Dissertations / Theses: 'Syntax of auxiliary verbs'

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Sookgasem, Prapa. "Morphology, syntax and semantics of auxiliaries in Thai." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185107.

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This dissertation presents a study of three linguistic areas--morphology, syntax and semantics--of what have traditionally been called auxiliaries or auxiliary verbs in Thai, but what I call temporal verbs. My morphological analysis offers answers to long-term questions: What is the grammatical category of temporal verbs? What is the structure of sequences of these elements? And how are their syntactic discontinuities to be handled? My syntactic analysis investigates all possible positions of temporal verbs in both Subject-Verb-(Complement) and Verb-Subject-(Complement) sentences (Sookgasem 1989). Using Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (Pollard & Sag 1987) for my analysis, I focus on three interesting points: First, a problem with the Head Feature Principle when describing a temporal verb in a sentence. Second, a problem with the linear order of the VP constituent in the Verb-Subject-(Complement) constructions of temporal verbs. And third, a position of some temporal verbs in relation to part of its VP complement. For the semantic analysis of temporal verbs, I focus on the temporal interpretation of the Future and Aspect verbs. I argue that Thai is a tense language. To support this, I analyse Aspect in Thai and examine tense interpretation in simple sentences and all types of complex sentences. Based on the evidence, I propose a tense system in Thai. I provide definitions of Reference Time and Tenseness. I propose a Tense Assigner Hierarchy, a relation named Overlap, a semantic model for tense interpretation, and the truth conditions for tensed sentences and clauses. To provide an accurate account of tense interpretation in Thai, I analyse eventualities which include Activities, Accomplishments, Achievements and States.

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Juodytė, Lina. "Pusiau pagalbinių veiksmažodžių vaidmuo šiuolaikinėje prancūzų kalboje semantikos ir sintaksės požiūriu." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2010. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2010~D_20100707_114719-27530.

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Pusiau pagalbinio veiksmažodžio vaidmuo šiuolaikinėje prancūzų kalboje semantikos ir sintaksės požiūriu yra labai ženklus, nes pusiau pagalbiniai veiksmažodžiai yra dažni ir grožinėje literatūroje, ir dokumentiniame žanre, ir buityje. Kalbininkų požiūris į pusiau pagalbinius veiksmažodžius skiriasi tik dėl paties pavadinimo: pusiau pagalbiniai, veikslo, pagalbiniai veikslo veiksmažodžiai, modaliniai veiksmažodžiai, veiksmažodžių junginiai, tačiau visi kalbininkai sutaria, kad pagalbiniai veiksmažodžiai prancūzų kalboje skiriasi nuo pagalbinių veiksmažodžių tuo, kad jie išsaugo didesnę ar mažesnę semantinės reikšmės dalį ir padeda išreikšti tuos niuansus, kurių neįmanoma išreikšti morfologinėmis formomis. Tai ir yra pusiau pagalbinių veiksmažodžių vaidmuo semantikos požiūriu. Sintaksės požiūriu pusiau pagalbiniai veiksmažodžiai sudaro nedalomą junginį su tariniu, todėl yra sudėtinė tarinio dalis, kuri paklūsta visoms tradicinės gramatikos taisyklėms: yra asmenuojama, kaitoma laikais, asmenimis, derinama su skaičiumi, gimine ir tt.
Semi-auxiliary verb's role in modern French syntax and semantics is very significant because the semi-auxiliary verbs are quite frequent in literature as well as periodicals. All the linguists agree on the fact, that auxiliary verbs or pure modals do not contain any semantic meaning and serve just for grammatical purposes to express future or past times and semi-auxiliary verbs in French do contain some part of its semantic meaning and have some serious impact on the main verb. Linguists’ approaches differ only in the denomination as a semi-auxiliary or auxiliary of aspect, auxiliary aspect verbs, modal verbs, verbs compounds and so on. The semi-auxiliary verbs role consists of its semantic sens as well as its syntactic functions, as semi-auxiliary verbs tend to express the shadings of a verb, that can’t be translated by morphological means and morphological forms. On the syntactic point of view, semi-auxiliary verbs form with the infinitive an integrated combination of the predicate. It is an integral part of the predicate, where the semi-auxiliary acts as a regular verb under all rules of grammar: changes in accordance with person, singular or plural, gender, mode, time etc.
Le rôle du verbe semi-auxiliaire dans le français contemporain du point de vue sémantico- syntaxique est très important, puisque les verbes semi auxiliaires sont fréquents en belles lettres ainsi que les périodiques et le quotidien. Les approches des linguistes envers le verbe semi-auxiliaire ne diffèrent qu’en dénomination : semi-auxiliaire, auxiliaire d’aspect, les aspectuels, les modaux, causatifs, perceptifs, périphrases verbales etc. Tous les linguistes soulignent que le verbe auxiliaire est dépourvu de tout sens, et le verbe semi-auxiliaire en garde une partie sémantique plus ou moins grande. Les semi-auxiliaires aident à exprimer les nuances quand les formes morphologiques ne peuvent pas les couvrir. Le verbe semi-auxiliaire est étroitement lié à l’expression de l’aspect. Le rôle sémantique des verbes semi-auxiliaires consiste à apporter des nuances au verbe principal ou même détourner son sens, tandis que le rôle syntaxique est plus concret et consiste à précéder et faire partie intégrante du prédicat et .

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Lunguinho, Marcus Vinicius da Silva. "Verbos auxiliares e a sintaxe dos domínios não-finitos." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8139/tde-19062012-134154/.

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Esta tese oferece uma análise para os verbos auxiliares em geral e para os auxiliares do português em particular. A nossa proposta é a de caracterizar universalmente os verbos auxiliares como uma classe de elementos verbais que apresentam as seguintes propriedades: pertencem à categoria verbal, apresentam um traço verbal não-valorado [uV], não atribuem papel temático e compõem, juntamente com o verbo principal, um mesmo domínio oracional. A presença do traço [uV] na estrutura dos verbos auxiliares tem como consequência o fato de esses verbos selecionarem uma projeção verbal como complemento. Dentro dessa projeção estará o alvo que vai valorar esse traço não-interpretável por meio da operação Agree (Chomsky 2000, 2001). A postulação dessas quatro propriedades nos permitiu a derivação de critérios de auxiliaridade, uma reinterpretação dos critérios comumente propostos na literatura. Com esse trabalho, chegamos a uma lista de oito critérios necessários e suficientes para a definição de um verbo como auxiliar no português. Da aplicação desses critérios resultou a composição dos membros da classe dos verbos auxiliares do português: ser, ter, estar e ir. Para a análise das passivas, foi adotado o sistema de derivação por smuggling, sugerido por Collins (2005) e o auxiliar ser foi analisado como um verbo funcional que valora o traço [perfectivo] do particípio passivo. Apontamos para a existência de um outro tipo de passiva, as passivas não-canônicas, que apresentam como traço característico a presença do verbo auxiliar ter. Argumentamos que esse verbo é um produto computacional que resulta da combinação dos traços do auxiliar ser com os traços do núcleo funcional v*. Na análise dos auxiliares ter perfectivo e estar progressivo, adotamos uma postura decomposicional, tal como proposta por Kayne (1993), que deriva esses verbos a partir da incorporação de elementos preposicionais aos traços de um verbo auxiliar abstrato. Com isso, temos três verbos auxiliares que resultam da computação sintática: o auxiliar passivo ter, que é a realização dos traços [vSER v*], o auxiliar perfectivo ter, que realiza os traços [vAUX PDEPOIS] e o verbo auxiliar progressivo estar, cujo conjunto de traços inclui [vAUX PDENTRO]. Por fim o auxiliar ir é tratado como um núcleo modal que, em combinação com os traços do núcleo T, gera a interpretação de futuro.
This dissertation puts forward an analysis of auxiliary verbs in general, and of Portuguese auxiliary verbs in particular. The proposal is to universally characterize auxiliary verbs as a class of verbal elements which (i) belong to the verbal category ; (ii) have a unvalued verbal feature [uV] ; (iii) do not assign theta roles ; and (iv), together with the main verb, compose one single phrasal domain. The presence of [uV] guarantees that the auxiliary verb will select a verbal projection as its complement, within which is the target that will value the uninterpretable [uV] feature by means of the operation Agree (Chomsky 2000, 2001). The four characteristics proposed to describe auxiliary verbs allowed for the derivation of criteria of auxiliarity, a reinterpretation of the criteria usually discussed in the literature. Eight necessary and sufficient criteria define an auxiliary verb in Portuguese. The composition of THE Portuguese auxiliary class with its four members ser, ter, estar and ir resulted from the application of these eight criteria. Passives were analysed by means of the smuggling system, proposed by Collins (2005) and the auxiliary ser was considered to be a functional verb which values the [perfective] feature of the passive participle. A non-canonical passive was found to co-exist with canonical passives, one which shows the auxiliary ter. We argue that ter is the computational product of features of the auxiliary ser with features of the functional node v*. For the analysis of perfective ter and progressive estar, we have adopted a decompositional view along the lines of Kayne (1993), which derives these verbs from the incoporation of prepositional elements to the features of an abstract auxiliary verb. So, three of the Portuguese auxiliary verbs result from syntactic computation: passive ter is the manifestation of the features [vSER - v*]; perfective ter is the manifestation of the features [vAUX - PDEPOIS]; and progressive estar includes the features [vAUX - PDENTRO]. And the auxiliary verb ir is treated as a modal head, which, when combined with features of the head T, generate a future reading.

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Oger, Kimberly. "La grammaire de DO et ses emplois dans l'anaphore verbale." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL121.

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Cette thèse propose une étude transversale des principales réalisations de DO dans l'anaphore verbale en anglais, à savoir : do this/that/it, do so, ellipse post-auxiliaire (EPA) et DO britannique. Chaque anaphorique fait l'objet d'une étude approfondie fondée sur un échantillon de plusieurs centaines d'occurrences authentiques prélevées dans le BNC et le COCA, ainsi que le corpus de Bos & Spenader (2011). Plusieurs variables sont analysées, notamment le registre, la nature grammaticale de DO, les propriétés sémantiques et syntaxiques du déclencheur d'antécédent, l’identité de sujet et d'état de choses, les alternances de polarité, de modalité, d'aspect, de temps et de voix ainsi que la présence éventuelle d'adjoints contrastifs ou non contrastifs.Une attention particulière est portée au DO britannique, c'est-à-dire l'emploi de formes non finies de DO anaphorique essentiellement limité au registre conversationnel de l'anglais britannique, qui n'a jamais fait l'objet d'une étude empirique auparavant. A partir d’un échantillon de 483 occurrences prélevées dans la composante orale du BNC et vérifiées systématiquement à l'écoute, cette étude met en lumière certaines caractéristiques socio-culturelles et situationnelles qui favorisent son utilisation, en plus de ses propriétés linguistiques et discursives. Ainsi, cette étude aboutit à la conclusion que le DO britannique constitue une réalisation particulière de l'EPA, qui met en œuvre des formes non finies du DO auxiliaire
This dissertation presents research across the main types of verb-phrase anaphora involving DO, viz. do this/that/it anaphora, do so anaphora, post-auxiliary ellipsis (PAE) and British English DO. Each anaphor underwent close analysis based on a sample of several hundreds of occurrences retrieved from the BNC and the COCA, as well as Bos & Spenader's (2011) corpus. Different variables were studied including register, the grammatical status of DO, semantic and syntactic properties of antecedent triggers, identity of subjects and states of affairs, the presence or absence of contrastive and non-contrastive adjuncts, as well as polar, modal, aspectual, temporal and voice alternations.One item of particular interest involves British English DO which bears a strong resemblance to PAE, except that it involves non-finite forms of DO and is generally restricted to British conversational English. Unlike PAE, British English DO has never before been the focus of study based on empirical data. In this research, 483 naturally-occurring examples taken from the Spoken component of the BNC as well as the accompanying metadata and recorded material were fully examined. Sociolinguistic and situational information was investigated, as were the linguistic properties and discourse conditions that make the use of British English DO felicitous. The result has led to a far better understanding of the phenomenon. In particular, it was found that British English DO can be considered a sub-type of PAE, which involves non-finite forms of auxiliary DO

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Pinon, Catherine. "La nébuleuse de kān : classification des différents emplois de kāna/yakūnu à partir d'un corpus d'arabe contemporain." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM3078/document.

