d’internationalisation du mouvement syndical et associatif. Dès les années 1890, de nombreux regroupements de journalistes ou d’éditeurs organisent des congrès pour échanger sur les pratiques professionnelles et partager les expériences de défense du journalisme. A leur suite, la FIJ va tenter de fédérer les initiatives et de promouvoir « l’action collective pour défendre les droits de l’homme, la démocratie et le pluralisme des médias ». Elle soutient les organisations de journalistes locales ou nationales pour faire valoir leurs droitssyndicaux et professionnels, et contribue à la prévention des risques, à la sécurité des journalistes et à la dénonciation des violences. Anthony Bellanger a été journaliste de la presse régionale et dirigeant syndical en France.

A maneira como a mídia, em especial o jornalismo brasileiro, representa a mulher negra, ainda reforça o estereótipo racial e social pobre e sexista, além de o espaço para a veiculação de conteúdos produzidos e protagonizados por negras ser quase inexistente. A partir dessa afirmação, a problemática da pesquisa procurou responder o seguinte questionamento: qual a representatividade da mulher negra no jornalismo impresso, mais especificamente no jornal O Liberal? O objetivo geral deste trabalho foi investigar a representatividade da mulher negra no jornalismo impresso, mais especificamente no jornal O Liberal, e como objetivos específicos: pesquisar a representatividade da mulher negra no jornal em discussão; analisar a representatividade da mulher negra nesses conteúdos; comparar, o espaço de voz entre mulheres negras e brancas, e, identificar se o discurso do jornal fortalece o silenciamento das mulheres negras. Como instrumento de pesquisa, utilizou-se a entrevista semidirigida com a jornalista Sheila Faro, Presidente do Sindicato dos Jornalistas do Pará – SINJORPA, que foi transformada em material audiovisual. A conclusão aponta que o modelo atual de comunicação do jornal O Liberal fortalece o silenciamento das mulheres negras, negando a essas mulheres participação ativa em discussões essenciais para a estruturação de uma sociedade mais justa e igual. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Jornalismo Impresso; Mulher; Negritude; Representatividade. ABSTRACT The way the media, especially Brazilian journalism, represents the black woman, still reinforces the racial and social stereotype poor and sexist, and the space for the production of content produced and carried out by black people is almost non-existent. From this statement, the research question sought to answer the following question: what is the representation of the black woman in print journalism, more specifically in the newspaper The Liberal? The general objective of this work was to investigate the representativeness of the black woman in printed journalism, more specifically in the newspaper The Liberal, and as specific objectives: to investigate the representativeness of the black woman in the newspaper under discussion; analyze the representativeness of the black woman in these contents; compare the voice space between black and white women, and identify if the newspaper's speech strengthens the black women's silence. As a research tool, the semi-directed interview with the journalist Sheila Faro, President of the Syndicate of Journalists of Pará - SINJORPA, was used, which was transformed into audiovisual material. The conclusion is that the current communication model of the newspaper O Liberal strengthens the silence of black women, denying these women an active participation in discussions essential for the structuring of a more just and equal society. KEYWORDS: Printed journalism; Woman; Blackness; Representativity. RESUMEN La manera como los medios, en especial el periodismo brasileño, representan a la mujer negra, todavía refuerza el estereotipo racial y social pobre y sexista, además del espacio para la difusión de contenidos producidos y protagonizados por negras ser casi inexistente. A partir de esa afirmación, la problemática de la investigación buscó responder el siguiente cuestionamiento: ¿cuál es la representatividad de la mujer negra en el periodismo impreso, más específicamente en el periódico O Liberal? El objetivo general de este trabajo fue investigar la representatividad de la mujer negra en el periodismo impreso, más específicamente en el periódico O Liberal, y como objetivos específicos: investigar la representatividad de la mujer negra en el periódico en discusión; analizar la representatividad de la mujer negra en esos contenidos; comparar, el espacio de voz entre mujeres negras y blancas, y, identificar si el discurso del periódico fortalece el silenciamiento de las mujeres negras. Como instrumento de investigación, se utilizó la entrevista semidirigida con la periodista Sheila Faro, Presidenta del Sindicato de Periodistas de Pará - SINJORPA, que fue transformada en material audiovisual. La conclusión apunta que el modelo actual de comunicación del diario O Liberal fortalece el silenciamiento de las mujeres negras, negando a esas mujeres participación activa en discusiones esenciales para la estructuración de una sociedad más justa e igual. PALABRAS CLAVE: Periodismo Impreso; las mujeres; negritud; Representatividad.

Résumé La relation des circonstances d'une amitié rend hommage à l'action multiforme d'un homme, Gilles Hénault, très engagé, sa vie durant, aux frontières nouvelles de la revendication syndicale, de l'art, de la direction artistique, de l'édition, du journalisme, de la poésie qui les transmue. L'examen de plusieurs poèmes tente de vérifier, par confrontation au texte, la valeur du témoignage. C'est ainsi que la distanciation et une façon neuve d'aborder les problèmes de /'indifférence trouvent gîte et forme dans l'accueil que Hénault réserve à la poésie chinoise, dans la réflexion qu'il instaure à partir de là et dans la mutation de sa poésie. Un art poétique, celui de " Bestiaire ", l'annonçait déjà.

De Vlaamse afdeling van de Belgische Pers-bond kwam in Gent tot stand in 1888. Ze verenigde journalisten van alle politieke strekkingen met uitzondering van Vlaams-nationalistische. De verdediging van enkele specifieke belangen die deels ruimer en deels beperkter dan syndicale belangen waren, bleef het voornaamste bindmiddel. Op het politieke terrein bleef ze strikt neutraal. Onder het Duitse bezettingsregime van 1914-1918 bleef het merendeel van de journalisten actief, ondanks de censuur, wat na de oorlog tot spanningen leidde.________The Flemish Section of the Belgian Press Association and the First World War (1887-1918)The Flemish section of the Belgian Press Association came into being in Ghent in 1888. It united journalists from all political tendencies, expect Flemish nationalist. The defence of a few specific interests that were in some ways broader and in some ways narrower than union interests remained the primary link between members. On the political field, the Flemish section remained strictly neutral. Under the German occupation regime of 1914-1918 the majority of journalists remained active despite censorship, which led to tensions after the war.

A survey in Indonesia shows that the range of 2018-2021 from before the COVID-19 pandemic to after the Covid-19 pandemic, narcotics cases increased significantly. The purpose of this study is to analyze the Strategy of the National Narcotics Agency in Preventing Narcotics During the Covid-19 Pandemic in Indonesia. This research uses qualitative and descriptive methods. Sources of data obtained through journals, twitter and websites. The data analysis technique uses Nvivo 12 plus analysis through chart features, twitter sociogram, website. The results showed that the BNN RI strategy in preventing narcotics during the COVID-19 pandemic was through three strategic steps, namely the Soft Power Approach (in the form of prevention activities, community empowerment, rehabilitation and post-rehabilitation so that people have self-defense and deterrence against narcotics abuse), Hard Power Approach (by focusing on strict and measurable law enforcement aspects in dealing with narcotics syndicates) and Smart Power Approach (using information technology in the digital era in efforts to combat narcotics). This strategy is used for sustainable development in the health, economic and social fields of Indonesian society in preventing narcotics crime.

Volume 9, issue no. 1 (2017) of Revista Română pentru Studii Baltice şi Nordice / The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies (RRSBN) is divided into three main parts. The first part deals with the Swedish perception of East-Central European 20th Century developments. The article bearing the signature of Paweł Jaworski of the University of Wrocław tackles the first two months Solidarność as seen from the perspective of the Swedish press. A very innovative article it details the imagology of the set up and evolution of the syndicate and investigates how the relations between this emerging independent civil society and the Communist Party evolved. The article corroborates press analysis with international relations and bilateral relations between Poland and Sweden and shows their impact on the rather privileged status enjoyed by Swedish journalists in the Communist country. The second article by Alin-Marian Dudoi focuses on Gustav Bolinder and Arvid Fredborg’s accounts of Transylvania at the end of World War II. Although the original Swedish books and their significance have already been investigated by some authors, the article looks at their perspectives in relation to the Romanian national credo and adopts the stand of the former which supported the claim that Transylvania should belong to Romania mostly based on ethnography.

The growing expansion of Internet access and mass-scale usage of social networking platforms and search engines have forced digital newspapers to deal with challenges, amongst which are the need to constantly update news, the increasing complexity of sources, the difficulty of exercising their function as gatekeepers in a fragmented environment in which the opinions, biases and preconceptions of pundits, their followers, Twitter users, etc. has taken on a new and decisive weight and the mounting pressure to publish certain news items simply because they sell. They must also share audiences with aggregators devoted to the business of disseminating content produced by digital news publishers, blogs and RSS feeds, which is chosen on the basis of search engine algorithms, the votes of users or the preferences of readers. The fact that these computerized systems of news distribution seldom employ the criteria upon which journalism is based suggests that the work of gatekeeping is being reframed in a way that progressively eliminates journalists from the process of deciding what is newsworthy. This study of these trends has entailed a 47 point assessment of 30 news aggregators currently providing syndicated content and eight semi-structured interviews with editors of quality mass-distribution digital newspapers published in the U.S., Spain and Portugal. La creciente expansión del acceso a Internet y el uso masivo de las plataformas de redes sociales y los motores de búsqueda han obligado a los medios digitales a enfrentarse a desafíos como la necesidad de actualizar constantemente las noticias, la creciente complejidad de las fuentes, la dificultad de ejercer su función de «gatekeeper» en un entorno fragmentado en el que las opiniones, los prejuicios y las ideas preconcebidas de los expertos y sus seguidores, los usuarios de Twitter, etc. han adquirido un peso nuevo y decisivo, y la creciente presión para publicar ciertas noticias simplemente porque venden. Tienen además que compartir audiencias con agregadores cuyo negocio consiste en difundir contenido producido por editores de noticias digitales, blogs y «feeds» RSS, que hacen la selección basándose en algoritmos de búsqueda, en los votos de los usuarios o en las preferencias de los lectores. El hecho de que estos sistemas computarizados de distribución de noticias rara vez tienen en cuenta criterios periodísticos sugiere que ese trabajo de selección se está replanteando de tal manera que se va eliminando progresivamente a los periodistas del proceso de decidir lo que tiene interés periodístico. Este estudio sobre las tendencias descritas se ha llevado a cabo mediante la evaluación de 47 parámetros en 30 agregadores de noticias que actualmente ofrecen contenido sindicado, y se ha completado con ocho entrevistas semiestructuradas con editores de medios digitales de calidad y de difusión elevada publicados en los EEUU, España y Portugal.

