Journal articles on the topic 'Syntagme adjectival'

AbstractThis paper describes attribution in Old Babylonian. The principles drawn upon are the traditional view of Akkadian syntax, modern Semitic syntax, and the principles of European structuralism. Bringing all these together, while exemplifying and proving previous unexplained statements by using Old Babylonian material, renders the whole issue tangible for every linguistically-oriented reader. ša syntagms are described, each component separately, as a pronominal construct nucleus with an attribute; this attribute is either a nominal or a clause. ša syntagms, being appositive to a referent substantive (when occurring), are in the same paradigm with adjectives, which are shown to have the same components as ša syntagms: a pronominal nucleus, an attribute and the attributive link between them.

The article studies functional and semantic peculiarities of derivative adjectives with suffixes -ьн- and -ьск- from chronicles. The character of substantival adjectival syntagmas being the main unit of Old Russian texts has been analyzed. Reference field of different characteristics which are important for medieval languages has been revealed. Spheres of functioning of two sets of the most productive suffixes have been defined. These are sets which take part in formation of characteristic culture space. Adjective units are researched with the help of semantic cognitive method in a functional and cultural perspectives. As a result lexical and grammatical semantics of adjectives ending in -ьн- and -ьск- in Old Russian have been revealed as well as the main groups of derivative bases, and most frequent syntagmas with these types of adjectives have been described.

AbstractIn the majority of Greek compounds the head occurs on the right. Within this system, a number of left-oriented categories are tolerated, chiefly preposition- and verb-first compounds, but also a handful of minor groups. This article aims to provide a more thorough appraisal of a specific subtype of left-oriented compounds: those showing an adjectival head (type ισóεoς, αξιoλoγoς, etc.). It first provides an overview of the various types of left-oriented compounds in Greek (section 2). It then assesses the claim that adjectival left-oriented compounds derive from left-oriented syntactic phrases by supplying a full corpus of such forms, and comparing them to existing syntagms of the type adjective plus noun (section 3). The subsequent sections investigate the autonomous morphological reasons behind the left-headedness of such compounds, which the syntactic model does not adequately explain. Section 4.1 addresses the question of why such compounds could not have been right-oriented. Section 4.2 identifies the morphological features which—as in the case of prepositional compounds—characterise adjectives in left-oriented compounds, and are largely responsible for their placement on the left.

The main concern of this paper is a word-formation and semantic analysis of compound adjectives used by Tomo Maretic in his translation of the 12. to 15. part of Homer’s poem Iliad. The aim of this research is to determine the motivation, formation and frequency of these adjectives as well as to determine the dominant procedure of the translator. The central chapters, rich in events and characters, are expected to be abound in various adjectival compounds as well. 51 example has been excerpted. In order for the analysis to be more precise, all adjectives have been classified in four groups on the basis of the type of the word the first constituent of the compound belongs to. Compound adjectives where the adjectival base occupies the first place are the most numerous, then the ones whose base is nominal, and then those that contain an adverb, while only two adjectives in the first part have number. Connecting vowel -o- is dominant, but the suffixes are also not rarely found (-ø and -an/-ni). For this reason, 90% of the material has been obtained by compound-suffixal formation, and only five adjectives by composition (for example gromoglasan, krvavocrven). With regard to the meaning, most adjectives describe heroes and gods from Iliad. Some compound adjectives obtain lexicalized meaning (for example vetronog), whereas the majority retains the semantics of its constituents. The research of frequency indicates the repetition of the analized examples within Homer’s poem (brzonog has been found 110 times). The analysis has also shown Maretic’s process of connecting an adjectival compound to a certain noun, and in this way repeating them as a syntagm.

This paper raises and discusses the relation of antonymy in adjectives. Antonymy is considered to play an important role in organizing mental lexicon. This relation defined often in logical terms stands for paradigmatic relation, as presented in WordNet. However, the category of antonymous adjectives can depend on more than just the semantic qualities of a word. It is often highly context dependent. Adjectives have different interpretation depending on the noun they modify — it is no surprising that they produce different antonyms in different contexts. On the basis of few examples of investigations of antonymy, this paper argues that antonymy is not only a paradigmatic but also a syntagmatic relation. The paradigmatic-syntagmatic distinction is not always relevant to all antonymous adjectives.

The connection between lexical syntagms and functional-stylistic orientation in the Publicistic Prose is more evident due to adjectives ending in -able which, in fact, realize the category of the probability of the action. The wide use of lexical syntagms in the Publicistic Prose leads to stylistic marking and endows these units with a distinctive stylistic feature.