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Ce travail a pour objet d'étudier les emplois du verbe-outil kāna en arabe contemporain. 1ère partie : nous commençons par faire la synthèse des descriptions de kāna chez les grammairiens arabes et arabisants, en nous intéressant au contenu de ces descriptions ainsi qu'à leur forme et à leur adéquation avec la langue décrite. 2ème partie : pour travailler sur la langue contemporaine, nous optons pour la méthodologie de la linguistique de corpus. Après une discussion théorique et un état de la recherche en linguistique de corpus appliquée à la langue arabe, nous réfléchissons à l'élaboration de notre propre corpus, un corpus numérique, multigénérique et diatopique d'arabe contemporain écrit non dialectal. Comprenant 1,5 millions de mots, il contient à part égale des textes écrits après 2002 provenant de trois genres (blogs, littérature, presse) et de sept pays (Arabie Saoudite, Égypte, Liban, Maroc, Syrie, Tunisie, Yémen). 3ème partie : nous classifions les 15 000 occurrences du verbe kāna extraites de notre corpus et analysons leurs emplois. Nous quantifions les différents types d'emploi, de structures et d'expressions en nous efforçant de dégager les valeurs portées par ce verbe, en particulier les valeurs modales. Nous plaçons cette étude dans le cadre d'une écologie de la langue en étudiant le milieu diatopique et générique duquel les occurrences proviennent
This dissertation studies the various uses of the verb-tool kāna in contemporary Arabic. Part I. We start by reviewing how kāna has been described by Arab grammarians and Arabic specialists. We look at both content and form, evaluating the extent to which these descriptions conform to the language they describe. Part II. In order to examine the contemporary Arabic language we chose to use the corpus linguistics methodology. After outlining some theoretical considerations and providing a state of the art in corpus linguistics applied to the Arabic language, we discuss the constitution of our own corpus. This digital corpus includes three types of texts (blogs, literature, press) from seven different countries (Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Lebanon, Morocco, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen). Numbering altogether 1.5 million words, the texts were all published after 2002. Part III. We classify 15,000 instances of kāna and analyze their uses. We quantify the various functions, patterns and expressions through which kāna is deployed, seeking to identify the values conveyed by the verb, especially modal values. We locate this study within an ecology of language by scrutinizing the diatopic and generic settings of the various occurrences

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Bukhari, Nadeem Haider. "The syntax of serial verbs in Gojri." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.500946.

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Arad, Maya. "VP-structure and the syntax-lexicon interface." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287217.

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Chaphole, Solomon Rampasane. "A study of the auxiliary in Sesotho." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/15827.

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Bibliography: pages 208-219.
The Auxiliary is a sadly neglected field of study in Southern African languages. The study investigates the syntactic and semantic behaviour of Auxiliaries in Sesotho. Having established that there is a category AUX in Sesotho, we then developed a descriptive framework in which auxiliaries in Sesotho participate. In this framework we posit as basic the three grammatical-semantic categories of verb phrases, namely, Tense, Aspect and Modality. The next major step was to develop formal tests which we used as defining characteristics for auxiliaries. We had to do this because the formal tests developed for English, for instance, do not work for Sesotho. The data used in this study represents samples of Sesotho as spoken by the native speakers. This work makes contributions in two areas. First, to language studies in Southern Africa and then to general linguistic theory. Since Tswana, Northern Sotho and Southern Sotho form one language group predict that the formal 'tests' we have suggested can be applied in the two Sotho languages as well. As far as Aspect, Tense and Modality are concerned, it is where this study makes a major contribution. Nowhere in Sesotho grammatical studies has either a tense or aspectual system of Sesotho been suggested or discussed. Modality has not even been referred to. In this regard the study is breaking new ground. We hope that a fresh debate will be initiated leading to vibrant discussions on comparative work. A number of studies on syntactic typology have been made. This study affords Sesotho its rightful place in the AUX debate.

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Wurmbrand, Susi. "The Syntax of Valuation in Auxiliary-participle Constructions." University of Arizona Linguistics Circle, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/253431.

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This paper proposes that syntactic dependencies are established through Reverse Agree, a feature valuation dependency in which unvalued features are licensed (i.e., valued) by the closest c-commanding element with the appropriate valued feature. I illustrate that this view, in contrast to standard Agree or licensing under specifier-head agreement, provides a unified account of the morphological and syntactic properties of a series of Germanic parasitic participle constructions, which, so far, have been assumed to be unrelated.

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Tamrazian, Armine. "The syntax of Armenian : chains and the auxiliary." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1994. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317710/.

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The purpose of this thesis is to provide an analysis for the behaviour of the auxiliary verb in Focussed, Interrogative, Indefinite and Negative structures in Armenian. In chapter 1, a brief introduction is given to the properties of the language in general including word order, island effects and the data concerning auxiliary 'movement' . The auxiliary in Armenian always follows the focussed or Wh-Phrase. Negation and indefinites also trigger auxiliary movement in this language. In declaratives the auxiliary follows the verb. On the other hand there is evidence to show that elements which are followed by the auxiliary are in situ. The question that arises here is how can the auxiliary appear on these elements if they are in situ? The answer to this question is given in the next chapter. The Armenian data are then compared to some data from Basque which seems to have similar focus- and Wh-constructions. It is then argued that the analysis given by Laka for the Basque data in 'Negation in Syntax' cannot account for the Armenian data because Basque has overt focus movement whereas Armenian has only auxiliary movement. In chapter 2, Chomsky's minimalist theory and Brody's Lexico-Logical Form theory are summarized. It is then argued that by using Brody's LLF theory, the Armenian data can be explained in a principled way. A structure for the Armenian clauses is introduced in this chapter and, on evidence from indefinites and case theory, it is argued that although Armenian is an SOV language, it has a head initial IP and VP. This follows from Kayne's 'Antisymmetry in Syntax' where it is argued that all languages are head initial. In chapter 3, multiple Wh constructions are analyzed. A summary of Rudin's 'On Multiple Questions and Multiple WH Fronting' article is given, and the Armenian data are compared with data from some of the Slavic languages which Rudin deals with. It is then argued that in Armenian Wh constructions and Focussed constructions are subcases of the same process. Evidence is then provided to show that in Armenian Wh-phrases must be licensed as [+f] elements and partial 'Wh-movement' is a result of this licensing requirement. In chapter 4, indefinites and negative structures are analyzed. It is argued that the cliticization of the auxiliary onto the indefinite takes place because indefinites do not get case although they may appear in the spec of AGROP. For negative constructions, it is argued that because negation is a [+f] element it must have the auxiliary cliticized onto it like all other [+f] elements. Finally it is argued that the the reason why the auxiliary follows negation and precedes the verb has to do with the fact that the heads involved in creating this structure do not 'move' head to head. Evidence is then given to show that it is possible to have such structures without violating the ECP.

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Gibson, Hannah Cameron. "Auxiliary placement in Rangi : a dynamic syntax perspective." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2012. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/16637/.

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The Tanzanian Bantu language Rangi is unusual in that it exhibits a construction in which an infinitival verb form precedes an inflected auxiliary. This ordering of the infinitive with respect to the auxiliary is marked within the context of East African Bantu. It also contradicts Greenberg's (1963) proposed linguistic universal that Subject Verb Object languages exhibit auxiliary-infinitive order. Whilst the infinitive precedes the auxiliary in main declarative clauses, auxiliaryinfinitive order is found in negative, interrogative and cleft constructions, as well as in relative and subordinate clauses. This thesis examines infinitive-auxiliary order in Rangi, providing a detailed description of the structure and contexts in which the construction is used. Based on this, a formal analysis is developed from the perspective of Dynamic Syntax (Kempson et al. 2001; Cann et al. 2005b) - a framework which models the establishment of propositional structure by focusing on the dynamics of the parsing/production process in a time-linear manner. The infinitive-auxiliary order is captured by adopting an analysis in which infinitival verb forms are projected onto an unfixed predicate node. In contrast, auxiliaries project fixed minimal predicate-argument structure and introduce temporal information. The alternation auxiliary-infinitive order is subsequently analysed as resulting from the presence of an unfixed node. The analysis presented depends on the independent restriction operative in the Dynamic Syntax framework under which two unfixed nodes of the same modality cannot co-exist. This restriction is the result of the two nodes being defined identically in terms of tree logic. The presence of an unfixed node is taken as a trigger for the auxiliary-infinitive order, whilst the infinitive-auxiliary order is found in the absence of this trigger. A formal definition of the rule of PREDICATE ADJUNCTION is presented. The analysis provides further support for the availability of the building and re-building of the same structure within a semantic tree which is permissible in Dynamic Syntax. The thesis interrogates the extent to which similar syntactic contexts can be seen to motivate, and inform, distributional properties of similar (and distinct) elements in languages in unrelated language families.

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Durbin, John R. "Modal verbs and aspect the event structure in syntax /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3215194.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Germanic Studies, 2006.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-04, Section: A, page: 1313. Adviser: Rex A. Sprouse. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed May 14, 2007)."

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COSTA, IGOR DE OLIVEIRA. "PLURAL CLIMATE VERBS IN BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE RELATIVE CLAUSES: SYNTAX AND PROCESSING." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2013. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=23890@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Esta dissertação aborda um fenômeno pouco estudado do Português Brasileiro (PB): o caso dos verbos meteorológicos (v.g. chover, ventar, nevar, trovejar) flexionados no plural em aparente concordância com um tópico de natureza locativa/temporal, especialmente em contextos sintáticos de orações relativas. Esses verbos são investigados à luz de uma proposta de integração entre a teoria linguística de vertente gerativista e modelos procedimentais de natureza serial, a qual tem caracterizado as pesquisas desenvolvidas no Laboratório de Psicolinguística e Aquisição da Linguagem da PUC-Rio (LAPAL). A concordância entre sujeito e verbo é um processo robusto nas línguas naturais e a não compatibilidade entre as marcas de número desses elementos é comumente associada, nas pesquisas que abordam o assunto, aos chamados lapsos de concordância. A fim de investigar se verbos plurais nessas estruturas não passam de instâncias encontradas ao acaso, foram inicialmente, realizados, em ambiente controlado, dois experimentos: um de produção eliciada e um de compreensão envolvendo leitura automonitorada. Os resultados indicam (i) que verbos meteorológicos no plural, quando em orações relativas cortadoras, são efetivamente produzidos por falantes de PB; e (ii) que os falantes de PB não são sensíveis, na compreensão, a tais marcas plurais, num indicativo de que a concordância entre verbo e um locativo/temporal faria parte da gramática da língua, não se configurando como lapso de concordância. Lapsos, segundo resultados do experimento de produção eliciada, poderiam ser postulados apenas para o caso das sentenças relativas padrão. Propostas gerativistas para a caracterização da gramática do PB são consideradas a fim de se prover, a partir delas, uma análise integrada que possa explicar o fenômeno sob investigação. Essa análise é compatível com os resultados de um terceiro experimento, de julgamento de gramaticalidade em tarefa de leitura automonitorada. Verificou-se a taxa de aceitabilidade para verbos meteorológicos no singular e no plural, contrastada a de outros três tipos de verbos (inergativos, inacusativos monoargumentais e inacusativos biargumentais), sempre em orações relativas cortadoras. Os resultados indicam que os verbos meteorológicos se distinguem dos verbos inergativos (que não aceitam concordância com o tópico locativo/temporal) e se aproximam dos verbos inacusativos (que efetivamente licenciam a concordância com tópico). Os lapsos associados a relativas padrão e a concordância com verbos meteorológicos em relativas cortadoras sao explicados à luz do Modelo Integrado da Computação On-Line (MINC), desenvolvido no âmbito das pesquisas do LAPAL. Considera-se que a concordância dos verbos meteorológicos com tópico faria parte da gramática inovadora do PB, podendo-se explicar os resultados experimentais segundo a noção de uma gramática nuclear na qual haveria uma periferia marcada.
This dissertation addresses a recently attested phenomenon in Brazilian Portuguese (BP): plural agreement between climate verbs (v.g. chover, ventar, nevar, trovejar) and locative/temporal topics within relative clauses. This phenomenon is investigated in the light of a proposal that aims at integrating generative linguistics and psycholinguistics procedural models, a line of investigation that has characterized the research developed at the Laboratory of Psycholinguistics and Language Acquisition at PUC-Rio (LAPAL). Subject-verb agreement is a robust process in natural languages and failures in the implementation of agreement have been treated in the psycholinguistics literature in terms of speech errors, not related to grammar knowledge. In order to investigate if agreement with climate verbs is occasional or licensed by the rules of BP, two experiments were initially conducted: an elicited production study and a self-paced reading test. The results indicate that (i) speakers really produce plural climate verbs in the context of relative clauses and (ii) the BP speakers accept the occurrence of these verbs in the plural within relative clauses (specially within non-standard relatives), what favors analysing it as a grammar option and not a mere speech error. Generative proposals are considered in order to provide an integrated analysis that can explain the phenomenon under investigation. This analysis seems to be consistent with the results of a grammaticality judgment task realized as part of a self-paced reading experiment. The rate of acceptability for climate verbs in the singular and plural has been contrasted to the rate of other three types of verbs (unergative, monoargumental and biargumental unaccusative verbs), always in the context of relative clauses. The results indicate that climate verbs differ from unergative ones (which will not allow agreement with locative / temporal topics) and are similar to unaccusative verbs (which effectively license agreement with a topic). The results are explained in the light of an Integrated Model of On- Line Computation (MINC). It is considered that plural agreement of climate verbs with a topic would be compatible to the notion of a core grammar with a marked periphery, characterizing an innovative BP grammar.

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McCarthy, Diana. "Lexical acquisition at the syntax-semantics interface : diathesis alternations, subcategorization frames and selectional preferences." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340804.

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Kiraz, Meryem. "A Construction Grammar Approach to How Turkish Learners of English Use Auxiliary Verbs in Terms of Tense, Aspect and Voice." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1279589745.