The technique and methods of manipulating with the mass consciousness started to attract the attention of researches at the latter half of the XXth century, although the practice of such forms of influence on the mass audience existed almost at the earliest stages of human development. Paralogisms as a way of rhetorical influence on the listener were specified by Aristotle, who dedicated his students into the sacraments of exposing false arguments and other manipulative techniques with which the speaker is working with the audience. The modern manipulators are actively using both ancient and modern methods of influencing the mass consciousness. Researches of various specialties were describing and exposing them: among them sociologists, psychologists, political scientists, and journalists. In the present work the author demonstrates how through the usage of the ancient archetypes of the collective unconscious, as well as new manipulative practices (that were invented for the unhindered sale of goods and services that can guarantee getting of surplus profits) large capital holders are seeking for changing the value orientations of society, that leads to the reformation of the various social institutions. These reforms are causing the irreparable damage to the majority of the country's population, are infringing rights and social privileges, but allow to the financial and industrial syndicates to establish the full control not only over wallets, but also over people's minds. Manipulations of consciousness, conducted through the media, are making large social groups of people to vote against their own interests. The result of the reforms is not only the impoverishment of the citizens, but also the huge change in the appearance of the cultural elite. A significant help to manipulators in achieving their goals becomes the digitalization of all aspects of social and cultural life.

Sommaire Un journalier âgé de 48 ans, et qui compte quatorze ans de service dans une usine de produits chimiques de la province, est condamné à 6 mois de prison (c'aurait pu être 14 ans) pour offense criminelle. Libéré quatre mois plus tard, il cherche à reprendre son poste; mais « c'est la politique de la Compagnie de ne pas garder à son emploi une personne condamnée au criminel », et la Compagnie n'accède pas à sa requête. Le Syndicat loge un grief qui se rend jusqu'à l'arbitrage, invoquant congédiement injustifié et plaidant équité. Le procureur patronal, pour sa part, ne parle plus de la condamnation au criminel, au niveau de l'arbitrage; il renvoie plutôt au Code Civil de la province (arts. 1138, 1202, 1668 et 1670) pour démontrer que le travailleur en cause, par le fait de son emprisonnement, ne pouvait plus rendre à la Compagnie sa prestation de travail et donc que, même si c'était contre son gré, il n'exécutait plus son obligation, d'où extinction automatique de cette dernière, rupture du contrat et libération des deux parties. Le cas de Laurent X. soulève plusieurs points de droit intéressants, dont l'explicitation suit.

AIM: To investigate knowledge, risk perception, and attitude towards corona virus disease 2019 (COVID-19) and infection control measures among optometrists in Jordan. METHODS: A cross-sectional survey was distributed through social media platforms to optometrists registered with the Jordanian syndicate and Jordanian association of optics. Information on participants’ socio-demographic characteristics, knowledge of clinical features of COVID-19, risk assessment and infection control measures for preventing disease transmission were collected. RESULTS: A total of 135 optometrists (80 females and 55 males) with a mean age of 32±10y responded to the survey. Most optometrists were aware of COVID-19 symptoms, modes of transmission and measures for preventing COVID-19 and transmission in the ophthalmic setup. However, more than half of the optometrists did not receive any training about protection or infection control by their employers at their work place. Social media was the most common source of information on COVID-19 (76%). Most optometrists (85.2%) thought that the virus could be detected in tears, and 45.9% thought that red eye is a symptom of COVID-19. CONCLUSION: Optometrists in Jordan are aware of the clinical features and preventive measures related to COVID-19 infection. However, training on infection control is lacking and needs to be improved. Guidelines by international professional optometric associations should be promoted through regional and national associations to all registered optometrists and access to peer review. Journals should be encouraged to ensure that the knowledge about the pandemic is up to date and accurate.

Dhaka City Corporation (DCC) is the former self-governing corporationwhich is associated with the task of running the affairs of the city of Dhaka . According to the Local Government Act (Amendment), 2011, it is the mandatory function of City Corporation to show the price chart of daily necessities in front of market. Sellers are bound to follow this price chart. It is the right of citizens to bargain with seller to follow this chart. DSCC (Dhaka South City Corporation) acts as a watchdog in the market to follow the price chart. But unfortunately, price chart do not exist in many markets of DSCC jurisdiction. Although sometimes price chart exit but it is not updated regularly. In Bangladesh, every marketing sphere is controlled by a financially powered group. They are also considered as syndicate. They control each and every movements of market. The kitchen market is not out of their black hand. Therefore, it is obvious that every classes of customer need to go there for their own daily essential commodities.The price of daily essential commodities imposed by DCC is not followed by the sellers. Imposed price of DCC is not effective for customer unawareness and their indifferent attitude. Most of the time, it is impossible to pursue the imposed price although Government and its related administration department want to control it. The objectives of the study is to conduct a survey on the Bazaar monitoring system of DSCC and the effectiveness of the corporation to monitor the prices of daily necessities in a kitchen market. This research is mainly qualitative in nature. A stratified sampling method is followed for conducting this research. Data is collected from both primary and secondary sources. The primary data has been collected from four kitchen market (Polashi Bazaar,Ananda Bazaar,New Market Bazaar and Hatirpool Bazaar) under DSCC jurisdiction. Secondary sources of data are books, internet, journals, DSCC’s acts, DSCC’s annual reports and reports of different research organizations concerned with Bazaar monitoring.

On se représente trop souvent l'Acadie comme une société «monolithique», «unidimensionnelle», «non pluraliste», un peu comme la survivance d'un antique modèle de société hiérarchique où la transmission des traditions est rigoureusement contrôlée par des grands-prêtres ou des dignitaires initiés par la « patente », et méthodiquement rythmée par les rites et cérémonies du calendrier occulte. Une telle image constituée par analogie ressemble trop au type-idéal pour rendre compte de cette formation historique originale qu'est la société acadienne. Elle est aussi trop conforme, par certains côtés, aux canons d'une idéologie unitariste pour ne pas être soumise à la critique. Cette première représentation à laquelle se rattachent de nombreuses variations est très optimiste dans le sens où elle constitue un objet fini, non contradictoire, non problématique : la société existe en soi, tel est son modèle. Une deuxième représentation, moins « savante » que l'autre, consiste à définir l'Acadie comme un souvenir et à ne voir en l'Acadie actuelle qu'un terrain vague parsemé des débris d'une histoire malheureuse. Il resterait quelques ilôts acadiens au Nouveau-Brunswick et en Nouvelle-Ecosse où on parle encore un français archaïque et où l'on continue à filer et à chanter, comme dans la chanson. Ce sont eux qui justifiaient que la province du Nouveau-Brunswick se déclare bilingue alors qu'elle était renommée pour son loyalisme à la couronne britannique... Cette image, trop pessimiste, à laquelle se rattachent aussi de nombreuses variations, a des relents de l'idéologie anglo-canadienne intégratrice qui nie à l'autre toute existence autonome pour, au mieux, en faire une originalité « culturelle » à préserver. Acadie traditionnelle, Acadie folklorique : deux stéréotypes — on pourrait en trouver d'autres — dont on découvre vite l'étroite filiation avec des formations idéologiques connues et qui ont tous deux pour conséquence de surdéterminer au départ le terrain sémantique ou de brouiller momentanément le champ d'investigation au « regard prolongé » (celui du sociologue, journaliste, homme politique, etc.). La société acadienne est en soi une certaine configuration de rapports sociaux dont il ne sera pas question dans cet article. Elle existe aussi pour soi dans les diverses théories qu'en ont les acteurs et groupements d'acteurs sociaux. Contrairement à la théorie ou idéologie dominante, j'emploie théories au pluriel et c'est précisément de l'aventure de l'idéologie contestataire de l'idéologie officielle qu'il sera question. L'existence même du discours discordant d'intellectuels et leaders étudiants détruit la théorie simplificatrice selon laquelle la société serait un consensus et ses leaders nationaux les « chefs naturels » incontestés. Il existe deux discours visant à définir les finalités et objectifs de la société globale qui ont en commun une grande cohérence et la même prétention à faire l'unanimité des consciences. La différence est que l'un vise à protéger et perpétuer une certaine lecture de la tradition et une certaine pratique de la culture, et comme tel il a la légitimité, alors que l'autre vise à changer lecture et pratique de la culture pour donner à la société un nouveau destin. Celui-ci n'a pas comme dans d'autres formations sociales la légitimité que pourrait lui conférer l'affiliation à un club, un parti, un syndicat ou tout autre groupement organisé et reconnu : il est tenu pour sauvage, quand il n'est pas tout simplement nié comme tel. Mon propos est le suivant : observer et comprendre le rapport des jeunes idéologues au signe Acadie ou Acadien, en suivre l'itinéraire pour retracer la genèse du projet collectif tout neuf de l'annexion de « L'Acadie » au futur Québec indépendant. Le contenu proprement dit de ce projet m'importe peu ; m'intéresse sa genèse en rapport avec le signe d'identité collective. Mon hypothèse était la suivante : il fallait que les étudiants conservent le signe, qu'ils lui donnent un sens explicite et positif pour faire entrer leur discours dans l'histoire ou pour lui donner des chances objectives de devenir collectif. Mieux : afin que le discours gagne la cohérence nécessaire pour entrer en concurrence avec le discours traditionnel, il devait faire du signe Acadie son centre. Le symbole primordial devait assurer la liaison entre l'ancien et le nouveau : il devait continuer d'être le lieu de l'échange entre le caché et le manifeste, entre la langue et la parole, entre la culture et les traditions. J'ai distingué, dans l'évolution du rapport des nouveaux idéologues au signe Acadie, trois moments qui reproduisent à peu de choses près trois étapes successives de la praxis collective des étudiants de l'Université de Moncton : le Ralliement de 1966, les «événements» de '67-'69, la «répression» de '70-'71. Je n'ai retenu pour ce travail que les exemples les plus significatifs, sélectionnés à partir d'un fichier systématique de la production idéologique acadienne de ces dernières années. Beaucoup de documents annexes ou connexes ne seront pas reproduits ici.