AbstractMultiple varieties of Arabic attest a definite noun + adjective syntagm in which only the adjective is marked morphologically with the article, e.g., Lebanese bēt iz-zġīr “the small house”. The feminine ending *-ah is everywhere realized -(v)t, e.g., Baghdadi sint il-māḍye “last year”. Most have assumed that it was originally appositional, and re-analysed as a construct, prompted perhaps by the loss of case (Hopkins 1984; Pat-El 2017). A few scholars (Reckendorf 1921; Retsö 2009) have argued that this syntagm was originally construct. In this article I draw on relevant Arabic data, including parallels with dialectal tanwīn, as well as comparative Semitic evidence, to argue that this syntagm is, diachronically and synchronically, one of apposition and not annexation. I propose that the feminine -at here represents a retention of proto-Arabic *-at, which was protected by the close relationship between a noun and following attribute. I conclude with a discussion of historical and comparative implications.

Le présent article a un double objectif. Tout d'abord, il vise à déterminer le rapport entre la construction nominale N dit + complément et le verbe dire. L'étude de 270 occurrences tirées des journaux Le Monde et Libération amène à conclure qu'il existe deux types formels correspondant à deux schémas valenciels du verbe dire, à savoir dire + complément d'objet, où le verbe dire a un sens métalinguistique, et dire + complément d'objet + attribut de l'objet. Les occurrences du corpus relèvent à plus de 99 pour cent du premier type. La deuxième partie de l'étude vise à mettre au jour le rôle discursif de la construction. Celui-ci est étroitement lié au statut du sujet sous-jacent du verbe dire.

The article discusses the syntactic, semantic, prosodic, and sociolinguistic features of the contemporary Hebrew construction of the type ‘a beauty of a girl,’ in general N1of N2, known asquality pseudo-partitive(also asbinominal noun-phrase). In this construction, N1is a nominalized adjective and N2is the head. Semantically the syntagm is evaluative, either positively or negatively. The article examines the claim that the construction, first documented in 1928, emerged as an internally caused change, and concludes from the evidence that the construction was calqued from contact languages (English, French, German, Yiddish, and Judeo-Spanish).

The research deals with the essence of text-forming aspects of structural types of secondary nomination in French poetic texts. The aesthetic directions of development of French culture of the XVII century are described. It is assumed that in the French literature of the period of Preciosity in the basis of secondary nominative activity rest cognitive mechanisms of knowledge of contemporary realities and their styling in art speech of the authors of the mentioned times. For the disclosure of cognitive-pragmatic mechanisms of secondary nomens to denote objects of reality, displayed in French precious literature, a comprehensive methodology has been developed that was proved effective in determination of structural-semantic types of secondary nomination with their varieties and performance in the works of Pierre de Marbeuf, Vincent Voiture, Claude de Malleville, Madeleine de Scudéry. A new criterion for the typification of secondary units according to their belonging to the grammatical or lexical-semantic level of the language has been proposed. Structural types of secondary nomination (grammatical anaphora) relate to the grammatical process of repetition of a word, phrase, or syntagm using a secondary nomen (anaphora). Pronoun, noun, adjectival, adverbial, verbal (simple, complex) and propositional structural types of secondary nomens are traced out. They are classified into such kinds as exact, inexact, conceptual, divergent, associative and zero ones. The semantic types of the secondary nomination are united by the common principle of creation: associative thinking and expressive-figurative content. Among them stand out the stylistic anaphora, metaphor (announced/explicit, direct/pure, developed, proportional, dead, contextual), metonymy and periphrasis.A lexical analysis of specific types of secondary nouns, such as nouns, pronouns, adjectives, verb anaphors and their varieties in the poetry of the brightest representatives of the Precision period is also presented. The functions and purpose of the use of the studied means by the mentioned authors are clarified.

It has been proposed that there is a universal principle of grammar denying access to phonological information by syntactic rules (in English, the Principle of Phonology-Free Syntax). This paper examines three cases in French that appear to falsify this principle: (i) the claimed relevance of syllable count in describing the placement of attributive adjectives; (ii) mention of consonantality in stating the agreement rule for adverbial TOUT; and (iii) preposition choice (e.g. EN vs. AU) with geographical proper names. We show using independent evidence that the analyses employing phonology-sensitive syntax are wrong and that the prediction of the universal principle is correct.