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Arambarri, Jesús. "Der Wortstamm "hören" im Alten Testament : Semantik und Syntax eines hebräischen Verbs /." Stuttgart : Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35558255q.

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Hirsch, Nils. "German psych verbs – insights from a decompositional perspective." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/19574.

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Diese Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit psychologischen Verben, d.h. Verben, die dadurch charakterisiert sind, dass eines ihrer Argumente Träger eines psychischen Prozesses (Experiencer) ist. Diese ‚Psych-Verben’ nehmen seit mindestens 30 Jahren eine zentrale Rolle in linguistischen Diskussionen zu Syntax, Semantik und deren Schnittstellen ein und werden häufig als eine besondere Verbklasse mit spezifischen (Psych-)Eigenschaften angesehen. Dabei ist nicht nur die Analyse dieser Verben, sondern bereits ihre korrekte empirische Charakterisierung Auslöser starker Kontroversen in der Literatur. Der erste Teil dieser Arbeit widmet sich deshalb der Untersuchung der empirischen Eigenschaften von Objekt-Experiencer-Verben wie Agentivität, aspektuelle Eigenschaften, Passiv sowie ihrem Verhalten in Bezug auf eine Reihe anderer grammatischer Phänomene. Ein Fokus liegt dabei auf dem Vergleich von Verben, die basierend auf derselben Wurzel unterschiedliche Formen bilden wie z.B. ärgern/verärgern/sich ärgern, wundern/verwundern/sich wundern etc. Die Ergebnisse der empirischen Untersuchung zeigen, dass weder ObjExp-Verben noch Experiencer eine homogene Gruppe mit kohärenten Eigenschaften darstellen. Folglich können Psych-Verben nicht als eine einheitliche (besondere) Gruppe von Verben analysiert werden, da ihre Eigenschaften zu unterschiedlich sind und sie vielmehr in verschiedene Verbgruppen fallen. Im theoretischen Teil der Arbeit wird deshalb eine dekompositionelle Analyse im Paradigma von Distributed Morphology vorgeschlagen, die die unterschiedlichen Gruppen von Psych-Verben als solche analysiert und ihre Eigenschaften auf der Basis allgemeiner grammatischer Prinzipien (aspektuelle Eigenschaften sowie Präsenz/Absenz eines externen Arguments) erklärt, und besonders die stativen Kausativa diskutiert. Als Resultat muss konstatiert werden, dass ‚Psych-Verben’ als grammatisch relevante Gruppe nicht existieren, sondern diese Verben vielmehr unterschiedlichen bekannten Verbmustern folgen.
This thesis is concerned with German psychological verbs, i.e. verbs characterized by the fact that one of their arguments is associated with a psychological process. These psych verbs have been prominent in linguistic discussion on syntax, semantics, and their interfaces for at least 30 years, and are often considered to form a special group of verbs with specific ‘psych properties’. Not only the theoretical analysis but also the correct characterization of their empirical properties is a matter of controversy in the literature, and no consensus has been established with respect to either. Therefore, in the first part of this thesis, the empirical properties of object-experiencer verbs such as agentivity, aspectual properties, passive, and the behaviour of these verbs with respect to a number of other grammatical phenomena are examined. Special focus is placed on alternating verbs formed on the basis of the same Root, such as e.g. ärgern/verärgern/sich ärgern, etc. The results of the empirical analysis show that neither ObjExp verbs nor experiencers form a homogeneous group with coherent properties. On the contrary, these verbs fall into several different groups of verbs with clearly different properties. Consequently, psych verbs cannot be analysed as one (special) group of verbs. The theoretical part of this thesis therefore puts forward a decompositional analysis couched in the paradigm of Distributed Morphology, which analyses the different psych verbs as different groups of verbs, and explains their properties as the consequence of general grammatical principles (their aspectual properties, and the presence/absence of an external argument), not special psych properties. The discussion of stative causative ObjExp verbs plays a major part. As a result, the conclusion has to be drawn that ‘psych verbs’ do not constitute a grammatically relevant (special) group of verbs, but that these verbs follow different general patterns known from the study of other verbs.

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Kovitz, David Immanuel. "Looking into phrasal verbs." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2362.

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The phrasal verb is a unique type of verb phrase that consists of a main verb, usually of only one or two syllables, followed by a particle, that works as a single semantic unit. Such meaning, however, is characteristically expressed in idomatic terms, which poses a formidable problem for students of English as a second language. To be understood, this meaning must be figuratively interpreted as well as literally translated.

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Brody, Parker. "INFERENTIAL-REALIZATIONAL MORPHOLOGY AND AFFIX ORDERING: EVIDENCE FROM THE AGREEMENT PATTERNS OF BASQUE AUXILIARY VERBS." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/ltt_etds/2.

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“No aspect of Basque linguistics has received more attention over the years than the morphology of the verb.” (Trask 1981:1) The current study examines the complex morphological agreement patterns found in the Basque auxiliary verb system as a case in point for discussion of theoretical approaches to inflectional morphology. The traditional syntax-driven treatment of these auxiliaries is contrasted with an inferential, morphology-driven analysis within the Paradigm Function Morphology framework. Additionally, a computational implementation of the current analysis using the DATR lexical knowledge representation language is discussed.

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Poortvliet, Marjolein. "Perception and predication : a synchronic and diachronic analysis of Dutch descriptive perception verbs as evidential copular verbs." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:71136ea5-67a8-4a76-ad8d-e0c26e820c45.

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Descriptive perception verbs have failed to receive a uniform analysis in previous verb classifications (cf. Chomsky 1965, Rogers 1974, Hengeveld 1992, Levin 1993, Van Eynde et al. 2014). This thesis argues that the descriptive perception verbs in Dutch (i.e. eruitzien 'look', klinken 'sound', voelen 'feel', ruiken 'smell', and smaken 'taste') should be classified as copular verbs, much like lijken 'seem' and schijnen 'seem'. This classification is supported by both the synchronic and diachronic behaviour of these verbs in Dutch. Synchronically, proposing that Germanic copular verbs (as opposed to copulas) are defined by their syntax rather than their (empty) semantics, I discuss that the Dutch descriptive perception verbs behave like stereotypical copular verbs: they require a predicative complement, usually in the form of an adjective. Semantically, the Dutch descriptive perception verbs are much like the copular verbs blijken 'turn out', lijken 'seem' and schijnen 'seem' in terms of epistemicity and evidentiality. Diachronically, I hypothesize that the Dutch descriptive perception verbs have evolved from one of the following two origins: either from intransitive verbs (as is the case for klinken and ruiken), much like English remain, through grammaticalization processes of semantic bleaching and reanalysis; or from cognitive perception verbs (as is the case of eruitzien and voelen), as found in Latin, Japanese and Zulu, through the process of argument reordering. The origin of smaken is not clear, and is left for future research. I show that other Germanic evidential copular verbs (i.e. lijken, schijnen 'seem', scheinen 'seem', seem) have developed diachronically in a uniform fashion, suggesting the following grammaticalization path: from a lexical verb to a copular verb, to taking a that-complement, an infinitival complement or a like-complement, and eventually being used in parenthetical constructions. The results of this thesis indicate that the Dutch descriptive perception verbs are only at the beginning of this grammaticalization path, but are on their way to becoming grammaticalized evidential copular verbs.

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Caines, Andrew Paul. "You talking to me? : zero auxiliary constructions in British English." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609153.

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Colasanti, Valentina. "Romance morphosyntactic microvariation in complementizer and auxiliary systems." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/288229.

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This thesis describes and analyses patterns of complementation and auxiliation in the languages spoken in an understudied area of Italy, namely Southern Lazio. From a descriptive perspective, this thesis serves to document several severely endangered Romance languages spoken in the Italian peninsula. In so doing, several previously undocumented complementizer and auxiliary systems are illustrated for the first time. From a theoretical perspective, this thesis accounts for the patterns of variation found in these auxiliary and complementizer systems. Traditional descriptions of Italo- Romance treat these systems as entirely unrelated. Indeed, to date, no previous study has compared the distribution of complementizers and auxiliaries in Italo-Romance to investigate similarities and correspondences between them. This dissertation takes the original step of demonstrating that the distribution of particular auxiliary systems correlates with the distribution of particular complementizer systems, offering, in turn, an integrated and complementary theoretical analysis of both phenomena.

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Cole, Douglas James. "Lao serial verb constructions and their event representations." Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2197.

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This dissertation is an investigation of serial verb constructions in Lao (Tai-Kadai, SVO) and the events that they encode. Serial verb constructions (SVCs), structures where multiple verbs appear in a single clause, raise several important questions for syntactic theory. One issue is how the verbs are related; proposals involving coordination (Payne 1985), subordination (Collins 1997), and adjunction (Hale 1991; Muansuwan 2002) have all been made, while others have made a case for unorthodox double-headed structures (Baker & Stewart 2002; Baker 1989). Additionally, the argument sharing seen in SVCs is seemingly incompatible with proposed constraints on theta-role assignment, such as the Theta-Criterion (Chomsky 1981) or the Biuniqueness Condition (Bresnan 1980). In this thesis I describe new data from the Lao language focusing on two subtypes of SVC that Stewart (1998) calls consequential SVCs (CSVCs) and resultative SVCs (RSVCs). I propose a generative analysis of these structures where an event head licenses a complex VP containing multiple verbs where the object is thematically related to the complex VP rather than the individual predicates. Evidence for the event head comes from a modified version of the explicit segmentation task (Zacks et al. 2001). During the experiment, participants were instructed to divide video clips into events. When participants saw a CSVC before the video, they divided the action sequence depicted by the CSVC into fewer events than when participants saw a coordinated construction before the video. These results suggest that seeing the SVC prompted the participants to group the target sequence of events in the videos together as a larger macro-event, supporting the claim that SVCs encode a single event (contra Foley 2010). These data also support the proposal that events are conceptualized at the clausal level, rather than at the verbal level, which is in line with proposals from Evans (2010), Jackendoff (1991), and Pustejovsky (1991).

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Adéwọlé, Lawrence Olufemi. "The categorial status and the functions of the Yoruba auxiliary verbs with some structural analyses in GPSG." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25364.

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Miura, Ayumi. "Middle English verbs of emotion and impersonal constructions : a diachronic study of the syntax-semantics interface." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.549055.

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This thesis investigates the under-discussed question of why certain verbs are attested in impersonal constructions in the history of English while others are not, even though they look almost synonymous (e.g. LIKE and LOATHE: impersonal; LOVE and HATE: non-impersonal). By carefully studying the behaviour of impersonal verbs and near-synonymous non-impersonal verbs, this thesis attempts to identify factors that determined the presence, absence and spread of impersonal usage with Middle English verbs of emotion and demonstrates that we can make reasonable generalisations about when the usage was licensed. The first chapter provides an overview of previous studies, with special reference to different syntactic-semantic definitions and classifications of 'impersonals'. The next chapter considers possible methodological approaches for this thesis by reviewing several case studies of near-synonymous verbs in early English. It also discusses causation and aspect, two of the crucial concepts in the literature on psych-verbs in modern languages. The third chapter introduces the _Historical Thesaurus of the Oxford English Dictionary_, whose categorisations were adopted in this thesis. On the basis of the definitions provided in dictionaries of Old and Middle English, Chapter 4 examines how impersonal usage rose and spread in each of the seven _HTOED_ 'Emotion' categories which include impersonal verbs. Common semantic characteristics of these verbs are then established. Verbs of Fear and Anger turn out to have parallel histories in that they first developed impersonal usage in early Middle English and that the usage shifted around the fourteenth century from verbs with a certain sense of stimulus to those which expressed general fear and anger. No such systematic change is observed with the other categories, though some of them experienced minor development around the same time. Chapter 5 carefully analyses the data in the relevant entries of the _Middle English Dictionary_ according to five factors, namely causation, aspect, constructional patterns, animacy of the Target of Emotion and argument alternation. Each of these factors has an effect: most of the impersonal verbs of emotion are causative and stative, while some non-impersonal verbs are non-causative or non-stative. These two sets of verbs are also sometimes distinguished by the availability of Experiencer-subject passive constructions and apparent cases of the conative alternation. A number of impersonal verbs favour inanimate Targets, while some frequent non-impersonal verbs do not. The final chapter concludes that the use or non-use of Middle English verbs of emotion in impersonal constructions was affected by causation, transitivity and animacy of the Target of Emotion, the first two of which undergo diachronic transitions. The findings in this thesis are shown to receive support in the definitions and classifications of emotions in psychology.

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Parkes, Bridget Parkes. "IS VERB NETWORK STRENGTHENING TREATMENT (VNeST) EFFECTIVE AT A LOWER DOSAGE?" Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/441075.