Purpose The purpose of this study is to investigate Libyan journalists’ perspectives regarding the media laws Articles 37,132, 38 and 46, which address media freedom in the new Libyan Constitution of 2017. Design/methodology/approach Focus group discussions were done with 35 Libyan journalists, 12 of them from the Constitution Committee, while 23 of them reported the update of the constitution in the Libyan Parliament. Findings The results of the study indicated that there were media laws articles that did not conform to the international laws and United Nations treaties, which the Libyan Parliament committee approved. Another finding from the journalists was the Constitution should provide and guarantee press freedom, while media laws articles approved to put a paragraph about “censorship” in the press and media as a tool to silence government opposition. In addition, journalists indicated future constitution should redraft Article 38 to conform with Article 19 of the “International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,” to support the “principles of freedom of expression and information” without control. Moreover, Article 46 needs to be changed and linked to the “provisions of international law on the right of information access” to improve the access and dissemination of information in the media. Practical implications Redrafting the constitution articles in the future can be summarised as follows: First, the Libyan Constitution should provide and guarantee press freedom without any censorship and include clear articles to protect journalists in conflict zones. Second, Articles 37,132 and 38, about “freedom of information and publication,” need to be redrafted to link with Article 19 of the “International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,” to support the principles of freedom of expression and information, and the use of this right must not be subject to prior control. Third, Article 46 needs to be changed and linked to the provisions of “International law on the Right of Access to Information” to improve access and dissemination of information in the media to protect confidentiality sources. The most important articles should be implemented (freedom of information and personal information act) because after the Arab Spring revolutions, there was a transitional period in societies and a change in the constitutions of Tunisia and Egypt. They developed legal articles about media freedom so that Libya resembles other Arab countries. From that point, the journalists recommended that all information should be protected from government interference to ensure transparency, combat corruption and protect independent journalists. These articles will open the way to add more development articles to media freedom rules in the Journalists’ Syndicate. Fourth, there are also various types of threats encountered by journalists in their work. In pursuit of their right and freedom of expression, they recommended that Libya must establish an independent self-regulatory media that are free from political and economic influence. Fifth, journalists need licenses for them to work through the syndicate. The new syndicate should play an active role to safeguard the rights of journalists, activists and media entities to carry out their work and end the self-censorship. Sixth, the constitution should also add articles to end the impunity and change the articles in the penal code. Overall, the journalists covering the conflict and war are encountering threats, violence and imprisonment. As a result, Libyan journalists must seek new legislation to defend independent journalism and freedom of expression in their deeply divided country. In addition, they need to have a strong central authority to defend journalists and journalism in wartime, where journalists are regularly threatened, abducted and sometimes killed. Also, the Libyan Journalists Syndicate should stress the importance of the media’s self-regulation to guarantee their rights to freedom of expression, grant their readers’ respect and minimise government’s interference. Finally, they need to develop new laws to grant media freedom from regulations and restrictions, as well as defend and promote democracy, the citizens’ right to be informed, as well as their right to discuss and disseminate information. There is also the need to implement articles in the constitution, articles about the protection of political speech, which would be specific enough to differentiate between what is legally permitted and what may be ethically offensive. Originality/value This study will help the new Libyan parliament after the legislative elections on 24 December 2021 to amend the media laws articles in the constitution.

Abstract: This article focuses on journalists’ unions in Québec. It illustrates the main role they played in the self-structuring of professional journalists and the construction of a collective and public identity. It details the challenge posed by the Internet to journalists and their unions. To that effect, it digs into history and revisits different key moments, documents, and discourses of self-recognition and public affirmation of the group. That history is looked at in relation to an “event,” the introduction of the Internet, which forced the unions to deal with the potentially disrupting effects of the new practices being developed. Résumé : Ce texte repose sur une analyse de la syndicalisation du groupe des journalistes du Québec. Il illustre le rôle central joué par les syndicats dans le processus de structuration du groupe des journalistes professionnels et de la construction publique et collective de leur identité. Il s’attarde sur le défi actuel posé par l’Internet aux journalistes et à leurs syndicats. Le texte propose donc une perspective historique, un rappel des différents moments, documents et discours qui jalonnent le processus de construction et d’affirmation publique du groupe. Celui-ci sert de cadre à l’analyse plus contemporaine d’un ‘événement’, l’introduction d’Internet dans le milieu journalistique, qui a forcé les syndicats à gérer l’émergence de nouvelles pratiques et de nouveaux acteurs.

Abstract In 1930, New York Times Washington correspondent Richard V. Oulahan described his coverage of government activities and affairs as interpretive reporting. Journalism historians have linked the rise of interpretive reporting to the use of bylines, globalism, syndicated columns, and specialized journalism education. The dean of the Washington press corps, Oulahan earned his first bylined story in 1918 for coverage of the Paris Peace Conference. After that time, he began receiving bylines for his coverage of government, politics, and international affairs. Thus, Oulahan’s bylined reporting offers an access point for studying the post-World War I rise of interpretive reporting at The New York Times. The study examines the concept of interpretive reporting and then focuses on The New York Times, particularly the influence of Oulahan, Lester Markel, and Arthur Sulzberger. The study shows a direct link between Oulahan’s authoritative voice and the editorial innovations pioneered by Sunday Times editor Markel, one of the foremost advocates of interpretive reporting. Next, the study reveals additional factors, including foreign correspondence and good old competition, that led to the emergence of interpretive reporting at The New York Times.

AbstractIn higher education, one commonly used teaching approach that is intended to develop deep learning is that of the ‘Oxford’ tutorial—a personalized Socratic approach in which an instructor discusses course-related issues with a handful of students. Even though this conventional tutorial model is well supported in the literature, it may be neglected by research-driven academics and is expensive to operate. The latter issue has placed tutorials in the spotlight because higher education institutions are facing huge funding cuts worldwide. In light of these problems, a scoping review was conducted to explore financially viable alternatives to the Oxford tutorial for management education. Articles in highly ranked management education and development academic journals were collected by searching these catalogs and compiling a database of 48 articles published in four premier journals. These articles were reviewed by two independent raters in order to arrive at 8 alternatives to the Oxford tutorial model that can achieve similar objectives of said tutorials while reducing costs. These alternative tutorial models all involve the application of information communication technologies to tutorials and include peer instruction, simulations and games, online collaborative learning, syndicates, flipped classrooms, communication systems, tailored learning, and portfolios. Challenges and implementation guidelines are explained for each alternative tutorial model.

This research aims to find out the decision to purchase Arlinax Bulls Syndicate jacket in Surakarta which is influenced by several factors such as product quality, price, promotion and service. The data source in this study is primary and secondary data, primary data by disseminating questionnaires online to respondents, obtained a number of 100 respondents and secondary data used comes from company documents, books, research journals, the internet. To precisely uncover research data this study uses instrument data tests, classical assumption tests, and hypothesis tests. The data is processed statistically using SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Sciene). The output of the results shows that there is a significant influence on prices, services and promotions and insignificant to the quality of products in purchasing decisions.

Cet article étudie le rôle du syndicat unique UNTZa (Union nationale des travailleurs du Zaïre) comme intermédiaire entre les travailleurs du secteur minier, le parti unique MPR (Mouvement populaire de la révolution) et l’entreprise monopolistique Gécamines dans les années 1970. Si « l’État intégral » zaïrois ambitionne d’étouffer toute contestation, le rôle crucial de l’industrie minière pour l’économie nationale permet à ses travailleurs d’être partiellement écoutés. Cette recherche, basée sur des archives « informelles » de la Gécamines et des entretiens avec d’anciens syndicalistes, met en lumière les espaces de négociation au coeur du système répressif zaïrois. Des discussions portant sur l’africanisation des cadres, l’accès privilégié au salariat pour les enfants de travailleurs, la distribution de la ration alimentaire et l’extension de la couverture médicale mettent en lumière la façon dont la notion polysémique de « famille » est invoquée par les délégués syndicaux pour faire avancer leurs revendications.

Objective: Money mule is a bank account used by another person unknowingly or voluntarily by the owner of the account to obtain a reward or by fraudulent means for illegal or illegal financial transactions. Syndicates usually get these mule accounts (also known as surrogate accounts) by deceiving those who need extra income and have a low level of financial literacy. This study will determine the level of awareness towards money mule and understanding towards the dangerous of money mule. In this research, both quantitative and qualitative approaches will be employed with surveys and interviews. Methodology: A Systematic Review was conducted in this study considering potential articles published from January 2020 to October 2021. Electronic data collection through Goggle Scholar (50 journals) was identified to studies related to the level of awareness on money mule or money laundering. Findings: This study concludes that, although the law enforcement agencies have the power to investigate money laundering and terrorism financing under the act, Malaysia is lacking in having a good investigative support system to assist the law enforcement agencies during the investigation process. Implications: Special attention should be given to any complex and unusual business transactions, especially if there seems to be an unlawful purpose. Programs to educate public on money laundering should be found in order to raise awareness towards money laundering and financing of terrorism.

The organised crime syndicate of the commercial capital of India, Mumbai, is renowned for its notoriety and blasphemy. The den of the most heinous dons, Mumbai, has suffered a lot in terms of loss of lives and property. Extortion, prostitution, human smuggling, and human trafficking are some of the menaces that Mumbai faces even today. The 1993 bomb blasts is one such incident which shuddered the faith of human beings in the almighty. The loss of several innocent lives, public and private property cannot be recovered ever. The relatives of the dead victims still feel the chill down their spine, when they revisit those fearsome lanes of memories. This event was so massive in its form that the entire world was shaken. In the year 2002, veteran journalist and author, S. Hussain Zaidi penned down the events of this mammoth attack in his book, Black Friday. His detailed research on the entire episode along with the police encounters and arrests, is laudable. This was later adapted by filmmaker, Anurag Kashyap in his movie, of the same name, where he depicted the series of events through the lens of his imagination. This research is an attempt to study the film with relation to the original work of Zaidi. The different camera shots, angles, make-up, dialogues and narration techniques used to create a simulacrum or hyperreality will be the focus of the research. The researcher will also explore the aestheticism of realistic cinema. The paper is based on the theoretical framework of Jean Baudrillard’s ‘Simulacra and Simulation’, auteur theory and realistic cinema of Andre Bazin and Andrew Sarris.