This article is devoted to a new phenomenon in modern Russian language. Earlier, a native speaker of Russian chose a noun case form depending on the “requirements” of the grammatically dominant word. Nowadays, more and more often, a native speaker chooses a noun case taking into account the influence of several words included in its lexical and grammatical environment. The article discusses in detail all the potential elements of the lexical and grammatical environment of a noun that can influence on the choice of its case form, and provides facts of their consolidated or contradictory influence, which creates a choice problem. The lexical and grammatical environment of a noun potentially includes a controlling word, homogeneous terms of a sentence and generalizing word for them, a preposition that can be combined with several case forms, an adjective, participle or number dependent on the noun, as well as other nouns nearby. Each of the elements of the environment influences the choice of case in its own way, so the speaker often chooses a case form incorrectly. The phenomenon illustrates the antinomy of language: 1) being singled out as part of a syntagm, a linguistic expression seeks to expand its existence at the expense of other linguistic expressions; 2) being singled out as part of a syntagm, a linguistic expression is subjected to pressure from neighboring linguistic expressions.

Le présent article consiste en une étude de la construction détachée en français au prisme de sa traduction en norvégien par des apprenants de niveau B1. Plus précisément, nous nous pencherons sur les cas de syntagmes adjectivaux et participiaux en constructions détachées. En inscrivant leur description théorique dans le cadre formel de Combettes (1998, 2005), nous nous attarderons sur deux aspects de ces structures – le repérage référentiel et la relation sémantique – autant de potentiels défis à la compréhension de l’apprenant. Une enquête établie en deux temps (tests 1 et 2) constituera ensuite l’empirie de nos analyses. Dans une démarche de recherche-action, à partir des descriptions théoriques fournies, nous dresserons un inventaire des écueils syntaxiques et sémantiques sur lesquels se heurtent les étudiants dans leurs traductions. Ce répertoriage mettra en exergue les différences d’emplois fondamentales entre le norvégien et le français et nous guidera vers une conclusion contrastive didactique à l’intention des apprenants.

Summary This paper deals with syntax and semantics of french predicative noun phrases, i.e noun phrases whose head is a predicative noun. A predicative noun is a noun that can be derived from a verb (construction) or an adjective (difficulté) or is a noun that occurs in support verb constructions (effet). We formulate a set of hypothesis for distinguishing predicative nouns from non predicative ones. We show the most important properties of predicative noun phrases, study the syntax of main constructions, and propose a logic semantic representation for them.

The relevance of the proposed study arose from the necessity to define the correlation between the morphologic and syntactic categories of the verb; disclose the functional characteristics of this part of speech that defines the structure of the sentence, the implementation of word formation intentions of the word and construction of the text as an integral unit of the communicative syntax. The article observes the major types of predicates, existing in Modern Greek. The author has coined the lexical content, morphological arrangement as well as the syntactic behavior of objective syntaxemes. At the semantic and syntactic level, the objective syntaxemes hold the position of right-sided strongly controlled member of the sentence. Prototype objective syntaxeme is the causative with a categorical seme expressing motivation of occurrence of the signs of substances. In Modern Greek, causative verbs are represented by the verbs of one lexeme; the verbs of different lexemes; the verbs created using word-formation instruments. Causatives represented by the verbs of one lexeme are interpreted by author as verbs with the variable valence. Verbs with the variable valence include those in which the morphological form itself creates the transitive and intransitive constructions without changing its voice affiliation Word-formation transformative of verbs with the variable valence is represented by the adjective-based and noun-derived verbs. This description enables the preparation of the functional grammar of Modern Greek, which is an urgent task of Modern hellinistic. In common language sense, the interpretation of the study results is important to identify the correlation between the semantic and syntactic structure of the sentence, to determine the semantic types of predicates and to classify the objective syntaxemes.