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Communication Sciences
M.A.
When delivering intervention to an individual with aphasia, clinicians must provide services that are grounded in evidence-based practice and show evidence of generalization of skills outside of therapy. Verb Network Strengthening Treatment is a straightforward treatment approach that requires inexpensive materials, making it possible to implement in various clinical settings in compliance with time allotted by insurance companies. The present study uses a single subject ABA design to investigate if the findings of Edmonds, Nadeau, & Kiran (2009) can be replicated when VNeST is administered using a lower dose of VNeST. Based on VNeST’s promotion of widespread activation of the semantic and syntactic network, it was predicted that reducing the dose of treatment would result in generalization to untrained items, as evidenced through weekly administration of probes and standardized testing. Results following treatment supported the hypothesis, however the effects of treatment were smaller than that of the original protocol.
Temple University--Theses

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Chan, Hoi Fung Fonnie. "A contrastive study in Cantonese and English modality by analyzing the modal auxiliary, ho yi 可以." HKBU Institutional Repository, 1998. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/103.

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Lorusso, Paolo. "Verbs in child grammar the acquisition of the primitive elements of the VP at the syntax-semantics interface." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/283726.

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Un tema en l'estudi de l'adquisició del llenguatge que ha atret molt l'atenció és la naturalesa dels primers verbs. Als 2 anys, els nens comencen a combinar paraules i a produir els primers verbs. Els elements verbals apareixen més tard que els substantius i es refereixen als conceptes relacionals en el món que estan representats a la sintaxi a través de l'estructura argumental. Aquesta tesi té com a objectiu examinar les característiques de les primeres produccions verbals en italià. L'aparició dels verbs implica el domini d'un procediment d'assignació dels papers semàntics a les posicions sintàctiques. El tema objecte d'estudi té conseqüències no només per a la descripció de l’evolució de l'adquisició del lèxic, sinó també per a la definició d'un model general de la interfície entre la sintaxi i la semàntica lèxica en les primeres etapes. La proposta és que les característiques sintacticosemàntiques estan actives en la gramàtica del nen a l’hora de determinar la derivació oracional. Els verbs impliquen significats estructurals i idiosincràtics: mentre que el significat estructural es deriva dels marcs sintàctics (del nombre i característiques dels arguments) en què un verb pot aparèixer, el significat idiosincràtic es troba en les relacions en el món que cada arrel verbal denota. L'arquitectura de la interfície sintaxi-semàntica dels verbs implica un procediment de projecció des d'uns marcs sintàctics a moltes relacions en el món i viceversa. El significat estructural dels primers verbs s’explora mitjançant una anàlisi de la distribució dels arguments manifestos i dels auxiliars en un corpus de parla espontània de nens i adults. Els resultats mostren que les classes lèxiques dels verbs influeixen en la distribució dels subjectes nuls i en l'elecció de la posició oracional en la qual els subjectes s'expressen. Les classes de verbs són rellevants també per a la selecció i la distribució dels auxiliars: els nens seleccionen correctament els auxiliars en funció de la informació lèxica sintàctica codificada en els SV. Quan apareixen els primers verbs, els nens estan aprenent alhora les derivacions sintàctiques que impliquen el SFlexió i les projeccions del SComplementador. Es troben algunes diferències entre la gramàtica del nen i la dels adults en els dominis sintàctics utilitzats per a la expressió dels subjectes a la interfície sintaxi-fonologia: un spell-out inicial més baix pot dificultar les derivacions sintàctiques que impliquen les projeccions oracionals on es comproven els trets semàntics del discurs com a Tòpic i Focus. S’han dissenyat dues tasques experimentals per tal d’observar els efectes de la presència d'un objecte explícit dins el SV en la determinació de la lectura aspectual. La interacció entre l'aspecte perfectiu codificat en el pretèrit perfet (passato prossimo) i l'aspecte lèxic dels SV s’ha investigat en el context de la producció i comprensió dels temps compostos perfectius. Els resultats mostren que els nens no utilitzen el pretèrit perfet amb tots els verbs com els adults: la informació aspectual codificada en el SV, tant la que afecta el significat estructural vinculat a la projecció dels objectes com la que afecta el significat idiosincràtic de l'arrel verbal, influeix en la comprensió infantil de la morfologia aspectual perfectiva fins a l'edat de 7 anys. Les principals conclusions d'aquest treball mostren que les relacions en la interfície sintaxi-semàntica ja estan ben establertes quan els nens produeixen els primers verbs i tenen influència en la distribució dels arguments implícits, en la posició oracional dels arguments explícits i en la interpretació aspectual. Si bé no podem determinar si l’adquisició dels primers verbs està desencadenada per la representació sintàctica o semàntica, sí que podem argumentar que tant els significats estructurals com els idiosincràtics que estan codificats en els SV estan actius en les diferents etapes de l'adquisició d'una llengua.
An issue in the study of language acquisition that has attracted much attention is the nature of early verbs. At around the age of 2, children start to combine words and to produce the first verbs. Verbal items appear later than nouns and refer to the relational concepts in the world that are represented in syntax through the argument structure. This dissertation aims to examine the features of the first verbal productions in Italian. Since the appearance of verbs implies the mastery of a procedure of mapping between syntactic positions and semantic roles, the topic under examination has consequences not only for the description of the timeline of the acquisition of the lexicon, but also for the definition of a general model of the interface between syntax and lexical semantics in the early stages. The proposal is that syntactic-semantic features are at work early in child grammar in determining the clausal derivation. Verbs involve structural and idiosyncratic meaning: while structural meaning is derived by the few syntactic frames (number and features of the arguments) which a verb can appear in, idiosyncratic meaning is given by the relations in the world that each verbal root denotes. The architecture of the syntax-semantics interface for verbs implies a mapping procedure from few syntactic frames to many relations in the world and/or vice versa. The structural meaning of early verbs is explored through an analysis of the distribution of the overt arguments and the auxiliaries in a corpus of spontaneous speech of children and adults. The results will show that the lexical classes of verbs influence the distribution of null subjects and the choice of the position in which the subjects are expressed in the sentences. Verb classes also seem at work in the selection and the distribution of the auxiliaries: children properly select auxiliaries depending on the lexical-syntactic information encoded in the VP layer. At the age of the appearance of the first verbs, children are simultaneously learning the syntactic derivations that involve the IP and the CP layers. Some differences between child and target grammar are found in the syntactic domains used for the spell-out at syntax-phonology interface: a lower initial spell-out domain may disfavor the derivations to high clausal positions where scope discourse semantic features like Topic and Focus are checked. Two experimental tasks are designed to observe the effects of the presence of an overt object in the VP in determining the aspectual reading. The interaction between the perfective aspect encoded in the present perfect (passato prossimo) and the lexical aspect of the VPs is investigated in the production and comprehension of perfective compound tenses. The results show that children do not use the present perfect with all verbs like adults: the aspectual information encoded in the VP, both the structural meaning linked to the projection of the objects and the idiosyncratic meaning of the verbal root, influences children’s understanding of aspectual perfective morphology till the age of 7. The main conclusions of the present work show that the relations at syntax- semantics interface are already well established when the first verbs are uttered by children and influence the pattern of distribution of overt/null arguments, the clausal derivation to scope-discourse semantic position, and the aspectual interpretation. While we cannot determine whether the first verbs are bootstrapped by the semantic or the syntactic representations, we can argue that both the structural and idiosyncratic meanings encoded in the VPs are at work in the different stages of acquisition of a language.

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Davis, Henry. "The acquisition of the English auxiliary system and its relation to linguistic theory." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26987.

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This thesis explores the connection between linguistic theory, as embodied in a version of the Government - Binding (GB) model of syntax, and the parameter-setting theory of language acquisition. In Chapter 2, it is argued that by incorporating the criterion of epistemological priority, syntactic theory can move closer towards becoming a plausible model of language acquisition. A version of GB theory is developed which adopts this criterion, leading to several modifications, including the derivation of X-bar theory from more "primitive" grammatical sub-components, and a revision of the Projection Principle. This model is converted into a procedure for phrase-structure acquisition, employing sets of Canonical Government Configurations and Percolation Principles to map Case- and θ-relations onto phrase-structure trees. The chapter ends with a discussion of the "missing-subject" stage in the acquisition of English. Chapter 3 concerns auxiliaries. It is argued that parametric variation in auxiliary systems can be reduced to levels of association between INFL and V. The question of irregularity is dealt with through the Designation Convention of Emonds (1985), which makes a distinction between open- and closed- class grammatical elements, and a Parallel Distributed Processing model of learning. The last part of the chapter investigates the learning of the English auxiliary system, and in particular the errors known as "auxiliary overmarking". Chapter 4 investigates the syntax of Subject Auxiliary Inversion (SAI)-type rules. An account of inversion is developed based on the theory of predication, in which inversion-inducing elements are treated as "A'-type" subjects which must be linked to AGR in order to satisfy conditions on Predicate-licensing. A parametrization is developed based on the cross-linguistic examination of SAI-type rules. Chapter 5 concerns the acquisition of SAI. It is argued that there are no invariant "stages" in the development of inversion; rather, a proportion of children misanalyze (WH + contracted auxiliary) sequences as (WH + AGR-clitic) sequences and formulate grammars in which SAI is unnecessary. A "two-tiered" theory of syntactic acquisition is proposed to account for the observed developmental patterns.
Arts, Faculty of
Linguistics, Department of
Graduate

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Kyncl, Jaroslav. "Semi-lexical heads in Czech modal structures." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/33738.

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This thesis argues for a semi-lexical interpretation of Czech modal verbs. It demonstrates that Czech modals participate in syntactic structures that contain a finite verb followed by multiple infinitives (verb clusters), such as Jan musel chtít začít studovat lingvistiku ‘John had to want to begin studying linguistics.’ The term Complex Verbal Domain (CVD) is devised for the verbal part of these structures. The analysis seeks to offer a unified account of modal verbs in Czech in respect of their subcategorization frame in the Lexicon and semantic properties (‘modal meaning’). It also attempts to clarify the confusion regarding modal verbs and modality in traditional Czech grammars by shifting the attention from pragmatics to an approach based on recent development of generative syntax (Chomsky 1998, 2000, 2001). Following the examination of syntactic behaviour of Czech modals in the CVD structure, the thesis proceeds to modify Emonds’ (1985, 2000) theory of semilexicality. This approach assumes that Czech modals are neither fully functional (due to properties such as rich morphological paradigm, ability to undergo Negation, Reflexivization and PF movement), nor fully lexical (they are unable to take clausal complements and distinguish between aspectual pairs). The semi-lexical analysis also shows that there is evidence for the existence of two types of Czech modals, True modal verbs (TMVs) and Optional modal verbs (OMVs). Whilst the former cannot nominalize or denote events, but are able to convey epistemic meaning, the latter undergo nominalization and are capable of event denotation, but do not attain epistemic reading. The semi-lexical properties of both TMVs and OMVs are syntactically reflected in their specific subcategorization frame X, +MODAL, +mod, +__ [V, INF]. The cognitive syntactic feature +MODAL cospecifies the syntactic derivation of Czech modal verbs in the ‘light’ vº, which takes an infinitival VP as a complement. Therefore, I argue that the CVD is syntactically vP. If the original CVD structure involves multiple infinitives (Jan vPmusí VPchtít(INF) začít(INF) číst(INF) tu knihu ‘John has to want to begin reading that book’), the VP complement has characteristics of a flat structure, adapted from Emonds (1999a, 1999b, 2001). On the other hand, +mod is a semantic feature that specifies the lexical behaviour of Czech modals and conveys the ‘modal meaning’, which is formalized in terms of possible worlds semantics as quantification over the modal base. The semi-lexical analysis also investigates the root v. epistemic dichotomy. The thesis argues that this dichotomy does not affect the unified theory of modality in Czech in terms of its derivational and semantic status, but is a result of covert processes at the level of Logical Form (LF), which realize different levels of modal quantification.

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Berro, Urrizelki Ane. "Breaking verbs : from event structure to syntactic categories in Basque." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BOR30031/document.