“Perhaps the only thing more counterfeit than Australian Idol co-host/FM radio jock Kyle Sandilands’s carotene tan is the myth of his significance.” So wrote Helen Razer in 2007 of radio host Kyle Sandilands in a piece entitled Kyle Sandilands, you are a big fake fake. In the years since Razer’s commentary, commentators and radio listeners have continued to question the legitimacy of Sandilands’s performance as a radio host, while his supporters have defended him on the basis that this performance is authentic (Wynn). References to him as “shock jock,” a term frequently associated with talkback radio, suggest Sandilands’s approach to performance is one of intended confrontation. However, the genre of radio to which his performance is associated is not talkback. It is chat-based programming, which relies on three tenets: orientation to the personal, use of wit, and risk of transgression. This paper examines the question: To what extent is Kyle Sandilands’s performance of authenticity oriented to the genre format? This paper argues that the overall success of Sandilands is supported by his mastery of the chat-based genre. The Radio Host, “Authenticity”, and PerformanceKyle Sandilands has been one of Australia’s most prominent and controversial radio hosts since the 1990s. In 2014, Sandilands was one half of Australia’s most successful breakfast team, hosting the nationally syndicated Kyle and Jackie O Show with fellow presenter Jacqueline Henderson on Kiis 1065 (Galvin, Top Radio). Sandilands’s persona has received significant attention within the mediasphere (Galvin, Kiss; Razer). Commentators argue that he is often “putting it on” or being overly dramatic in order to attract ratings. The following interaction is an example of on-air talk involving Sandilands (“Ronan Keating and Kyle Sandilands Fight On-Air”). Here, Sandilands and his co-host Jackie O are talking with singer Ronan Keating who is with them in the studio. Jackie plays Ronan a recording in which Sandilands makes fun of Keating:Kyle: ((On recorded playback)) Oh god. I don’t want to look like Ronan Keating, you two foot dwarf.((pause))Ronan K: ((laughs)) Right (.) I don’t know how to take that.Kyle: Well I’m glad it ended there because I think it went on and on didn’t it? ((Looks at Jackie O))Jackie O: I was being kind. ((Looks at Ronan)). He went on and on.Kyle: That says something about…Ronan: Play it, play it [let me hear it]Kyle: [no no] I don’t have the rest. I don’t have the rest of [it]Ronan: [No] you do. Kyle: No I don’t have it on me. It would be here somewhere.Jackie O: [Ok this…]Ronan: You go on like you’re my friend, you know you text me, you say you love me and are playing all these songs and then on radio you rip the crap out of me.Kyle: I was just joking. I think I said something like his little white arms hanging out of his singlet…and something like that.Jackie O: OK this is getting awkward and going on. I thought you guys would have a laugh, and…Kyle: [It’s tongue in cheek]Ronan: [That’s’ not cool man]. That’s not cool. Look I popped in to see you guys. I’m going to New Zealand, and I’ve got one night here (.) I’ve got one day in Sydney and that’s the crap that you’re dealing me.((silence from all))Kyle: ((Looking at Jackie)) Good one Jackie. ((Looking at Ronan)) That’s not crap. That’s just radio banter. This segment illustrates that Sandilands recognises talk as performance when he defends his criticism of Keating as “just radio banter”, inferring that his comments are not real because they are performed for radio. The argument between Keating and Sandilands, reported in media outlets such as The Daily Mail and Daily Telegraph the following day, was significant because the two had been friends, something referred to a few minutes later by Keating:Ronan: You’ve changed, man. You’ve changed. I come back and you’re on a new station and all this and that. But you’ve changed…I knew you when you were a nice guy.This segment may or may not have been staged to illicit publicity, and it is one of many possible examples that could have been selected that involve an altercation between Sandilands and a guest. Its inclusion in this paper is to illustrate orientation by co-participants, including Sandilands, to a “real self” (one that has changed) and performance (talk for radio) as an example of talk.If one is to be a fake, as Helen Razer suggested of Kyle Sandilands, one needs to be measured against that which is authentic. Authenticity is not a static concept and accordingly, can be difficult to define. Are we talking about being authentic (real) or being sincere (honest), and what really is the difference? This is an important point, because I suspect we sometimes confuse or blur the lines between these two concepts when considering authenticity and performance in media contexts. Erickson examines the difference between sincerity and authenticity, arguing “authenticity is a self-referential concept; unlike sincerity, it does not explicitly include any reference to others,” while sincerity reflects congruity between what one says and how one feels (123). Authenticity is more relevant than sincerity within the cultural space because it is self-referential: it is about “one’s relationship to oneself,” whereby actors “exist by the laws of one’s own being” (Erickson 124).Authenticity and performance by radio hosts has been central to broadcast talk analysis since the 1980s (Tolson, Televised; Tolson, ‘Authentic’ Talk; Tolson, New Authenticity; Scannell; Shingler and Wieringa; Montgomery; Crisell; Tolson, ‘Being Yourself’). The practice of “performing authenticity” by program hosts is, therefore, well-established and consistent with broadcast talk as a discursive genre generally. Sociologist Erving Goffman specifically considered performativity in radio talk in his work, and his consideration of theatrical performance written early in his career provides a good starting point for discussion. Performance, Goffman argued, “may be defined as all the activity of a given participant on a given occasion which serves to influence in any way any of the other participants” (8). In performing, actors play a part or present a routine in such a way that the audience believes the character (Goffman).This presents an interesting dilemma for radio hosts, who act as facilitators between the institution (program) and the audience. Hosts talk—or interact—with their co-hosts and listeners. This talk is a performance for an overhearing audience, achieved (or performed) by facilitating interpersonal talk between two or three people. This talk is conversational, and requires the host to play on “interpersonality”—creating the sense of a close personal relationship with audience members by talking to “anyone as someone” (Scannell). A host is required to embody the character of the radio station, represent listeners (Shingler and Wieringa), and perform in a way that appears natural through conversational talk, all at the same time. A host also needs to display personality, possibly the most critical element in the success of a program.Authenticity, Shock-Value, and Radio GenreThe radio economy revolves around the personality of a celebrity host, and audiences expect celebrity hosts to which they listen to be playing a role despite appearing to be authentic (Stiernstedt). At the same time, radio hosts are aware of the “performed nature of the displayed self” (215). The audience familiar with a host or hosts expect some inconsistency in this playing of role: “The uncertainty such performances generate among the audience is intentional, and the motive of the producers is that it will encourage audiences to find ‘evidence’ of what ‘really happened’ on other media platforms” (Stiernstedt). There is much evidence of this in the mediasphere generally, with commentary on Sandilands and other “shock jocks” often featuring in entertainment and media sections of the general press. This coverage is often focused on examining hosts’ true personality in a “what’s behind the person” type of story (Overington; Bearup; Masters). Most research into host performance on radio has been conducted within the genre of talkback radio, and the celebrity talkback “shock jock” features in the literature on talkback (Turner; Douglas; Appleton; Salter; Ward). Successful radio hosts within this genre have fostered dramatic, often polarising, and quick-witted personas to attract listeners. Susan Douglas, in an article reflecting on the male hysteric shock jock that emerged in the US during the 1980s, argued that the talk format emerged to be inflammatory: “Talk radio didn’t require stereo or FM fidelity. It was unpredictable. It was incendiary. And it was participatory.” The term “shock jock” is now routinely used to describe talk-based hosts who are deliberately inflammatory, and the term has been used to describe Kyle Sandilands.Authenticity has previously been considered in Australian talkback radio, where there is a recognised “grey area between news presentation and entertainment” (Barnard 161). In Australia, the “Cash for Comment” episode involving radio talkback hosts John Laws and Alan Jones specifically exposed radio as entertainment (Turner; Flew). Laws and Jones were exposed as having commercial relationships that influenced the manner in which they dealt with political topics. That is, the hosts presented their opinions on specific topics as being authentic, but their opinions were exposed as being influenced by commercial arrangements. The debate that surrounded the issue and expectations associated with being a commercial radio host revealed that their performance was measured against a set of public standards (ie. a journalist’s code of ethics) to which the hosts did not subscribe. For example, John Laws argued that he wasn’t really a journalist, and therefore, could not be held to the same ethical standard as would be the case if he was. This is an example of hosts being authentic within the “laws of their own being;” that is, they were commercial radio hosts and were being true to themselves in that capacity.“Cash for Comment” therefore highlighted that radio presenters do not generally work to any specific set of professional codes. Rather, in Australia, they work to more general sector-based codes, such as the commercial and community broadcasting codes of practice set by the Australian Communications and Media Authority. These codes are quite generic and give no specific direction as to the role of radio presenters. Professor Graeme Turner argued at the time that the debate about “Cash for Comment” was important because the hosts were engaging in public discussion about policy, often interviewing politicians, a role normally associated with journalists. There was limited fall-out for Laws and Jones, but changes were made to disclosure requirements for commercial radio. There have been a number of attempts since to discipline radio hosts who seemingly fail to meet community and sector standards. These attempts have appeared tokenistic and there remains acceptance that talkback radio hosts should be opinionated, controversial, and potentially inflammatory. Research also tells us that callers within this genre are aware of the rules of interaction (O'Sullivan). However, it is important to understand that not all talk-based programming is talkback.The Case of Sandilands and Adherence to GenreAlthough he is often referred to as a “shock-jock”, Kyle Sandilands is not a talkback radio host. He is the host on a chat-based radio program, and the difference in genre is important. Chat-based programming is a speech genre based on wit, orientation to the personal, and the risk of transgression. Chat-based programming was originally theorised in relation to television by Andrew Tolson (Televised), but more recently, it has been applied it to breakfast programs on commercial radio (Ames, Community). Talkback segments are incorporated into chat-based programming, but overall, the type of talk and the basis of interaction throughout the show is very different. In chat-based programming, hosts work to foster and maintain a sense of listening community by taking on different roles—being a friend, host, counsellor, entertainer—depending on the type of talk being engaged with at the time (Ames, Host/Host). Like all forms of broadcast programming, chat-based radio is driven by the need to entertain, but the orientation to the personal and risk of transgression alter the way in which “being real” or “true to oneself” (and therefore authentic) is performed. For example, chat-based hosts orient to callers in a way that prioritises sociability (Ames, Community), which is in contrast to studies on talkback interaction that reveal an orientation to conflict (Hutchby). The key point here is that talk on chat-based programming