La liaison de l'adjectif sur le nom en français relève pour l'essentiel de la morphologie et de la syntaxe. Seules étudiées ici, les formes de liaison du masculin singulier (FLMS) constituent l'un des éléments du paradigme flexionnel de l'adjectif. Un adjectif peut être défectif à la FLMS ou prendre une FLMS supplétive. Les formes régulières, quant à elles, résultent de l'interaction de deux contraintes partiellement contradictoires : une FLMS doit, autant que faire se peut, 1) recourir au thème utilisé au masculin et 2) se terminer par une consonne. D'où, en cas de conflit, diverses stratégies consistant à retenir le thème utilisé au féminin (ex. SOT, FLMS: /sǎt/), à privilégier le thème du masculin (ex. SOT, FLMS : /so/), ou à munir ce dernier de la consonne finale du thème du féminin (ex. SOT, FLMS : /sot/). Les FLMS sont choisies non pas en vue de fournir une attaque à la syllabe initiale du nom qui suit, mais simplement sélectionnées par une classe de noms déclencheurs de liaison qui ne se laisse pas définir en termes purement phonologiques. Les " liaisons à distance " que l'on observe lorsque deux adjectifs coordonnés sont préposés au nom (cf. un bel et charmant enfant), même quand la conjonction commence par une consonne (cf. un bel, mais chétif, enfant) montrent suffisamment que la sélection des FLMS est une opération syntaxique et non phonologique. Ce sont aussi des contraintes syntaxiques qui expliquent la répartition des cas d'enchaînement et de non-enchaînement lorsque l'adjectif est séparé du nom par une rupture intonative et une pausule (cf. j'en ai un petit, t-éléphant vs j'en ai un bel, éléphant). Dans ce contexte, l'adjectif devrait apparaître à la fois sous sa forme liée en tant qu'il est prénominal et sous sa forme libre devant la rupture intonative. Dans tous les cas, c'est la FLMS qui est sélectionnée, mais, lorsque celle-ci inclut strictement la forme libre (cas de /pǎtit/, forme libre /pǎti/), l'enchaînement permet de satisfaire en même temps la contrainte requérant la présence de la forme libre devant la rupture intonative. Ces enchaînements ne sont en aucun cas l'indice d'un statut spécial - phonologique ou morphologique - des " consonnes de liaison ". Curieusement, on constate toutefois qu'au sein des coordinations adjectivales, la phonologie joue à l'occasion un rôle dans la sélection des FLMS : celles-ci sont proportionnellement moins nombreuses devant consonne que devant voyelle, mais plus nombreuses quand leur présence permet d'éviter un double hiatus.

The aim of this paper is to show what sort of translation problems appear in the adjective-substantive collocations in Polish and German. A special class of collocations is represented by lexicalised and idiomatised syntagmas. These units include characteristic attributive perspectives specified by the two languages and the two culture communities. This phenomeneon refers to conventional valuing, attributions and métaphorisations of concepts represented in substantives used. In this way collocations form and fix the cultural profiles of reality. Because of that they can be regarded as cognitive formulas which need to be reprofiled in a concrete translation process through their projection on the target language and culture. As a result of these cognitive and linguistic operations the translator identifies the convergences and divergences as determined by the language system and the text between both the two languages. He secondly constructs equivalent attributive profile of the concept transferred into the target text, thus guaranteeing the reciprocity of perspectives between both of the texts. The essay classifies the cases and types of disparities between Polish and German adjeck-tive-substantive collocations, showing how they can be reprofiled according to linguistic and cultural requirements of the target text. This class of translation problems is only a subfield of the larger domain, but the main mechanism of the important translation transfer can be already demonstrated and exemplified basing on these specific translation units.

The paper points at the imprecision of the hitherto prevailing etymology of S-Cr. novac ?money? as an univerbization departing from the adjective nov ?new?, through an undated and undefined *novi penez /dinar. After a review of previous interpretations and the corpus of lexicographic attestations of the noun novac, the areal distribution of its earliest Croatian and Serbian attestations (from the 16th and 17th centuries respectively), as well as the 18th century Sln. novz ?nummus ungaricus? is taken as an indication of Hungarian source of influence. Hence the nomination impulse is found in Latin, the official language in medieval Hungary, where in some 15th century legal documents from the Zagreb court the syntagm novorum denariorum (Gen. pl.) occurs simultaneously and synonymously with the nominalized adj. novos (Acc. pl.). The semantic borrowing into local Slavic novac /novec ?new coin (initially 1/100 of a dukat)?, evolves into ?coin of small value? and eventually, through a negative phrase nemati ni novca ?to be broke? (lit.: ?to have not a single penny?) into ?money (in general); wealth?. In both meanings it entered the vernaculars of the entire Stokavian territory (some time during the 18th century), which is reflected in folk poetry, paremiology, etc. The term novac has suppressed the previously widespread Slavic term penezi /pjenezi /pinezi and entered a co-existence with the Turcism para f. ?coin?, pare pl. ?money? which lasts into this day. Since the nomination from the adj. nov is unique among standardly known terms for money (cf. Buck s.v.), a precious onomasiological parallelism to this formation is discovered in Serb. dial. novica ?a Turkish 20 gr coin?, ?a fake coin?.