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La présente thèse analyse la décomposition sous-événementielle et l'interprétation aspectuelle des événements, en se focalisant sur les prédicats dérivés du basque, tels que dantzatu “danser” du nom dantza 'danse', amets egin 'rêver' du nom amets “rêve”, etxeratu 'revenir à la maiso' de etxera “à la maison” ou amatu “devenir mère” de ama “mère”. La thèse est centrée sur la configuration syntaxique représentant la structure événementielle des prédicats et la lexicalisation de ces configurations par des mots réels. J'admets que les prédicats se décomposent en composants plus basiques (par exemple, Levin and Rappaport Hovav 1995), et que cette décomposition est syntaxiquement représentée (Hale and Keyser 1993). Dans cette vue, les événements exprimés par les prédicats sont formés de sous-événements, qui peuvent être aussi bien des processus que des états (Harley 1995 2005, Cuervo 2003, Folli & Harley 2005, Ramchand 2008) et de compléments rhématiques (Ramchand 2008). Les rhèmes sont des compléments qui mesurent et décrivent les sous-événements dont ils sont les compléments. Ils peuvent être de différents types: des PPs, des DPs quantifiés, et même des radicaux non catégorisés. Partant de Harley (2005), je propose une ontologie des radicaux qui les classifie selon qu'ils nomment un Evénement, une Chose ou une Propriété. Les radicaux qui dénomment des Evénements et des Choses sont les compléments de sous-événements de type processus; tandis que les radicaux qui dénomment des Propriétés sont les compléments des états. A l'intérieur de chaque classe, les propriétés des mesures associées aux radicaux comme [+/-croissant], [+/- limite minimale] et [+/- limite maximale] déterminent les propriétés aspectuelles de l'événement tout entier, à savoir, s'il est ponctuel ou duratif, s'il est télique ou atélique. La thèse examine également les interactions entre l'interprétation aspectuelle interne des prédicats (aktionsart), et l'aspect externe (Smith 1997 [1991]). Cette relation est analysée en tenant compte de la catégorie lexicale à la base du prédicat et des différentes configurations de réalisation des prédicats en basque
This dissertation analyses the subeventive decomposition and aspectual interpretation of events, paying special attention to derived predicates in Basque, like dantzatu ‘to dance’ from dantza ‘dance’, amets egin ‘to dream’ from amets ‘dream’, etxeratu ‘to go home’ from etxe-ra ‘to home’ and amatu ‘to become a mother’ from ama ‘mother’. The discussion is mainly concerned with the syntactic configuration that represents the predicates’ event structure and the lexicalization of these configurations by means of actual words. In this dissertation, it is assumed that predicates can be decomposed into more basic components (e.g. Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1995) and that this decomposition is syntactically represented (Hale & Keyser 1993). To be more precise, in the analysis made in this dissertation, it is assumed that the events conveyed by predicates consist of smaller subevents (Harley 1995 2005, Cuervo 2003, Folli & Harley 2005, Ramchand 2008) (which can be either processes or states) and Rheme objects (Ramchand 2008a). Rhemes are complements which describe and measure the particular subevent they are complementing. They can be of different types: PPs, quanticized DPs and even a-categorial Roots. Building on Harley (2005), I propose an ontology of Roots which classifies different types of Roots depending on whether they name an Event, a Thing or a Property. Event and Thing naming Roots are the complements of the process subevent, whereas Property naming Roots are the complements of states. Within each class, properties of the measure associated to each Root like [±incremental], [±lower bound] and [±upper bound] are going to determine the aspectual properties of the entire event, i.e. whether it is durative or punctual, and telic or atelic. Additionally, this dissertation considers the interaction of the aspectual interpretation of the predicates (commented in the previous paragraph) with viewpoint aspect (Smith 1997 [1991]). This relation is going to be analyzed in combination with the lexical category and the different configurations in which a predicate can surface in Basque

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Fernando, Mbiavanga. "The causative and anticausative alternation in Kikongo (Kizombo)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79912.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the applicability and suitability of the syntactic decomposition approach to account for the causative and anticausative alternation in Kikongo (Kizombo) in terms of the structural nodes of Voice, vCAUS and Root as posited in this approach to (anti-)causativity (see Alexiadou 2010). In addition, the aspectual approach postulated by Vendler (1957) and further developed by Verkuyl (1972) and Smith (1997) is invoked for the reason that the two alternants in the causative and anticausative alternation in Kikongo (Kizombo) are associated with aspectual verb class differences. Research on the causative and anticausative alternation has long been the focus of extensive work in typological and theoretical linguistics. Two central issues revolve around the debate: first the properties of meaning that determine the alternation and the derivational relationship between the alternants, and second, the relation between the causative alternation and other transitivity alternations, e.g. passives and middles. This dissertation demonstrates that there is a wide range of acceptability judgments associated with anticausative uses of Kizombo in externally and internally caused change of state and change of location/position verbs. The verb root is the element of meaning that allows the Kizombo verbs to alternate irrespective of their verb classes, including agentive verb roots. All the causative variants of externally caused verbs are morphologically unmarked, but all the anticausative variants are morphologically marked. However, all the internally caused change of state verbs are morphologically unmarked. Both the causative and anticausative variants of change of location/position verbs are morphologically unmarked. The anticausative and passive sentences can license an external causer through an implicit argument. While the passive verb sentences can be modified by by-agent, purpose clause and agent-oriented phrases, the anticausative sentences can be modified by instrument, natural force, agent-oriented and by-self phrases. The acceptability of modifiers with anticausatives and passives presupposes a presence of a causer in both constructions. The causative form of change of location/position verbs is syntactically intransitive (i.e. in the locative-subject alternation), but its anticausative variant acquires a transitive-like form. Thus, the concept of causative is related to cause and effect of the argument participating in the process. The study considers competing approaches concerning the derivational direction of the causative and anticausative alternation. Given the data in Kizombo, it is argued that the syntactic decomposition approach is the most appropriate to account for the example sentences in the causative and anticausative constructions. The transitive approach could probably deal with the externally caused change of state verbs, as discussed in chapter 6, but would face a challenge relating to the change of location/position verbs because none of the variants is morphologically marked.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het die toepaslikheid en geskiktheid van die benadering tot sintaktiese ontleding ondersoek ten einde rekenskap te gee van die kousatiewe en antikousatiewe wisseling in Kikongo (Kizombo) ten opsigte van die strukturele vertakpunte van Voice, vCAUS en Root soos in hierdie benadering tot (anti-)kousatiwiteit gestel (sien Alexiadou 2010). Daarbenewens is die aspektiese benadering soos voorgestaan deur Vendler (1957) en verder ontwikkel deur Verkuyl (1972) en Smith (1997) gebruik omdat die twee alternante in die kousatiewe en antikousatiewe wisseling in Kikongo (Kizombo) met aspektiese verskille in werkwoordklasse geassosieer word. Navorsing oor die kousatiewe en antikousatiewe wisseling is reeds lank die fokus van omvangryke werk in tipologiese en teoretiese linguistiek. Twee sentrale kwessies word by die debat betrek: eerstens die eienskappe van betekenis wat die wisseling en die afleidende verband tussen die alternante bepaal, en tweedens, die verhouding tussen die kousatiewe wisseling en ander transitiwiteitswisselinge, bv. passief- en middelkonstruksies. Hierdie verhandeling toon dat daar ŉ wye reeks aanvaarbaarheidsuitsprake is wat met antikousatiewe gebruik van Kizombo by verandering van toestand en verandering van plasing/posisie van werkwoorde wat ekstern en intern veroorsaak word, geassosieer word. Die werkwoordwortel is die betekeniselement wat dit vir die Kizombo-werkwoorde moontlik maak om te wissel ongeag hulle werkwoordklasse, met inbegrip van agenswerkwoordwortels. Al die kousatiewe variante van ekstern veroorsaakte werkwoorde is morfologies ongemerk, maar al die antikousatiewe variante is morfologies gemerk. Al die intern veroorsaakte verandering van toestandswerkwoorde is morfologies ongemerk. Beide die kousatiewe en antikousatiewe variante van verandering van plasing/posisie van werkwoorde is morfologies ongemerk. Die antikousatiewe en passiewe sinne kan ŉ eksterne doener deur ŉ implisiete argument toelaat. Terwyl die sinne met passiewe werkwoorde gewysig kan word deur deur-agent, doel-sinsdeel en agent-georiënteerde frases, kan die antikousatiewe sinne gewysig word deur instrument-, natuurlike krag-, agent-georiënteerde en deur-self-frases. Die aanvaarbaarheid van modifiseerders met antikousatiewe en passiewes voorveronderstel ŉ aanwesigheid van ŉ doener in albei konstruksies. Die kousatiewe vorm van verandering van plasing/posisiewerkwoorde is sintakties onoorganklik (m.a.w. in die lokatief–onderwerp-wisseling), maar die antikousatiewe variant daarvan verkry ŉ oorganklik-agtige vorm. Die begrip van kousatief hou dus verband met oorsaak en gevolg van die argument wat aan die proses deelneem. Die studie neem kompeterende benaderings met betrekking tot die afleidende rigting van die kousatiewe en antikousatiewe wisseling in ag. Gegewe die data in Kizombo, word aangevoer dat die benadering van sintaktiese ontleding die geskikste is om rekenskap te gee van die voorbeeldsinne in die kousatiewe en antikousatiewe konstruksies. Die oorganklike benadering sou waarskynlik aan die ekstern veroorsaakte verandering van toestandswerkwoorde, soos in hoofstuk 6 bespreek, aandag kon skenk maar sou voor ŉ uitdaging met betrekking tot die verandering van plasing/posisiewerkwoorde te staan kom aangesien geeneen van die variante morfologies gemerk is nie.

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Serratos, Angelina Eduardovna. "Topics in Chemehuevi Morphosyntax: Lexical Categories, Predication and Causation." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194704.

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This dissertation is an application of the framework of Distributed Morphology to the morphosyntax of Chemehuevi, an endangered Southern Numic language of the Uto-Aztecan family. Following one of the central claims of DM, I argue that word formation in Chemehuevi happens in the syntax and provide evidence for this claim from the formation of lexical categories, as well as from the morphosyntax of the Chemehuevi causative verbs. I frame my discussion of lexical categories around the Root Hypothesis (Marantz 1997, Arad 2005), a notion that there are no underived nouns, verbs, or adjectives in the grammar, but roots that receive interpretation and assignment to a `part of speech' depending on their functional environment. I show that Chemehuevi nouns and verbs are formed when roots are incorporated into nominal or verbal functional heads, many of which are overtly represented in the language. I also demonstrate that there is no distinct class of adjectives in Chemehuevi, and that roots with adjectival meanings are derived into stative verbs or nominalizations, depending on their function.My discussion of predication in Chemehuevi centers around the previously unexplained distribution of the enclitic copula -uk, which under my analysis is viewed as an overt realization of a functional head Pred (based on Baker 2003), which is obligatory in the formation of nominal and adjectival, but not verbal predicates.Another major theme of the dissertation is the notion that word-formation from roots differs from word-formation from derived words, known as the Low vs. High Attachment Hypothesis (Marantz 2000, Travis 2000, etc.). This approach explains the differences between compositional and non-compositional word formation by the distance between the root and functional head(s) attached to it. On the basis of Chemehuevi causatives, I show that causative heads attached directly to the root derive words that exhibit morphophonological and semantic idiosyncrasies, such as allomorphy and availability of idiomatic meanings, while high attachment heads derive words that are fully compositional. This locality constraint on interpretation of roots is explained in terms of phase theory, and I present evidence from Chemehuevi showing that what constitutes a phase may be subject to parametric variation.Each chapter of the dissertation contains a section for non-linguistic audience where I provide a summary of the main points in non-theoretical terms and connect them to practical applications for the purposes of language learning and revitalization.

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Ghadgoud, Khawla. "Negation patterns in Libyan Arabic and Modern Arabic varieties." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2018. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/negation-patterns-in-libyan-arabic-and-modern-arabic-varieties(1e47b467-2384-4d77-a4cd-9dd32852af87).html.

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This thesis provides a general descriptive account of the morpho-syntactic expression of negation in fifteen Modern Arabic varieties and investigates three of these varieties in more depth. The thesis contributes to the typological literature on negation through a survey of the negation patterns in a number of related and geographically close varieties. It sheds light on the most influential factors that unify the negation patterns found in these varieties, which are predicate type and form. It is found that the type of the predicate, such as verbal and nonverbal predicates, as well as the form of the verbal predicate, such as active participle as opposed to other verbal forms, play an essential role in determining the negation markers used. In addition, this thesis gives a comprehensive account of a number of negative elements in Libyan Arabic, namely the negative auxiliary, negative particle mÃÂÃÂÃÂ¡, and miÃÂ¡ as a metalinguistic marker, and establishes the morpho-syntactic properties and pragmatic functions of these elements. It concludes that the negative auxiliary is used for a specific pragmatic function, which is to deny assumed background information. It also finds that even though miÃÂ¡ is not a negation marker exclusive for metalinguistic negation, it is a special metalinguistic marker that signals the metalinguistic reading of verbal sentences.