is different to the talk that occurs on talkback.Kyle Sandilands’s ability and desire to outrage has possibly always been part of his on-air persona. He has made a staff member masturbate live, questioned a 14-year-old about her sexual experiences, called a journalist a “fat slag”, and insulted members of the radio industry and listening public. In an interview with Andrew Denton, Sandilands categorised himself as a fellow victim. He talked of his difficulties as a teenager and largely justified his on-air behaviour by saying he did not think of the consequences of his actions in the heat of the live moment:I just didn’t even think about that. Back in those days I would only think about what I thought was funny and entertaining and it wasn’t until reflection once it had gone to air then everyone flipped out and everyone started saying you know, oh this could have gone horribly wrong. (Sandilands)Sandilands’s self-categorisation actually meets the description of being a radio presenter, described by Stephen Barnard in Studying Radio, one of the early “how to be a radio presenter” texts released in the UK in 2000:Unlike music presenters, phone-in presenters do not work within the comforting disciplines of a prescribed format but are hired for their ability to think on their feet. Phone-in presenters have as much or as little leeway as station heads allow them, leading to widely diverging approaches and a continual testing of the limits of tolerance. (Barnard 161)Sandilands made specific reference to this in his interview with Denton, when he referred to tension between his practice and what station management wanted:I like to cut the rubbish out of what everyone else thinks people want. So radio to me in Sydney was for example very boring. It was you know someone in another room would write out a joke, then someone would execute it and then you would hit the button and everyone would laugh and I just thought you know to me this isn’t, this isn’t real. I want to deal with real life stuff. The real life dramas that are going on in people's lives and a lot of the times radio station management will hate that cause they say no one wants to go to work in the morning and hear a woman crying her eyes out cause her husband’s cheated on her. But I do. I, I’d like to hear it. (Sandilands)Sandilands’s defence for his actions is based on wanting to be real and deal with “real” issues:this is the real society that we live in so you know I don’t and my interest is to let everyone know you know that yes, sometimes men do cheat; sometimes women cheat, sometimes kids are bad; sometimes kids get expelled. Sometimes a girl’s addicted to ice. (Sandilands)In one sense, his practice is consistent with what is expected of a radio host, but he pushes the limits when it comes to transgression. I would argue that this is part of the game, and it is one of the reasons people listen and engage with this particular format. However, what it is to be transgressive is very locally specific. What might be offensive to one person might not be to someone else. Humour is culturally specific, and while we don’t know whether listeners are laughing, the popularity of Kyle and Jackie O as a radio host team suggests that there is some attraction to their style—Sandilands’s antics included.The relationship between Sandilands and his audience and co-host is important to this discussion. Close analysis of anyKyle and Jackie O transcript can be revealing because it often highlights Sandilands’s overall deference and a self-effacing approach to his listeners. He makes excuses, and acknowledges he is wrong in a way that almost sets himself up as a “punching bag” for his co-host and listeners. He isdoing “being real.” We can see this in the interaction at the beginning of this paper, whereby his excuse was that the talk was “just radio banter.” The interaction between Sandilands and his co-host, and their listeners, serves to define the listening community of which they are a part (Ames, Host/Host). This community can be seen as “extraordinary”—based on “privatized isolation” that is a prerequisite for membership:The sense of universality of this condition, reflected in the lyrics of the music, the chatter of the DJs and the similarity of the concerns expressed by callers on phone-ins, ensures that solitary listening grants radio listeners membership to a unique type of club: a club where the members never meet or communicate directly. The club, of course, has its rules, its rituals, its codes of conduct and its abiding principles, beliefs and values. Club membership entails conformity to a consensual view. (Shingler and Wieringa 128)If you are not a listener of a particular listening community, then you’re not privy to those rules and rituals. The problem for Sandilands is that what is acceptable to his listening community can also be overheard by others. To his club, he might be acceptable—they know him for who he really is. As a host operating in chat-based formatting which relies on the possibility for transgression as a principle, he is expected to push boundaries as a performer. His persona is accepted by the station’s listeners who tune in every evening/afternoon (or whenever the program is broadcast across the network). His views and approach might be controversial, but they are normalised within the confines of the listening community:Radio presenters therefore do not construct a consensual view and impose it on their listeners. What they do is present what they perceive to be the views shared by the station and the listening community in general, and then make it as easy as possible for individual listeners to comply with these views (despite whatever specific reservations they may have). (Shingler and Wieringa 130)But to those who are not members of the listening community, his actions might be untenable. They do not hear the times when Sandilands takes on the role of “deviant host”, a host who will become an ally with a listener in a discussion if there is disagreement in talk which is a feature of this type of programming (Ames, Community). In picking out single elements of Sandilands’s awfulness, as happens when he oversteps the boundaries (and thus transgresses), there is potential to lose the sense of context that makes Sandilands acceptable to his program’s listeners. What we don’t hear, in the debates about whether his behaviour is or isn’t acceptable within the mediasphere, are the snippets of conversation where he demonstrates empathy, or is admonished by or defers to his co-host. The only time a non-listener hears about Kyle Sandilands is when he oversteps the boundary and his actions are questioned within the wider mediasphere. These questions are based on a broader sense of moral order than the moral order specifically applicable to the Kyle and Jackie O program.The debate about a listening community’s moral order that accepts Sandilands’s antics as normal is not one for this paper; the purpose of the paper is to explain the success of Sandilands’s approach in an environment where questions are raised about why he remains successful. Here we return to discussions of authenticity. Sandilands’s performance orients to being “real” in accordance with the “laws of one’s own being” (Erickson 124). The laws in this case are set by the genre being chat-based radio programming, and the moral order created within the program of which is a co-host.ConclusionRadio hosts have always “performed authenticity” as part of their role as a link between an audience and a station. Most research into the performance of radio hosts has been conducted within the talkback genre. Talkback is different, however, to chat-based programming which is increasingly popular, and the chat-based format in Australia is currently dominated by the host team known as Kyle and Jackie O. Kyle Sandilands’s performance is based on “being real”, and this is encouraged and suited to chat-based programming’s orientation to the personal, reliance on wit and humour, and the risk of transgression. While he is controversial, Sandliands’s style is an ideal fit for the genre, and his ability to perform to meet the genre provides some explanation for his success.ReferencesAmes, Kate. “Community Membership When ‘Telling Stories’ in Radio Talk: A Regional Case Study.” PhD Thesis. University of Sydney, 2012.———. “Host/Host Conversations: Analysing Moral and Social Order in Talk on Commercial Radio.” Media International Australia 142 (2012): 112–22.Appleton, Gillian. “The Lure of Laws: An Analysis of the Audience Appeal of the John Laws Program.” Media International Australia 91 (1999): 83–95.Barnard, Stephen. Studying Radio. London: Arnold, 2000.Bearup, Greg. “Laws unto Himself.” The Weekend Australian Magazine 25 May 2013. ‹http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/features/laws-unto-himself/story-e6frg8h6-1226647696090›.Brand, David, and Paddy Scannell. "Talk, Identity and Performance: The Tony Blackburn Show." Broadcast Talk. Ed. Paddy Scannell. London: Sage Publications, 1991. 201–27.Crisell, Andrew. Understanding Radio. 2nd ed. London, UK: Routledge, 1994.Douglas, Susan. “Talk Radio: Letting Boys Be Boys.” El Dorado Sun 27 Jun. 2000.Erickson, Rebecca J. “The Importance of Authenticity for Self and Society.” Symbolic Interaction 18.2 (1995): 121–44.Flew, Terry. “Down by Laws: Commercial Talkback Radio and the ABA 'Cash for Comment' Inquiry.” Australian Screen Education 24 (Spring 2000): 10–15.Galvin, Nick. “Kyle Sandilands and Jackie O Finish Year in Top Radio Ratings Spot.” Sydney Morning Herald 16 Dec. 2014. ‹http://www.smh.com.au/entertainment/tv-and-radio/kyle-sandilands-and-jackie-o-finish-year-in-top-radio-ratings-spot-20141216-127zyd.html›.———. “Kyle Sandilands and Jackie O Kiss and Make Up.”Sydney Morning Herald 12 Aug. 2014. ‹http://www.smh.com.au/entertainment/tv-and-radio/kyle-sandilands-and-jackie-o-kiss-and-make-up-20140812-102zyh.html›.Goffman, Erving. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. U of E Social Sciences Research Centre Edinburgh: Open Library, 1956.Hutchby, Ian. Confrontation Talk: Arguments, Asymmetries, and Power on Talk Radio. Marwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1996.Masters, Chris. Jonestown: The Power and the Myth of Alan Jones. Crows Nest: Allen & Unwin, 2006.Montgomery, Martin. “Our Tune: A Study of a Discourse Genre.” Broadcast Talk. Ed. Scannell, Paddy. London: Sage Publications, 1991. 138–77.O'Sullivan, Sara. “‘The Whole Nation Is Listening to You’: The Presentation of the Self on a Tabloid Talk Radio Show.” Media Culture Society 27.5 (2005): 719–38.Overington, Caroline. “The Trouble with Kyle Sandilands.” The Weekend Australian Magazine 28 Jan. 2012. ‹http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/features/me-and-my-big-mouth/story-e6frg8h6-1226254068599?nk=3d9abe800533fc9a7e841eaee6a922da›.Razer, Helen. “Kyle Sandilands, You Are a Big Fake Fake.” Crikey 22 Aug. 2007.“Ronan Keating & Kyle Sandilands Fight on-Air”. YouTube, 2014. (12 Feb. 2014.) KIIS 1065. ‹https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3mjyobdHYdg›.Salter, David. “Who's for Breakfast, Alan Jones? Sydney’s Talkback Titan and His Mythical Power.” The Monthly 2006. ‹http://www.themonthly.com.au/monthly-essays-david-salter-whos-breakfast-mr-jones-sydney039s-talkback-titan-and-his-mythical-power?utm_content=bufferbd79f&utm_medium=social&utm_source=Twitter&utm_campaign=buffer›.Sandilands, Kyle. Enough Rope. Ed. Denton, Andrew: ABC, 2007.Scannell, Paddy. “For-Anyone-as-Someone-Structures.” Media Culture Society 22 (2000): 5–24.Shingler, Martin, and Cindy Wieringa. On Air: Methods and Meanings of Radio. London: Arnold Publishers, 1998.Stiernstedt, Fredrik. “The Political Economy of the Radio Personality.” Journal of Radio & Audio Media 21.2 (2014): 290–306.“The Prank That Even Fooled Jackie O: Ronan Keating Storms Out of Radio Interview after ‘Clash’ with Kyle Sandilands.” Daily Mail 13 Feb. 2013.Tolson, Andrew. “‘Authentic’ Talk in Broadcast News: The Construction of Community.” The Communication Review 4 (2001): 463–80.———. “‘Being Yourself’: The Pursuit of Authentic Celebrity.”Discourse Studies 3.4 (2001): 443–57.———. “A New Authenticity? Communicative Practices on Youtube.” Critical Discourse Studies 7.4 (2010): 277–89.———. “Televised Chat and the Synthetic Personality.” Broadcast Talk. Ed. Scannell, Paddy. London: Sage Publications, 1991. 178–200.Turner, Graeme. “Ethics, Entertainment, and the Tabloid: The Case of Talkback Radio in Australia.” Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies 15.3 (2001): 349–57.Ward, Ian. “Talkback Radio, Political Communication, and Australian Politics.” Australian Journal of Communication 29.1 (2002): 21–38.Wynn, James. “Kyle Sandilands — A Better Place for a Real Talent.” LinkedIn, 2014.