E. A. Baratynsky’ influence on the 20th-century Russian philosophical lyrics is undeniable. The syntax used by the «poet of thought» demonstrates a tendency towards complication and archaization over time, which generally contradicts the aspirations for the democratization of the poetic syntax that emerged in the Karamzin era. The complexity of the syntactic structure in the poet’s search for a «metaphysical» language is achieved not by increasing the number of complex structures, which make up half of the sentences used by Baratynsky, but rather by saturating sentences with various kinds of clauses (participial, adverbial participial, adjective, noun, adverbial, infinitive) that complicate the model by conjunctive syntagms (prepositional-nominal, comparative, conjunctive), parentheses, vocatives, segments of the «nominative of the theme» type. In an effort to preserve the continuity of poetic traditions for a thoughtful, attentive reader, Baratynsky resorts to archaizing the syllable at the lexical and grammatical levels and, in particular, to using absolute clauses. Complex constructions often accompany iambic trimeter, trisyllabic metres, variable-foot verses consisting of longer and shorter lines characterised by changing the order of stress. Sentences with cumbersome isolated clauses are typical for iambic and dactylic hexameter, metres with a connotation of «high» genres. A more complex syntactic structure is observed in polymetric and variable food poems. The added complexity of syntax in long-sized verses is achieved not by increasing the number of parts of complex structures, but rather by adding clauses and homogeneous parts of the sentence. Large stanza forms are frequently divided into several simple sentences of two or three lines in length. The tradition of poetic rhythm requires a coincidence of the boundaries of quatrain and sentences – their symmetry; therefore, in quatrains, similar to couplets, the occurrence of complex and compound structures is much higher. Free stanza or the lack of stanza division additionally complicates the syntax.

The Dongxiang language, spoken in Southern Gansu province in the People’s Republic of China, is a Mongolic language that has been in contact with Linxianese, a neighboring Chinese dialect. These contacts have induced massive phonological and lexical changes in the Dongxiang language, but only a few syntactic changes due to the influence of Linxianese can be traced. In this paper, I describe and analyze two particular cases of the grammatical function expansion of two suffixes, -ni and -ji, used with ­adjectives in Dongxiang. From those examples, I try to show that there is a difference between two phenomena present in the Dongxiang language, one being closer to a calque and the other closer to grammaticalization, and eventually metatypy. I also describe a hypothetical borrowing process reflecting the grammatical integration of these two suffixes. La langue dongxiang, parlée dans le sud du Gansu en République Populaire de Chine, est une langue mongolique qui a été en contact avec le dialecte chinois voisin de Linxia. Celui-ci a influencé la langue dongxiang sur le plan phonologique et lexical de façon importante alors que la syntaxe ne semble pas avoir été autant influencée. Dans cet article, je décris et analyse deux suffixes, -ni et -ji, utilisés avec des adjectifs, dont les fonctions se sont étendues sous l’influence du linxianais. A partir de ces exemples, j’essaye de montrer qu’il existe deux phénomènes distincts, l’un se rapprochant du calque et l’autre de la grammaticalisation, et éventuellement de la métatypie. Je tente également de décrire le processus d’emprunt possible qui reflète l’intégration grammaticale des deux suffixes dans la langue dongxiang.

The syntagm à propos de X can syntactically function two ways: on a cline from left to right, one goes from no integration (with the indexation of à propos de X; it has a thematic reading and is a marker of thematization) towards a maximum integration (when the syntagm depends on another morphosyntactic element; it has an 'about', a causal or a temporal reading and is not a marker of thematization). This integrative scale allows hypothesizing that indexing à propos de X against the remaining proposition gives this syntagm a textual function as it provides an interpretative background for the proposition. Within the sentence, analysis suggests it is difficult to index à propos de X. However, analysis also shows that indexing à propos de X is possible when providing sentences, where à propos de X is integrated, with a context and when indexing this syntagm. A textual perspective modifies the grammatical judgments made in the sentence, makes the examples sufficient and also underlines that the maker of thematization à propos de X is potentially integrative and oppositive. The detachment of à propos de X does not mean however that the syntagm is systematically a thematic introducer. To determine when it is the case in examples where i) à propos de X is detached and ii) where a noun, a verb or an adjective combines with a complement, this paper introduces a saturation principle.

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