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Malinga, Bongiwe Bernadette. "A semantic and syntactic analysis of break and bend verbs in Zulu." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52131.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The subject of this study is Break and Bend verbs in isiZulu, which can be classified as verbs of change of state. This study examines the semantic as well as the syntactic analysis of these verbs of change of state in Zulu. Semantically Bend verbs are divided into verbs denoting the bending of body parts, e.g: thoba, khothema, qomfa, bhena, guqa, vosho, and verbs that denote the bending of body parts as well as physical objects, e.g. goba, qethuka/qethula as shown in the sentences below: Indoda igobe ucingo The man bent the wire. Indoda ithe qethu ikhanda The man bent the head backwards. Inkosikazi igobe amadolo The woman bent the knees. Uthe qethu isigxobo He made the pole bend backwards. The study will demonstrate that Break verbs are semantically divided into verbs denoting break or fracture, e.g. aphula/aphuka; those denoting "break off" e.g. nqamuka/nqamula; a verb denoting "to smash", e.g. fahlaza/fahlaka; those denoting " crack", e.g. chachamba, verbs meaning "to tear", e.g. dabula/dabuka; verbs denoting "to demolish", e.g. bhidliza/bhidlika and verbs denoting "to break open", e.g. havuka I havula. Syntactically, Break predicates may occur as ideophones, which are ergative with transitive/intransitive alternation, e.g. aphulaj aphuka, In addition, Break predicates may consist of ideophones with verbal suffixes: [-k-] is the suffix of intransitive ideophone [-I-] or [-z-] is the suffix of transitive ideophone Intransitive ideophone: Intambo ithe nqamu The rope broke Intransitive verb with [-k-]: Intambo inqamukile The rope broke Transitive ideophone: Indoda ithe nqamu intambo The man broke the rope Transitive verb with [-1-]: Indoda inqamule intambo. The man broke a rope Transitive verb with [-z-]: Indoda iphoqoze intambo. The man broke a bone The study demonstrates that with Bend verbs there are two ergative verbs, namely thoba and goba. -- The study further demonstrates that Bend verbs are mostly intransitive with a shadow argument; there is an ideophone qethu, which takes the transitive / intransitive alternation with the suffix [-k-] for the intransitive and [-1-] for the transitive alternation, respectively. The study provides evidence that Break and Bend verbs are characterised by specific selection restrictions as well as event structures. Some alternations were also investigated in the study, such as the Possessive alternation and Instrument-Subject alternation. Lastly, the Lexical conceptual paradigm and the Lexical Inheritance Structure of each verb were examined.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onderwerp van hierdie studie is Breek en Buig werkwoorde in isiZulu, wat geklassifiseerword as werkwoorde van toestandverandering. Hierdie studie ondersoek die semantiese en die sintaktiese analise van die werkwoordtipe van toestandverandering in isizulu. Buigwerkwoorde word semanties ingedeel in werkwoorde wat die buig van liggaamsdeleaandui, byvoorbeeld: thoba, khothema, qomfa, bhena, guqa, vosho, en werkwoorde wat die buig van liggaamsdele sowel as die fisiese objekte aandui, byvoorbeeld: goba, qethuka/qethula, soos aangedui word in die sinne hieronder: Indoda igobe ucingo Die man het die draad gebuig Indoda ithe qethu ikhanda Die man het sy kop agteroor gebuig Inkosikazi igobe amadolo Die vrou het (haar) knieë gebuig Uthe qethu isigxobo Hy het die paal agtertoe gebuig. Hierdie studie toon aan dat Breek-werkwoorde semanties ingedeel kan word in werkwoorde wat "breek" aandui, bv. aphula/aphuka: werkwoorde wat "afbreek" aandui, bv. nqamuka/nqamula; werkwoorde wat "flenters breek" aandui, bv. fahlaza/fahlaka; werkwoorde wat "bars" aandui, bv. chachamba, werkwoorde wat "skeur" aandui, bv. dabula/dabuka; werkwoorde wat "ruineer" aandui, bv. bhidliza/bhidlika en werkwoorde wat "oopbreek" aandui, bv. havuka/havula. Breek-predikate kan sintakties as ideofone verskyn, wat ergatief (ergative) is met 'n transitief/intransitief alternasie, bv.. aphula/aphuka. Voorts kan Breek-predikate ook verskyn as ideofone met werkwoordagtervoegsels: [-k-] is die suffiks van die intransitiewe ideofoon [-1-] of [-z-] is die suffiks van die transitiewe ideofoon Intransitiewe ideofoon: Intambo ithe nqamu Die tou het gebreek Intransitiewe werkwoord met [-k-]: Intambo inqamukile Die tou het gebreek Transitiewe ideofoon: Indoda ithe nqamu intambo Die man het die tou gebreek Transitiewe werkwoord met [-1-]: Indoda inqamule intambo. Die man het die tou gebreek Transitiewe werkwoord met l-e-l: Indoda iphoqoze umlenze Die man het die been gebreek Die studie toon aan dat met Buigwerkwoorde, twee ergatiewe werkwoorde gevind is, naamlik thoba en goba. Die studie toon ook aan dat Buigwerkwoorde meestal intransitiewe werkwoorde is wat met 'n skadu-argument verskyn. Daar is 'n ideofoon qethu, wat die transitief/intransitief alternasie vertoon met die suffiks [-k-] vir die intransitief en [-I-] vir die transitief alternasie, respektiewelik Die studie bied bewys daarvoor dat Breek- en Buigwerkwoorde gekenmerk word deur seleksiebeperkings en gebeure ('event') strukture. Sommige alternasies is ook ondersoek in die studie, byvoorbeeld die Possessief alternasie en Instrument-Subjek alternasie. Laastens, is die leksikaal-konseptuele paradigma en die Leksikale-erwingstruktuur van elke werkwoord ondersoek.

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Fukuda, Shinichiro. "From words to structure how syntax can affect the distribution and interpretation of verbs and their arguments, three case studies from Japanese /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3371731.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 15, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 246-260).

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Ignjatović, Mihajlo. "Nominalization and aspect." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/385354.

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This dissertation contains three studies, which explore various questions about verbal aspect and how it is affected by the process of nominalization. The first study examines the type of regular eventive nominalizations in Slavic and Germanic languages, which comprise verbal and resultative nouns. It is shown that the availability of these nominalization types depends on how the values of two aspectual parameters are set up in particular languages. The second study deals with English -er, and French -eur deverbal nouns, which denote external arguments. Four different types of reading are recognized for these nouns: episodic, habitual, dispositional, and occupational/instrument readings. The observed variation is accounted for by means of the notion of a stage of an individual or a kind. The last study investigates in more detail the meaning of resultative nominals. They are claimed to have a meaning which parallels that of the perfect aspect in the sentential domain. The overall conclusion is that aspect plays a significant role in the semantics of deverbal nominals.
Aquesta tesi ofereix tres estudis que exploren diverses qüestions sobre l’aspecte verbal i come està afectat pel procés de nominalització. El primer estudi examina les nominalitzacions eventives regulars les llengües eslaves i germàniques, específicament els noms verbals i resultatius. Es mostra que la possibilitat d’aquests tipus de nominalitzacions depèn de com els valors de dos paràmetres aspectuals es configuren en llengües concretes. El segon estudi se centra en els noms deverbals en -er d’anglès i en -eur de francès, que denoten arguments externs. S’identifica quatre intepretacions diferents per aquests noms: episòdica, habitual, de disposició, i ocupacional / instrument. La variació observada s’explica mitjançant la noció d’estadi (stage) d’un individu o d’una classe d’individus (kind). L’últim estudi investiga amb més detall el significat dels nominals resultatius. S’argumenta que aquests nominalitzacions tenen un significat paral·lel a la de l’aspecte perfecte en el domini oracional. La conclusió global de la tesi és que aspecte juga un paper fonamental en la semàntica dels noms deverbals.

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Fernebring, Felix. "Exploring a recent grammatical change : A corpus-based investigation of the core modals will and shall and the semi-modal BE going to in newspapers and blogs written by Swedes." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för språk (SPR), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-31860.

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The aim of this study is to investigate how the modal auxiliaries will and shall and the semi-modal BE going to are used to express futurity by individuals whose first language is Swedish. The study is corpus based, and the corpora used in this study consist of Swedish newspapers in English (SWENC) and material from blogs which are written in English by Swedes (BESC). These are compared with the press sub-corpora in F-LOB (the Freiburg-LOB Corpus of British English) and Frown (the Freiburg-Brown corpus of American English), which represent British and American varieties of English. The method is quantitative and the results are mainly presented in frequencies. The results show that all of the modals are used in SWENC and BESC. The core modal will is the most frequently used modal in all of the corpora and sub-corpora. The semi-modal BE going to is most frequently used in BESC and the second core modal shall is most frequent in SWENC. However, qualitative examination of shall revealed that the writers in SWENC use the modal differently from how it is used in F-LOB Press. This study shows evidence of variation in use of the modals which express futurity. The fact that the semi-modal BE going to exists in the Swedish material indicates that the process of grammaticalization continues in the Swedish form of English.

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Jessen, Ashlee Marie. "The Effect of the Semantic Depth of Spanish Verbs on Processing Demands of Filler-Gap Relationships in Noun Clauses." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2012. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/3502.

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This study explored the relationship between syntax and semantics in an effort to provide evidence against a strict theory of the Autonomy of Syntax. The evidence was provided by an acceptability survey given to 20 native, adult Mexicans who ranked both declarative and wh-questions which manifested a filler-gap relationship where the gap was located in an embedded noun clause. The main verbs were controlled for semantic depth by being ranked within verbal categories according to external evidence of markedness or semantic depth. The primary hypothesis was that semantically deeper verbs would add to the already increased strain on working memory associated with filler-gap processing, thereby resulting in decreased acceptability. The results of the survey showed that, while this hypothesis held true to some degree, further research will be required to confirm the results and to further understand the intricate interactions between syntax and semantics.

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Bassani, Indaiá de Santana. "Formação e interpretação dos verbos denominais do português do Brasil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8139/tde-23112009-144713/.

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Em uma visão etimológica, o Verbo Denominal (VD) é aquele verbo que surgiu historicamente a partir de uma base nominal. Os dicionários consideram que um verbo é denominal quando sua forma nominal cognata tem uma datação anterior nos registros da língua. Há, dessa forma, duas maneiras de tratar a relação entre nome e verbo: em uma perspectiva sincrônica ou diacrônica. Como há certa mistura no tratamento do fenômeno, faz-se necessária uma distinção entre critérios etimológicos e sincrônicos para a determinação do que é um verbo denominal. No presente trabalho, buscamos encontrar critérios formais e sincrônicos para saber quais verbos diacronicamente considerados como denominais podem também ser assim considerados em uma análise sincrônica de formação das palavras e em quais casos há razões comprovadas para propor o abandono do rótulo denominal. Partimos de uma amostra de 4.548 verbos etimologicamente denominais do português, retirados do Dicionário Houaiss da Língua Portuguesa, e a restringimos por critérios de frequência a 95 verbos, que constituíram de fato o objeto de análise do estudo. Submetemos todos os verbos a testes estruturais de formação de sentenças sugeridos por Kyparsky (1987), Hale & Keyser (2002) e Arad (2003), a saber: Alternância Causativo-incoativo (Teste1); Alternância Média (Teste 2); Presença de Expressão Perifrástica (Teste 3); Presença de Objeto Cognato (Teste 4); Presença de Adjunto Cognato (Teste 5); Presença de Adjuntos Hipônimos e Hiperônimos (Teste 6). As sentenças foram submetidas a julgamento de 40 falantes nativos de português brasileiro. Os resultados apontaram para uma heterogeneidade no comportamento da classe geral dos VDs. Em suma, há um grupo para os quais os testes indicam uma etapa nominal (gramaticalidade para testes 3,(4),5 e 6) e um outro grupo para os quais os testes não indicam a presença de uma etapa nominal na formação (agramaticalidade para testes 3,5 e 6). Há verbos que participam e não participam de alternâncias (gramaticalidade e agramaticalidade para testes 1 e 2) e, por fim, há um grupo de verbos em que uma acepção remete a uma etapa nominal e outra acepção remete a ausência de etapa nominal. Após observar alternativas de análise em teorias lexicalistas de regras de formação de palavras (Basílio, 1993) e sintaxe-lexical (Hale & Keyser, 2002), conseguimos diferenciar estruturas com uma etapa nominal (denominais) de estruturas derivadas diretamente da raiz com base nos pressupostos da teoria da Morfologia Distribuída (Halle & Marantz, 1993; Harley & Noyer, 1999), mais especificamente Arad (2003), Marantz (2008) e Harley (2005). Conseguimos representar estruturalmente os diferentes tipos de (supostos) VDs no que se refere ao seu comportamento sintático e sua relação semântica com os (supostos) nomes formadores. Em primeiro lugar, tratamos dois grandes grupos: o primeiro contém os verbos que são formados a partir da categorização de uma raiz por um nome (n) e, em seguida, por um verbo (v) (estruturas denominais sincrônicas) e o segundo por verbos que são formados pela categorização direta de uma raiz () por um verbo (v) (estruturas não-denominais). No primeiro grupo, o dos denominais, observamos diferenças no comportamento sintático e sugerimos para eles diferentes tipos de estruturas: de alternância, de não-alternância e location/locatum. Em seguida, discutimos dois tipos de fenômenos que culminam na formação tanto de verbos denominais quanto de verbos derivados diretamente da raiz para aqueles que parecem, em princípio, tratar-se de um só verbo (verbos com estruturas denominais e estruturas de maneira e Mesmo verbo com comportamentos opostos). Por fim, a maior contribuição teórica deste trabalho está em que avançamos no esclarecimento da diferença entre uma formação sincrônica e diacrônica de palavras, mostrando que nem sempre a explicação histórica é a única possível.
From an etymologycal point of view, the Denominal Verb is the one that derives historically from a nominal base. Dictionaries consider a verb as denominal when its cognate nominal form is older than the verbal one in language records. Thus, there are two ways of treating what is called denominal verb, regarding the relation between the noun and the verb: from a synchronic or from a dyachronic perspective. Since the description of this class is rather misleading, it is necessary to make a distinction between etymological and synchronic criteria in the definition of what a denominal verb is. For these reasons, the aim of this work is i) to find out synchronic and formal criteria to know which denominal verbs, from a diachronic point of view, can also be considered as such under a synchronic analysis of word formation and ii) in which cases can real reasons be found for the abandonment of the label denominal. We started from a sample of 4.548 etymologically denominal verbs in Portuguese, collected from Dicionário Houaiss da Língua Portuguesa, and, due to a frequency criteria, we reduced it to 95 verbs that constitute, in fact, the object of this study. We submmited all the verbs to structural tests of sentence formation suggested by Kyparsky (1987), Hale & Keyser (2002) and Arad (2003), namely: Inchoative- Causative Alternation (Test 1); Middle Alternation (Test 2); Presence of Periphrastic Expression (Test 3); Presence of Cognate Object (Test 4); Presence of Cognate Adjunct (Test 5); Presence of Hiponimous and Hiperonimous Adjunction (Test 6).The sentences were submitted to the judgement of 40 native speakers of Brazilian Portuguese. The results pointed to heterogeneity in the behaviour of the general class of denominal verbs. To sum up, there is a group of verbs to which the tests indicated a nominal stage in the derivation of the verb (grammaticality for tests 3 (4), 5 and 6) and another group of verbs to which the tests did not indicate the presence of that nominal stage (agrammaticality for tests 3, 5 and 6). There are verbs that do and do not participate in alternations (gramaticality and agramaticality for tests 1 and 2) and, finally, there is a group of verbs for which one meaning indicates a nominal stage and the other meaning indicates the absence of such a nominal stage. After observing some analysis under lexicalist theories based on word formation rules (Basílio, 1993) or under lexico-syntactic approaches such as Hale & Keyser (2002), we could offer an analysis under which it is possible to distinguish the so-called denominal verbs in two classes: i) those represented by structures that include a nominal stage in the derivation (denominals), ii) those represented by structures in which the verb is derived directly from roots. This analysis is based on the Distributed Morphology model (Halle & Marantz, 1993; Harley & Noyer, 1999), more specifically, on Arad (2003), Marantz (2008) and Harley (2005). Our first step was to separate the two big groups: the first containing verbs that are derived from the categorization of a root () by a noun (n) and, then, by a verb (v) (synchronic denominal structures), and the second group containing verbs that are derived from the direct categorization of a root () by a verb (v) (non-denominal structures). In the first group, the denominal one, we observed that the sentences containing such verbs presented different syntactic behaviors and we suggested different kinds of structures: alternating, non-alternating and location/locatum. In sequence, we discussed some verbs that led us to suggest that they can be formed either as denominal verbs or as root-derived ones. We could then represent the structure of different types of so-called denominal verbs regarding their syntactic behavior and the relation they establish with the noun formed by the same root. Finally, the major theoretic contribution of this work is that we improved in clarifying the difference between a synchronic and a dyachronic word formation process, showing that the historical explanation is not always the single possibility.