Cut In 1964, William S. Burroughs' Nova Express is published. Part of the trilogy of books Burroughs wrote in the early 1960s (The Soft Cell and The Ticket That Exploded are the other two), Nova Express explores the problems that technology creates in the information age; and the ways in which language and thought have come under the influence of mass media. The book begins with a broad declaration against consumerism and corporate control: Listen all you boards syndicates and governments of the earth. And you powers behind what filth deals consummated in what lavatory to take what is not yours. To sell the ground from unborn feet forever - "For God's sake don't let that Coca-Cola thing out -" (Nova Express 3) Rather than opt for conventional narrative as a means of uncovering the problems ideology brings with media-driven mass consumption, in the early '60s, Burroughs develops a method of writing he calls "the cut-up". The cut-up method entails taking a page of writing (a newspaper, a poem, a novel, an advertisement, a speech) and cutting it down the middle twice so that four sections remain. One then rearranges the sections in random order to create a new page. Variations of the four section cut are permissible and can lead to further juxtapositions. The purpose of the cut-up is to disclose ideological positions within media, to recontextualise the language of media often taken for granted as natural and not as a socially and economically constructed act. Information has become addictive, Burroughs says, invoking the junkie as a metaphor for mass consumption. Its addictive state leads to hallucinations, distortions of what is real and what is illusion; what do we need to live, and what do we buy for mere consumption. The scanning pattern we accept as "reality" has been imposed by the controlling power on this planet, a power primarily oriented towards total control - In order to retain control they have moved to monopolize and deactivate the hallucinogen drugs by effecting noxious alternations on a molecular level. (Nova Express 53) The cut-up provides a means to combat the "junky" in us all by revealing the powers of technology. In the end, the cut-up leads to a collagist practice of juxtaposition. As Burroughs and collaborator Byron Gysin explained in a later work, The cut-up method brings to writers the collage, which has been used by painters for fifty years. And used by the moving and still camera. In fact all street shots from movie or still cameras are by the unpredictable factors of passersby and juxtaposition cut-ups (Burroughs and Gysin 29). Through its structure, Nova Express is a lesson in making cut-ups, a demonstration of how power might be undermined in the digital age. Paste In 1964, the Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies at Birmingham began. Influenced by Raymond Williams' 1958 Culture and Society, the Birmingham School legitimized the reading of popular culture as a means to uncovering dominant ideologies and power structures within institutional systems. In particular, the center proposed structuring scholasticism so that the study of media texts would allow for the questioning of social and political practices. The Birmingham school advised that curriculae supplement their agendas with the question of class; the complex relationships between power, which is an easier term to establish in the discourses of culture than exploitation, and exploitation; the question of a general theory which could, in a critical way, connect together in a critical reflection different domains of life, politics, and theory, theory and practice, economic, political ideological questions, and so on; the notion of critical knowledge itself and the production of critical knowledge as a practice. (Hall 279) One of the Birmingham School's first works was Stuart Hall and Paddy Whannel's Popular Arts, which searched out ways to teach media. In particular, Hall and Whannel viewed popular culture as a place to teach the power of ideology. There is, in fact, a growing recognition that the media of mass communication play such a significant role in society, and especially in the lives of young people, that the school must embrace the study of their organization, content, and impact. But there is little agreement about how such studies should be carried out. Just what shall be studied? With what precise purpose? In what relationship to the established subjects? Ultimately the answer will depend upon our attitude towards these media, our social thinking about the kind of society in which they wield their influence and, in particular, our response to the things the media offer - individual films, television programmes, popular songs, etc. (Hall and Whannel 21) Today, the Birmingham School is recognised as the beginning of contemporary cultural studies. It answers Hall and Whannel by using texts from popular culture to uncover the semiotic cultural codes that make up popular discourse. These methods shed light on how supposedly naturally constructed messages contain deeper meanings and purposes. Mix In 1964, DJ Alan Freed was convicted of tax evasion as a result of his involvement in the payola record business scandal of 1962. Considered one of the first rock and roll DJs, Freed is often credited for breaking ‘50s racial barriers by playing African-American music on the airwaves and hosting largely attended African-American dances and concerts. Even though Freed didn't invent the phrase "rock and roll," he credited himself with the term's introduction into music vocabulary, a myth-making act with far reaching implications. As critic Nick Tosch writes: "Though he was certainly not the first who had done so; he was only the most influential of those who had - Freed [had] rinsed the Dixie Peach from its image, rendering it more agreeable to the palate of a greater public" (Tosch 9). In the same year of Freed's conviction, another legendary DJ, Murray the K, found fame again by following the Beatles around on their 1964 North American tour. Murray the K had been popular in the late '50s for "his wild stammering of syllables, fragments of words, black slang, and meaningless, rhythmical burbling" to make transitions between songs (Poschardt 75). Mass copying of Murray the K's DJ stylings led to his redundancy. When New Journalist Tom Wolfe rediscovered the DJ tagging along with the Beatles, he became intrigued, describing him as "the original hysterical disk jockey": Murray the K doesn't operate on Aristotelian logic. He operates on symbolic logic. He builds up an atmosphere of breathless jollification, comic hysteria, and turns it up to a pitch so high it can hypnotize kids and keep them frozen. (Wolfe 34) While Freed introduced African-American culture to mainstream music, Murray the K's DJing worked from a symbolic logic of appropriation: sampled sounds, bits and pieces of eccentric outtakes used as vehicles to move from song to song. Both Freed and Murray the K, however, conceived the idea of the DJ as more than a spinner of records. They envisioned the DJ as a form of media, a myth maker, a composer of ideas through sounds and politics. In a sense, they saw their work as disseminating social commentary on '60s racial politics and ideology, working from a fairly new innovation: the rock and roll record. Their DJ work became the model for contemporary hip hop artists. Instead of considering isolated train whistles or glass crashing (the technique of Murray the K) as sources for sampling, contemporary DJs and digital samplers cut and paste fragments from the history of popular music in order to compose new works, compositions which function as vehicles of cultural critique. Groups like Public Enemy and The Roots utilise their record collections to make political statements on drug usage, economic problems within the African-American community, and racism. For Tricia Rose, these artists are the cultural studies writers of the digital age. "Rappers are constantly taking dominant discursive fragments and throwing them into relief, destabilizing hegemonic discourses and attempting to legitimate counterhegemonic interpretations." (Rose 102) Remix The juxtaposition of these three events in 1964 marks an interesting place to consider the potential for new media and cultural studies. Such a juxtaposition answers the calls of Lawrence Grossberg, Cary Nelson, and Paula Treichler in their introduction to Cultural Studies, a collection of essays from the 1970s and 1980s. The editors suggest that cultural studies can be thought of, in some ways, as a collagist practice. The methodology of cultural studies provides an equally uneasy marker, for cultural studies in fact has no distinct methodology, no unique statistical, ethnomethodological, or textual analysis to call its own. Its methodology, ambiguous from the beginning, could best be seen as a bricolage. (2) For these editors, "Cultural studies needs to remain open to unexpected, unimagined, even uninvited possibilities" (3). To consider cultural studies from the perspective of 1964 is to evoke the unexpected, the unimagined, and the uninvited. It is to resituate the demands of cultural study within the context of new media - the legacy of Burroughs' cut-up reborn in the digital sampler. In response to the editors of Cultural Studies, I propose the practice of temporal juxtaposition as a way of critical writing. My initial juxtaposition of 1964 asserts that to teach such a practice, one must teach cutting and mixing. The Break The break, as a DJ method, is "any short captured sound whatsoever" (Eshun 14). The break motivates digital sampling; it provides the points from which samplers appropriate past works into their own: "Break beats are points of rupture in their former contexts, points at which the thematic elements of a musical piece are suspended and the underlying rhythms brought center stage. In the early stages of rap, these break beats formed the core of rap DJs' mixing strategies" (Rose 73-74). Breaks are determined by how DJs produce cuts in previously recorded music. "The cut is a command, a technical and conceptual operation which cuts the lines of association" (Eshun 16). For William Burroughs, cuts create shock in readers; they are tools for destroying ideology. "Once machine lines are cut, the enemy is helpless" (Ticket That Exploded 111). In Nova Express, Burroughs issues the command, "Cut word lines" (62). And in Naked Lunch, the cut provides a set of reading instructions, a way for readers to uncover Burroughs' own ideological positions. You can cut into Naked Lunch at any intersection point . . . I have written many prefaces. . . Naked Lunch is a blueprint, a How-To Book. (Naked Lunch 224 For Roland Barthes, a major influence on the founding of the Birmingham School, the How-To functioned as a place for cultural critique. Barthes felt that semiotic analysis could break ideological positions constructed in popular culture. Barthes used the How-To as one example of what he called mythologies, items of popular culture assumed to be natural but latent with ideological meanings. He treated the how-to tourist guide (how to enjoy yourself on vacation) as one such place for further analysis. The good natured image of "the writer on holiday" is therefore no more than one of these cunning mystifications which the Establishment practices the better to enslave its writers. (Barthes 30) Mythologies has inspired contemporary cultural studies. Dick Hebdige states that through Barthes' work, "It was hoped that the invisible temporary seam between language, experience and reality could be located and prised open through a semiotic analysis" (Hebdige 10). My juxtapositions of 1964, however, tell me that the How-To for cultural studies is cutting and pasting, not hermeneutical or semiotic analysis (i.e. What does this mean? What do these codes reveal?), which have long been cultural studies' focus. 1964 updates cultural studies practices by reinventing its methods of inquiry. 1964 forces academic study to ask: How would a contemporary cultural critic cut into cultural texts and paste selections into a new media work? The Sample Cuts and breaks become samples, authorial chosen selections. My sample comes from Walter Benjamin, an early DJ of media culture who discovered in 19th century Paris a source for a new compositional practice. Benjamin's unfinished Arcades project proposed that the task of the writer in the age of mechanical reproduction is to become a collector. "The collector was the true inhabitant of the interior" (Benjamin 168). Benjamin felt that the "poets find their refuse on the street" (79) preempting William Gibson's now often cited remark, "the street finds its own use for things" (Gibson 186) and modern DJs who build record collections by rummaging bargain street sales. I find in Benjamin's work a place to sample, a break for cutting into Burroughs' nova method. "The basic nova mechanism is very simple: Always create as many insoluble conflicts as possible and always aggravate existing conflict - This is done by dumping life forms with incompatible conditions of existence on the same planet" (Nova Express 53). Like Burroughs, Benjamin expressed interest in the ideological conflicts created through juxtaposition. His collections of the Parisian Arcades led to a cultural history different from that of the Frankfurt School. The Arcades' juxtapositions of consumer goods and artifacts opposed the Frankfurt School's understandings of Marxism and methods of critique. The conflict I create is that of incorporating the concerns of cultural studies into media study as an alternative practice. This practice is a system of sampling, cutting, breaking, and pasting. What might initially seem incompatible to cultural studies, I propose as a method of critique. My initial juxtaposition of 1964 becomes the first step towards doing so: I critique current cultural studies' methods of semiotic and hermeneutical analysis by way of the cut and mix I create. This Benjamin sample is pasted onto the Networked Writing Environment (NWE) at the University of Florida where I teach media classes in one of several computer networked classrooms. Working from a sampled Benjamin and the juxtaposition of the previously described temporal events of 1964, I see a place to rethink new media and cultural studies. The NWE's graphical user interface completes the cut. Our Unix operating system uses X Windows for desktop display. The metaphor of the X, the slash, the cut, becomes a place to rethink what cultural studies admits to be a cut-up, or a non-unified practice (as stated by Grossberg et al). The X also recalls the crossroads, the iconic marker of the place of decision. Standing at the crossroads, I envision the blues song of the same name, which in 1964 was cut from its Robert Johnson origins and remixed as a new recording by the Yardbirds. This decision shifts the focus of media study to cultural collections, their juxtapositions, and the alternative understandings that surface. The tools of technology (like those we use in the NWE: the Web, MOO, and e-mail) cut the structural dominance of critique and encourage us to make new pedagogical decisions, like juxtaposing a William Burroughs novel with the founding of the Birmingham School with the rise of the DJ. Putting these practices into the mix, we redefine cultural critique. 1964, then, is the place where cultural mixing begins. References Barthes, Roland. Mythologies. New York: Hill and Wang, 1957. Benjamin, Walter. Charles Baudelaire: A Lyric Poet in the Era of High Capitalism. Harry Zohn trans. London: NLB, 1973. Burroughs, William S. Naked Lunch. New York: Grove, 1982 (1959). _________________. Nova Express. New York: Grove, 1992 (1964). _________________. The Ticket That Exploded. New York: Grove, 1987 (1962). Burroughs, William S. and Byron Gysin. The Third Mind. New York: Viking Press, 1978. Eshun, Kodwo. More Brilliant Than the Sun. London: Quartet, 1999. Gibson, William. "Burning Chrome." Burning Chrome. New York: Ace Books, 1981. Grossberg, Lawrence, Cary Nelson, and Paula Treichler, eds. Cultural Studies. London: Routledge, 1992. Hall, Stuart. "Theoretical Legacies." Cultural Studies. Hall, Stuart and Paddy Whannel. The Popular Arts. New York: Pantheon, 1964. Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. London and New York: Routledge, 1979. Poschardt, Ulf. DJ Culture. London: Quartet, 1998. Rose, Tricia. Black Noise: Black Music and Black Culture in Contemporary America.Hanover: Wesleyan University Press, 1994. Tosch, Nick. Unsung Heroes of Rock and Roll. New York: Da Capo Press, 1999. Wolfe, Tom. "The Fifth Beatle." The Kandy Kolored Tangerine Flake Streamlined Baby. New York: Pocket Books, 1965.