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Glikman, Julie. "Parataxe et Subordination en ancien français. Système syntaxique, variantes et variation." Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5678/.

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Parataxe et subordination, ces deux termes, parfois antithétiques, sont problématiques du fait même de leur extrême polysémie. C’est de cette ambiguïté que naît l’objet d’étude, les constructions asyndétiques, au statut incertain entre intégration et indépendance. Dans cette thèse, nous proposons de réinterroger ce phénomène ancien et déjà bien connu en ancien français, en le mettant en regard des remises en question et avancées des recherches actuelles sur le sujet. Pour cela, il nous faut tout d'abord poser une définition de ce qu'est la subordination. Nous montrons ensuite que les constructions asyndétiques sont bien des cas de subordination. Cette thèse établit enfin que ce phénomène constitue, en ancien français du moins, une variante libre en syntaxe. Sa répartition et sa présence dans les textes a cependant très tôt diminué, mais l’existence de phénomènes parallèles en français moderne, tout comme d’autres indices, nous permettent de faire l’hypothèse que cette évolution tient d’une alternance oral / écrit. Cette thèse montre ainsi que les problèmes, comme les enjeux, ne diffèrent finalement pas, quel que soit l’état de langue et que la parataxe constitue bien une construction dans le système de la langue.
Parataxis and subordination, two sometimes antithetical terms, are problematic due to their high degree of polysemy. It is from this ambiguity that arises the subject of this study, asyndetic constructions, which have an uncertain status between integration and independence. In this dissertation we propose a reexamination of this ancient phenomenon, already well known in Old French, by placing it in the context of questions and advances in current research on the subject. In order to do this we must first give a definition of subordination. We then go on to show that asyndetic constructions are indeed a case of subordination. Finally, this dissertation shows that this phenomenon constitutes, at least in Old French, a free syntactic variation. Its dispersion and presence in texts diminished very early, but the existence of similar phenomena in Modern French, as well as other indicators, allow us to make the hypothesis that this evolution is due to an oral / written alternation. This dissertation thus shows that the issue related to subordination and parataxis do not actually differ, whether in Old French or Modern French, and that parataxis is indeed a construction in the language system.

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Joan, Casademont Anna. "Sintaxi i semàntica verbals en el discurs d'especialitat: elements per a l'activació del valor terminològic." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7506.

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La tesi, en el marc de la Teoria Comunicativa de la Terminologia (TCT), es proposa observar els elements d'activació del valor terminològic en els verbs fraseològics del discurs especialitzat. Es descriuen, a diferents nivells, la sintaxi i la semàntica de verbs fraseològics d'ús comú i freqüents en textos d'economia i de genòmica, i es detecten diferències i semblances en el seu comportament en ambdós discursos d'especialitat per establir tendències.

A partir de les anàlisis, identifiquem les construccions verbals mínimes que són unitats de coneixement especialitzat (UCE) i observem si els verbs que fan de nucli sintàctic d'aquests sintagmes sofreixen canvis semàntics en els contextos especialitzats. Alhora, reinterpretem la proposta de factors d'activació d'Adelstein (2007) per als verbs, i confirmem empíricament diversos supòsits de la TCT sobre la polisèmia.

La tesi consta de tres parts: els fonaments de la recerca, l'anàlisi sintacticosemàntica del corpus, i els resultats i conclusions.
La tesis, en el marco de la Teoría Comunicativa de la Terminología (TCT), se propone observar los elementos de activación del valor terminológico en los verbos fraseológicos del discurso especializado. Se describe, a distintos niveles, la sintaxis y la semántica de los verbos fraseológicos de uso común y frecuentes en textos de economía y de genómica, y se detectan diferencias y similitudes en su comportamiento en ambos discursos de especialidad para establecer tendencias.

A partir de los análisis, identificamos las construcciones verbales mínimas que son unidades de conocimiento especializado (UCE) y observamos si los verbos que funcionan como núcleo sintáctico de estos sintagmas sufren cambios semánticos en los contextos especializados. Asimismo, reinterpretamos la propuesta de factores de activación de Adelstein (2007) para los verbos, y confirmamos empíricamente distintos supuestos de la TCT sobre la polisemia.

La tesis consta de tres partes: los fundamentos de la investigación, el análisis sintacticosemántico del corpus, i los resultados y conclusiones.
This thesis, within the frame of the Communicative Theory of Terminology (CTT), aims at observing the terminological-value activating elements of phraseological verbs in specialized discourse. Syntax and Semantics of common use and frequent phraseological verbs in Economy and Genomic texts are described at different levels, and differences and similarities in their behavior in both domain discourses are detected to establish tendencies.

From the analysis, we identify the minimal verbal constructions working as specialized knowledge units (SKU) and we observe if the verbs being the syntactic core of these groups suffer semantic changes in specialized contexts. Moreover, we reinterpret for verbs the activation factors proposal by Adelstein (2007, and we empirically confirm different assumptions of CTT on polysemy.

The thesis has three parts: the basis of the research, the syntax-semantic analysis of the corpus, and the results and conclusions

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Bertucci, Roberlei Alves. "A auxiliaridade do verbo chegar em português brasileiro." Universidade Federal do Paraná, 2007. http://repositorio.utfpr.edu.br/jspui/handle/1/551.

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Este trabalho analisa o verbo chegar em sentenças do PB, quando ele é seguido de a+infinitivo. Na literatura, não há consenso no tratamento do verbo na perífrase em foco. Enquanto alguns o consideram um auxiliar, outros não. Esta pesquisa retomou essa discussão e mostrou que o verbo chegar, no contexto estabelecido, responde afirmativamente a todos os critérios apontados como caracterizadores de auxiliaridade. Tendo isso estabelecido, observamos que são atribuídos aos auxiliares os valores de tempo, voz, modo e aspecto. Assim, fomos investigando, uma a uma, todas essas possibilidades. Os valores de tempo e voz foram facilmente descartados. Em seguida, buscamos numa descrição genérica de modalidade alguma pista que nos fizesse ir mais a fundo. Não encontramos e, por isso, descartamos também essa possibilidade. A análise de chegar como auxiliar aspectual tomou mais tempo e espaço neste trabalho, porque há alguns autores que assumem uma análise desse tipo. Primeiro, buscamos caracterizar o aspecto gramatical e ver se as sentenças objetos de investigação poderiam denotar as categorias de aspecto incluídas aí. Concluímos que não. Analisamos, depois, a possibilidade de chegar restringir alguma classe acional. Novamente, os resultados foram negativos. Tendo em vista o comportamento da perífrase nos diferentes contextos, afirmamos que não era possível assumir um valor aspectual para o verbo em questão. Por fim, propomos uma análise para esse verbo que leva em conta não apenas os aspectos sintáticos e semânticos, mas também os pragmáticos: mostramos que o falante, ao utilizar o auxiliar chegar deseja apontar para uma escala, mais precisamente para o ponto argumentativo mais forte dessa escala. Dessa forma, teríamos um auxiliar que não é temporal, modal ou aspectual, mas essencialmente pragmático. O corpus desta pesquisa é composto por sentenças do português brasileiro, falado e escrito, além de sentenças criadas para verificar a compatibilidade de chegar em contextos mais específicos.
This work approaches the verb chegar when it is followed by the preposition a and the infinitive form in Brazilian Portuguese. In the literature, there is no consensus about the treatment of the verb in this periphrasis. While some authors consider it an auxiliary verb, others do not. Our research resumed this discussion and showed that chegar, in the context above, confirms all the criteria indicated as indicators of auxiliarity. After that, we noticed that the values of tense, modality, voice and aspect are given to the auxiliaries. Then, we investigated, one by one, all the possibilities. The values of tense and voice were easily rejected. After this, we searched, in a general description of modality, a clue to conduct us deeper in the research. We did not found one and then we rejected this possibility too. The analysis about chegar as an aspectual auxiliary took more time and space in this work, because there are some authors who argues for this kind of analysis. First, we tried to characterize the grammatical aspect and observe whether the sentences could mean the aspectual categories included there. We concluded that they could not. Later, we analyzed the possibility of chegar to restrict some actional class. Again, the conclusions were negative. Bearing in mind the behavior of the periphrasis in the different contexts, we affirm that it was not possible to accept an aspectual value to chegar. At the end, we propose an analysis to this verb that takes into consideration not only the syntactic and semantic aspects, but also the pragmatic one: we show that when the speaker uses the auxiliary chegar, this speaker wishes to point to a scale, more specifically to its strongest argumentative point. In this way, we might have an auxiliary verb which is not temporal, modal or aspectual, but essentially pragmatic. The corpus of this research is composed of sentences from Brazilian Portuguese, spoken and written, and other sentences created to verify the compatibility of chegar in specific contexts.

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Castilho, Celia Maria Moraes de. "O processo de redobramento sintatico no portugues medieval : a formação das perifrases com estar." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/271044.

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Orientador: Mary Aizawa Kato
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: O propósito desta tese é destacar a importância do processo de redobramento sintático no Português Medieval, com particular atenção aos seus efeitos na organização das perífrases de estar + gerúndio e estar + infinitivo preposicionado. O termo redobramento sintático pronominal remete a um conjunto de construções em que ocorrem emparelhadamente dois pronomes. Um deles é um pronome fraco, e o outro, um pronome tônico preposicionado, de tal forma que o primeiro duplica o segundo. Para sustentar essa hipótese, depois de apresentado o problema, trato da duplicação do clítico locativo hi no Português Medieval, procedo ao estudo da gramaticalização do verbo estar em confronto com o verbo ser, estudo a relação entre o clítico duplicado hi e o verbo estar, explicando assim o surgimento das perífrases de gerúndio e infinitivo preposicionado. Finalmente, traço algumas considerações teóricas sobre os achados da tese. O trabalho buscou suas evidências empíricas na vasta literatura medieval portuguesa, de que explorei textos literários e não literários
Abstract: The aim of this PhD Thesis is to show the importance of syntactical doubling in Medieval Portuguese, with particular attention to its consequences in the building of gerundial & infinitival estar periphrases. Syntactical doubling is conceived as a particular set of constructions in which an X category - usually a weak pronoun - corresponds obligatorily to an Y category - usually a prepositional stressed pronoun - in such way that X doubles Y. In order to demonstrate this thesis I argue that grammaticalization of estar is strongly tied to doubled archaic Portuguese locative hi. This means that the moving of estar from full thematic verb to a functional athematic verb and from here to an auxiliary one, as well as the building of gerundial and infinitival periphrases are connected to the issue of syntactical locative doubling. Finally I draw some theoretical reflections on the subject of this thesis. The entire research is based on empirical evidences chosen from the vast Medieval Portuguese literature, covering both literary and nonliterary texts
Doutorado
Linguistica
Doutor em Linguística

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BRAMATI, ALBERTO GIORDANO. "I complementi preposizionali dei verbi francesi e italiani. Problemi teorici e studi contrastivi." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/237.