Introduction Medical misinformation and conspiracies have thrived during the current infodemic as a result of the volume of information people have been exposed to during the disease outbreak. Given that SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) is a novel coronavirus discovered in 2019, much remains unknown about the disease. Moreover, a considerable amount of what was originally thought to be known has turned out to be inaccurate, incomplete, or based on an obsolete knowledge of the virus. It is in this context of uncertainty and confusion that conspiracies flourish. Michael Golebiewski and danah boyd’s work on ‘data voids’ highlights the ways that actors can work quickly to produce conspiratorial content to fill a void. The data void absent of high-quality data surrounding COVID-19 provides a fertile information environment for conspiracies to prosper (Chou et al.). Conspiracism is the belief that society and social institutions are secretly controlled by a powerful group of corrupt elites (Douglas et al.). Michael Barkun’s typology of conspiracy reveals three components: 1) the belief that nothing happens by accident or coincidence; 2) nothing is as it seems: the "appearance of innocence" is to be suspected; 3) the belief that everything is connected through a hidden pattern. At the heart of conspiracy theories is narrative storytelling, in particular plots involving influential elites secretly colluding to control society (Fenster). Conspiracies following this narrative playbook have flourished during the pandemic. Pharmaceutical corporations profiting from national vaccine rollouts, and the emergency powers given to governments around the world to curb the spread of coronavirus, have led some to cast these powerful commercial and State organisations as nefarious actors – 'big evil' drug companies and the ‘Deep State’ – in conspiratorial narratives. Several drugs believed to be potential treatments for COVID-19 have become entangled with conspiracy. At the start of the pandemic scientists experimented with repurposing existing drugs as potential treatments for COVID-19 because safe and effective vaccines were not yet available. A series of antimicrobials with potential activity against SARS-CoV-2 were tested in clinical trials, including lopinavir/ritonavir, favipiravir and remdesivir (Smith et al.). Only hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin transformed from potential COVID treatments into conspiracy objects. This article traces how the hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin conspiracy theories were amplified in the news media and online. It highlights how debunking processes contribute to amplification effects due to audience segmentation in the current media ecology. We conceive of these amplification and debunking processes as key components of a ‘Conspiracy Course’ (Baker and Maddox), identifying the interrelations and tensions between amplification and debunking practices as a conspiracy develops, particularly through mainstream news, social media and alternative media spaces. We do this in order to understand how medical claims about potential treatments for COVID-19 succumb to conspiracism and how we can intervene in their development and dissemination. In this article we present a commentary on how public discourse and actors surrounding two potential treatments for COVID-19: the anti-malarial drug hydroxychloroquine and the anti-parasitic drug ivermectin became embroiled in conspiracy. We examine public discourse and events surrounding these treatments over a 24-month period from January 2020, when the virus gained global attention, to January 2022, the time this article was submitted. Our analysis is contextually informed by an extended digital ethnography into medical misinformation, which has included social media monitoring and observational digital field work of social media sites, news media, and digital media such as blogs, podcasts, and newsletters. Our analysis focusses on the role that public figures and influencers play in amplifying these conspiracies, as well as their amplification by some wellness influencers, referred to as “alt.health influencers” (Baker), and those affiliated with the Intellectual Dark Web, many of whom occupy status in alternative media spaces. The Intellectual Dark Web (IDW) is a term used to describe an alternative influence network comprised of public intellectuals including the Canadian psychologist Jordan Peterson and the British political commentator Douglas Murray. The term was coined by the American mathematician and podcast host Eric Weinstein, who described the IDW as a group opposed to “the gated institutional narrative” of the mainstream media and the political establishment (Kelsey). As a consequence, many associated with the IDW use alternative media, including podcasts and newsletters, as an "eclectic conversational space" where those intellectual thinkers excluded from mainstream conversational spaces in media, politics, and academia can “have a much easier time talking amongst ourselves” (Kelsey). In his analysis of the IDW, Parks describes these figures as "organic" intellectuals who build identification with their audiences by branding themselves as "reasonable thinkers" and reinforcing dominant narratives of polarisation. Hence, while these influential figures are influencers in so far as they cultivate an online audience as a vocation in exchange for social, economic and political gain, they are distinct from earlier forms of micro-celebrity (Senft; Marwick) in that they do not merely achieve fame on social media among a niche community of followers, but appeal to those disillusioned with the mainstream media and politics. The IDW are contrasted not with mainstream celebrities, as is the case with earlier forms of micro-celebrity (Abidin Internet Celebrity), but with the mainstream media and politics. A public figure, on the other hand, is a “famous person” broadcast in the media. While celebrities are public figures, public figures are not necessarily celebrities; a public figure is ‘a person of great public interest or familiarity’, such as a government official, politician, entrepreneur, celebrity, or athlete. Analysis In what follows we explore the role of influencers and public figures in amplifying the hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin conspiracy theories during the pandemic. As part of this analysis, we consider how debunking processes can further amplify these conspiracies, raising important questions about how to most effectively respond to conspiracies in the current media ecology. Discussions around hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin as potential treatments for COVID-19 emerged in early 2020 at the start of the pandemic when people were desperate for a cure, and safe and effective vaccines for the virus were not yet publicly available. While claims concerning the promising effects of both treatments emerged in the mainstream, the drugs remained experimental COVID treatments and had not yet received widespread acceptance among scientific and medical professionals. Much of the hype around these drugs as COVID “cures” emerged from preprints not yet subject to peer review and scientific studies based on unreliable data, which were retracted due to quality issues (Mehra et al.). Public figures, influencers, and news media organisations played a key role in amplifying these narratives in the mainstream, thereby extending the audience reach of these claims. However, their transformation into conspiracy objects followed different amplification processes for each drug. Hydroxychloroquine, the “Game Changer” Hydroxychloroquine gained public attention on 17 March 2020 when the US tech entrepreneur Elon Musk shared a Google Doc with his 40 million followers on Twitter, proposing “maybe worth considering chloroquine for C19”. Musk’s tweet was liked over 50,200 times and received more than 13,500 retweets. The tweet was followed by several other tweets that day in which Musk shared a series of graphs and a paper alluding to the “potential benefit” of hydroxychloroquine in in vitro and early clinical data. Although Musk is not a medical expert, he is a public figure with status and large online following, which contributed to the hype around hydroxychloroquine as a potential treatment for COVID-19. Following Musk’s comments, search interest in chloroquine soared and mainstream media outlets covered his apparent endorsement of the drug. On 19 March 2020, the Fox News programme Tucker Carlson Tonight cited a study declaring hydroxychloroquine to have a “100% cure rate against coronavirus” (Gautret et al.). Within hours another public figure, the then-US President Donald Trump, announced at a White House Coronavirus Task Force briefing that the FDA would fast-track approval of hydroxychloroquine, a drug used to treat malaria and arthritis, which he said had, “tremendous promise based on the results and other tests”. Despite the Chief Medical Advisor to the President, Dr Anthony Fauci, disputing claims concerning the efficacy of hydroxychloroquine as a potential therapy for coronavirus as “anecdotal evidence”, Trump continued to endorse hydroxychloroquine describing the drug as a “game changer”: HYDROXYCHLOROQUINE & AZITHROMYCIN, taken together, have a real chance to be one of the biggest game changers in the history of medicine. He said that the drugs should be put in use IMMEDIATELY. PEOPLE ARE DYING, MOVE FAST, and GOD BLESS EVERYONE! Trump’s tweet was shared over 102,800 times and liked over 384,800 times. His statements correlated with a 2000% increase in prescriptions for the anti-malarial drugs hydroxychloroquine and chloroquine in the US between 15 and 21 March 2020, resulting in many lupus patients unable to source the drug. There were also reports of overdoses as individuals sought to self-medicate with the drug to treat the virus. Once Trump declared himself a proponent of hydroxychloroquine, scientific inquiry into the drug was eclipsed by an overtly partisan debate. An analysis by Media Matters found that Fox News had promoted the drug 109 times between 23 and 25 March 2020, with other right wing media outlets following suit. The drug was further amplified and politicised by conservative public figures including Trump’s attorney Rudy Giuliani, who claimed on 27 March 2020 that “hydroxychloroquine has been shown to have a 100% effective rate in treating COVID-19”, and Brazil’s President, Jair Bolsonaro, who shared a Facebook post on 8 July 2020 admitting to taking the drug to treat the virus: “I’m one more person for whom this is working. So I trust hydroxychloroquine”. In addition to these conservative political figures endorsing hydroxychloroquine, on 27 July 2020 the right-wing syndicated news outlet Breitbart livestreamed a video depicting America’s Frontline Doctors – a group of physicians backed by the Tea Party Patriots, a conservative political organisation supportive of Trump – at a press conference outside the US Supreme Court in Washington. In the video, Stella Immanuel, a primary care physician in Texas, said “You don’t need masks…There is prevention and there is a cure!”, explaining that Americans could resume their normal lives by preemptively taking hydroxychloroquine. The video was retweeted by public figures including President Trump and Trump’s son Donald Trump Jr., before going viral reaching over 20 million users on Facebook. The video explicitly framed hydroxychloroquine as an effective “cure” for COVID-19 suppressed by “fake doctors”, thereby transferring it from potential treatment to a conspiracy object. These examples not only demonstrate the role of prominent public figures in amplifying conspiratorial claims about hydroxychloroquine as an effective cure for COVID-19, they reveal how these figures converted the drug into an “article of faith” divorced from scientific evidence. Consequently, to believe in its efficacy as a cure for COVID-19 demonstrated support for Trump and ideological skepticism of the scientific and medical establishment. Ivermectin, the “Miracle Cure” Ivermectin followed a different amplification trajectory. The amplifying process was primarily led by influencers in alternative media spaces and those associated with the IDW, many of whom position themselves in contrast to the mainstream media and politics. Despite scientists conducting clinical trials for ivermectin in early 2020, the ivermectin conspiracy peaked much later that year. On 8 December 2020, the pulmonary and ICU specialist Dr. Pierre Kory testified to the US Senate Committee about I-MASK: a prevention and early outpatient treatment protocol for COVID-19. During the hearing, Kory claimed that “ivermectin is effectively a ‘miracle drug’ against COVID-19”, which could end the pandemic. Kory’s depiction of ivermectin as a panacea, and the subsequent media hype, elevated him as a public figure and led to an increase in public demand for ivermectin in early 2021. This resulted in supply issues and led some people to seek formulations of the drug designed for animals, which were in greater supply and easier to access. Several months later in June 2021, Kory’s description of ivermectin as a “miracle cure” was amplified by a series of influencers, including Bret Weinstein and Joe Rogan, both of whom featured Kory on their podcasts as a key public figure in the fight against COVID Conspiratorial associations with ivermectin were further amplified on 9 July 2021 when Bret Weinstein appeared on Fox Nation's Tucker Carlson Today claiming he had “been censored for raising concerns about the shots and the medical establishment's opposition to alternative treatments”. The drug was embroiled in further controversy on 1 September 2021 when Joe Rogan shared an Instagram post explaining that he had taken ivermectin as one of many drugs to treat the virus. In the months that followed, Rogan featured several controversial scientists on his podcast who implied that ivermectin was an effective COVID “cure” suppressed as part of a global agenda to promote vaccine uptake. These public figures included Dr Robert Malone, an American physician who contributed to the development of mRNA technology, and Dr Peter McCullough, an American cardiologist with expertise in vaccines. As McCullough explained to Rogan in December 2021: it seemed to me early on that there was an intentional very comprehensive suppression of early treatment in order to promote fear, suffering, isolation, hospitalisation and death and it seemed to be completely organised and intentional in order to create acceptance for and then promote mass vaccination. McCullough went on to imply that the pandemic was planned and that vaccine manufacturers were engaged in a coordinated response to profit from mass vaccination. Consequently, whereas conservative public figures, such as Trump and Bolsonaro, played a primary role in amplifying the hype around hydroxychloroquine as a COVID cure and embroiling it in a political and conspiratorial narrative of collusion, influencers, especially those associated with alternative media and the IDW, were crucial in amplifying the ivermectin conspiracy online by platforming controversial scientists who espoused the drug as a “miracle cure”, which could allegedly end the pandemic but was being suppressed by the government and medical establishment. Debunking Debunking processes refuting the efficacy of these drugs as COVID “cures” contributed to the amplification of these conspiracies. In April 2020 the paper endorsing hydroxychloroquine that Trump tweeted about a week earlier was debunked. The debunking process for hydroxychloroquine involved a series of statements, papers, randomised clinical trials and retractions not only rejecting the efficacy of hydroxychloroquine, but suggesting it was unsafe and had the potential to cause harm (Boulware et al.; Mehra; Voss). In April 2020, the FDA released a statement cautioning against the use of hydroxychloroquine for COVID-19 outside of a hospital setting or a clinical trial due to risk of heart rhythm problems, and in June the FDA revoked its emergency use authorisation to treat COVID-19 in certain hospitalised patients. The debunking process was not limited to fact-based claims, it also involved satire and ridicule of those endorsing the drug as a treatment for COVID-19. Given the politicisation of the drug, much of this criticism was directed at Trump, as a key proponent of the drug, and Republicans in general, both of whom were cast as scientifically illiterate. The debunking process for ivermectin was similarly initiated by scientific and medical authorities who questioned the efficacy of ivermectin as a COVID-19 treatment due to reliability issues with trials and the quality of evidence (Lawrence). In response to claims that supply issues led people to seek formulations of the drug designed for animals, in April 2021 the FDA released a statement cautioning people not to take ivermectin to prevent or treat COVID-19: While there are approved uses for ivermectin in people and animals, it is not approved for the prevention or treatment of COVID-19 … . People should never take animal drugs … . Using these products in humans could cause serious harm. The CDC echoed this warning, claiming that “veterinary formulations intended for use in large animals such as horses, sheep, and cattle can be highly concentrated and result in overdoses when used by humans”. Many journalists and Internet users involved in debunking ivermectin reduced the drug to horse paste. Social media feeds debunking ivermectin were filled with memes ridiculing those consuming “horse dewormer”. Mockery of those endorsing ivermectin extended beyond social media, with the popular US sketch comedy show Saturday Night Live featuring a skit mocking Joe Rogan for consuming “horse medicine” to treat the virus. The skit circulated on social media in the following days, further deriding advocates of the drug as a COVID cure as not only irresponsible, but stupid. This type of ridicule, visually expressed in videos and Internet memes, fuelled polarisation. This polarisation was then weaponised by influencers associated with the IDW to sell ivermectin as a “miracle drug” suppressed by the medical and political establishment, thereby embroiling the drug further in conspiracy (Baker and Maddox). This type of opportunistic marketing is not intended for a mass audience. Instead, audiences are taking advantage of what Crystal Abidin refers to as “silosociality”, wherein content is tailored for specific subcommunities, which are not necessarily “accessible” or “legible” to outsiders (Abidin Refracted Publics 4). This dynamic both reflects and reinforces the audience segmentation that occurs in the current media ecology by virtue of alternative media with mockery and ridicule strengthening in- and out-group dynamics. Conclusion In this article we have traced how hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin moved from promising potential COVID-19 treatments to objects tainted by conspiracy. Despite common associations of conspiracy theories with the fringe, both the hydroxychloroquine and ivermectin conspiracy theories emerged in the mainstream, amplified across mainstream social networks with the help of influencers and public figures whose claims were further amplified by the news media commenting on their apparent endorsement of these drugs as COVID cures. Whereas hydroxychloroquine was politicised as a result of controversial public figures and right-wing media outlets endorsing the drug and the conspiratorial narrative espoused by America’s Frontline Doctors, notably much of the conspiracy around ivermectin shifted to alternative media spaces amplified by influencers disillusioned with the mainstream media. We have demonstrated how debunking processes, which sought to discredit these drugs as potential treatments for COVID-19, often ridiculed those who endorsed them, further polarising discussions involving these treatments and pushing advocates to the extreme. By encouraging proponents of these treatments to retreat to alternative media spaces, such as podcasts and newsletters, polarisation strengthened in-group dynamics, assisting the ability for opportunistic influencers to weaponise these conspiracies for social, economic, and political gain. These findings raise important questions about how to effectively counter conspiracies. 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