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La tesi è divisa in tre parti: la prima parte offre un panorama delle principali teorie della valenza sviluppate in Francia e in Italia, con particolare attenzione allo statuto sintattico dei complementi preposizionali (argomenti o aggiuntivi); la seconda parte presenta lo studio contrastivo di 103 verbi francesi tratti dal "Dictionnaire de la Complémentation Verbale" di Salkoff-Valli (in preparazione); la terza parte presenta lo studio contrastivo di due gruppi preposizionali francesi di particolare interesse traduttivo: "de N" con valore di causa e "contre N".
This Thesis is divided into three parts : the first one gives an overview of the main valency theories, which have been developed in France and Italy, particularly paying attention to the problem of prepositional complements ambiguity (objects or modifiers of the verb) ; second part proposes a contrastive study of 103 French verbs, taken from Dictionnaire de la Complémentation verbale of Salkoff-Valli (in progress); third part proposes a contrastive study of two French prepositional phrases "de N" indicating a cause, and "contre N", object or specific modifier of the verb , very interesting topic under the point of view of the translation into Italian.

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Trannin, Juliana. "Aspectos sintáticos do infinitivo com verbos causativos no Português Europeu = um abordagem diacrônica." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/270501.

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Orientador: Charlotte Marie Chambelland Galves
Dissertação (mestrado } - Universidade Estadual de de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos e Linguagem
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Resumo: Este trabalho visa analisar os complementos infinitivos selecionados por verbos causativos na história do Português Europeu. Em português, os causativos podem ocorrer nas construções de predicados complexos (fazer-infinitivo e fazer-por), estruturas de ECM e de infinitivo flexionado, que apresentam propriedades distintas em relação à marcação Casual, à posição do sujeito do verbo encaixado infinitivo e à subida de clíticos. Os objetivos da pesquisa são descrever e analisar as características da sintaxe das construções causativas nas gramáticas do Português Clássico (PCl) e do Português Europeu Moderno (PE), e estudar a variação diacrônica dessas construções para tentar localizar uma possível mudança. A análise está fundamentada na teoria de Princípios e Parâmetros e na perspectiva formal da mudança sintática. Os dados são provenientes de 26 textos escritos por autores nascidos entre os séculos XVI e XIX. A classificação e quantificação das sentenças se basearam em três fatores: tipo de construção, tipo de verbo causativo e transitividade do verbo encaixado. Os resultados indicam uma diminuição do verbo mandar e da construção fazer-por a partir do século XVII, quando aumenta a proporção do verbo fazer e da construção fazer-infinitivo. A frequência de construções de ECM permanece relativamente estável no decorrer do tempo, ocorrendo preferencialmente com o verbo deixar. Os dados mostram ainda uma diminuição das formas dativas do causado nos predicados complexos, relacionada à redução da ocorrência de verbo transitivo no complemento destas construções e à perda do fenômeno de acusativo preposicionado. Além disso, os dados revelam uma tendência à maior adjacência entre os verbos do predicado complexo a partir do século XVII. A mudança nas construções causativas, portanto, parece se localizar no século XVII
Abstract: This work aims to analyse the infinitival complement selected by causative verbs in the history of European Portuguese. In Portuguese, causative verbs can occur in three constructions - complex predicates (fazer-infinitivo and fazer-por), ECM and inflected infinitive structures - which present different properties with respect to casual marking, position of the subordinated infinitive subject and clitic climbing. The goals of this research are to describe and to analyze the syntactic properties of causative constructions in Classical Portuguese (ClP) and Modern European Portuguese (EP) grammars, and to study the diachronic variation of these constructions in order to identify a possible change and compare it to other earlier results of EP. The analyses are based on generative grammar, specifically the Principles and Parameters theory and the syntactic change theory. The data were collected from 26 texts written by Portuguese authors born between the 16th and 19th centuries. The sentences were classified and quantified according to three aspects: type of construction, type of causative verb and transitivity of the subordinated verb. The results reveal that both the causative verb mandar and the fazer-por construction predominated in the 16th and 17th centuries, whereas both the causative verb fazer and the fazer-infinitivo construction predominated in the following centuries. The frequency of the ECM construction remains relatively stable in the course of time and it occurs preferentially with the causative verb deixar. The data shows a decrease of the dative forms of causee, related to the reduction of the occurrence of transitive verb in the infinitive complements and to the loss of the prepositioned accusative. In addition, there is a decrease of the insertion of lexical material inside verbal complexes, which denotes a higher adjacency tendency between verbs from the 17th century on. The change in the causative constructions, therefore, is likely to have happened during the 17th century
Mestrado
Linguistica
Mestre em Linguística

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Ferreira, Ivana Kátia de Souza. "Os verbos inacusativos e a inversão do sujeito em sentenças declarativas do português brasileiro." Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10923/4037.

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This academic work deals with the unaccusative verbs and the free inversion of the subject in declarative sentences in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). This study is based on a bibliographic review, in the light of the Generative Syntax, under the Government-Binding (GB) Theory. It is proposed by Chomsky (1981), in accordance with the Principles and Parameters model. Firstly, a summary of the fundamental topics (Lexicon, Verb Subcategorization, Case Theory, θ-Theory, Argument Structure) within the GB is made, not to mention that these topics are absolutely related to the main subject. Thereafter, the unaccusative verbs (monoargumental) and their particularity are presented. A comparison is made between the unaccusative and the inergative verbs. Although they are both monoargumental verbs, they have different syntactic structures from each other. Their Dstructures show such differences.The unaccusative verbs subcategorize a Determiner Phrase (DP) complement (in the object place), while the inergative ones select an external argument. When the inversion of the DP subject occurs, it remains in its original position within the Verb Phrase (VP). According to relevant authors (Pontes, 1986; Kato, 2000; Menuzzi, 2003) to this work, the unaccusative verbs are compatible with the V(erb)S(ubject) order in BP. The occurance of two kinds of agreement is verified in the sentences when the DP subject occupies the post-verbal position. When the verb agrees with the post-verbal DP subject ([pro] Chegaram as visitas), the agreement results from a chain between the post-verbal DP subject and the null expletive pro. When the verb remains in the 3rd person of singular ([pro] Chegou as visitas), it reveals that the agreement is with the pre-verbal null expletive pro, singular according to Mioto et al. (2007). The agreement with the pre-verbal expletive is likewise in French. However in French the pre-verbal expletive is not null; it is the lexical one il.
Este trabalho trata sobre os verbos inacusativos e a livre inversão do sujeito em sentenças declarativas do português brasileiro (PB). É um estudo, com base em revisão bibliográfica, à luz da Sintaxe Gerativa, sob a perspectiva da Teoria da Regência e da Ligação (TRL), proposta por Chomsky (1981), em conformidade com o modelo Princípios e Parâmetros. Primeiramente, é feito um apanhado de tópicos fundamentais (Léxico, Subcategorização Verbal, Teoria do Caso, Teoria Theta, Estrutura de Argumentos) para a TRL, bem como relacionados ao assunto a ser discutido. Após essa exposição, são apresentados os verbos inacusativos (monoargumentais) e as suas especificidades. É feita uma comparação entre os verbos inacusativos e os inergativos, tendo em vista serem ambos monoargumentais. Apesar disso, apresentam estruturas sintáticas completamente distintas. Suas estruturas-D mostram tais diferenças. Os inacusativos subcategorizam um Determiner Phrase (DP) complemento (posição de objeto).Os inergativos selecionam somente argumento externo. Quando ocorre a inversão do DP sujeito, este permanece em sua posição de base, dentro do V(erb)P(hrase). De acordo com autores relevantes (Pontes, 1986; Kato, 2000; Menuzzi, 2003) para este trabalho, os verbos inacusativos são compatíveis com a ordem V(erbo)S(ujeito) no PB. Nas sentenças VS com inacusativos, são verificadas duas possibilidades de concordância. Quando o verbo concorda com o DP sujeito pós-verbal ([pro] Chegaram as visitas), a concordância resulta da cadeia entre o DP sujeito pós-verbal e o expletivo nulo pro pré-verbal. Quando o verbo permanece na 3ª pessoa do singular ([pro] Chegou as visitas), a concordância é realizada com o expletivo nulo pro pré-verbal, que, de acordo com Mioto et al. (2007), é singular. A concordância com o expletivo pré-verbal é como no francês, por exemplo. Porém, no francês, o expletivo pré-verbal não é nulo, é lexical (Il).

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Lareau, François. "Vers une grammaire d'unification Sens-Texte du français : le temps verbal dans l'interface sémantique-syntaxe." Thèse, Paris 7, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/6421.

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Wacalie, Fabrice Saiqë. "Description morpho-syntaxique du nââ numèè (langue de l'extrême-Sud, Nouvelle-Calédonie)." Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013INAL0029.

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Cette thèse porte sur la description morpho-syntaxique du nââ numèè, langue de l’extrême-Sud de la Nouvelle-Calédonie, parlée par moins de 1 000 locuteurs dans les tribus de Touaourou et de Goro dans la commune de Yaté et de l’île Ouen dans la commune du Mont-Dore.Dans la première partie, l’auteur aborde les faits sociaux qui ont fait de la région du Grand Sud l’une des plus impactés par les guerres traditionnelles, la colonisation, l’évangélisation, la construction du barrage de Yaté et plus récemment, l’exploitation minière.Dans la deuxième partie, l’auteur procède à l’identification des phonèmes de la langue. Ensuite, il effectue une comparaison entre le système consonantique, vocalique et tonal ainsi établi et celui réalisé par Rivierre dans les années 70. Cette analyse d’écart lui permet de mettre en exergue les évolutions phonologiques subies par la langue en presque quarante ans. Pour définir les différents morphèmes de la langue, l’auteur utilise la méthode traditionnelle dite « distributionnelle ». Il propose ensuite une catégorisation des lexèmes.Dans la troisième partie, l’auteur traite des procédés morphologiques utilisaient en dérivation et en composition.Dans la quatrième partie consacrée à la syntaxe, l’auteur expose le syntagme nominal avec les différents modes et types de détermination. Cette partie comprend également un exposé des substituts du nom, des déictiques et du système numéral. Puis, l’auteur propose une description du syntagme verbal avec en point d’orgue, l’analyse des marqueurs aspecto-temporels et les constructions sérielles. Dans la partie dédiée aux circonstants, l’auteur s’intéresse au système d’orientation développé et les différents cadres référentiels utilisaient (absolus et relatifs).Dans la dernière partie, l’auteur expose les différents types d’énoncés (simples, complexes et marqués)
This thesis deals with the morpho-syntactic description of Nââ Numèè, a language of the far south of New Caledonia, spoken by fewer than 1,000 speakers in the tribes of Touaourou and Goro in the town of Yate and the isle Ouen in the town of Mont-Dore.In the first part, the author explains the social facts which led to the great southern region being one of the most affected by traditional wars, colonization, evangelization, the construction of the dam at Yate and more recently, mining.In the second part, the author will identify the phonemes of the language. Then a comparison will be made between the consonant, vowel and tonal system thus established and made by Rivierre in the 1970s. This gap analysis allows the author to highlight the phonological changes in the language over almost forty years. The author then uses the traditional "distributional" method to define the different morphemes of language before proposing a categorization of lexemes.In the third part, the author deals with morphological processes used in derivation and in composition. In this chapter, it is interesting to see the increased use of verbal classifiers.In the fourth section dealing with syntax, the author offers a description of the nominal phrase with the modes and types of determination. This part also includes a presentation of the nominal substitutes, deictic and numeral systems. Then, the author describes the verbal phrase with special focus on the analysis of the aspect and temporal markers and serial verbs. In the part dedicated to the circonstants, the author focuses on the orientation system developed and the various repositories spaces used (absolute and relative).In the last part, the author exposes the different types of clauses (simple, complex and marked)

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Brennan, Virginia Mary. "Root and epistemic modal auxiliary verbs." 1993. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI9316625.

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I argue that English modal auxiliaries have an array of logical types: they function as sentence operators, as predicates, and as variable binding operators. Chapter One introduces the root/epistemic distinction and earlier treatments of it in the literature of generative grammar and model theoretic semantics. An extensive descriptive section in Chapter Two establishes precisely the empirical characteristics of the distinction, which are confined to the semantics. I then account for these characteristics by positing two semantic types for modal auxiliaries: the first type is that of a sentence operator and is at work in the interpretation of modal sentences with an epistemic sense and for those with a deontic 'ought-to-be' sense; the second type is that of a relation between a property and an individual and it is at work in the interpretation of modal sentences expressing ability, disposition, rights and obligations (traditionally, the root interpretations.) The link between the interpretive class of the modal sentence and the type of the modal expression in Intensional Logic is not drawn in the lexicon, but is accounted for by native speakers' intuitions about what sort of notions make sense as modal properties and what as modal propositions. In Chapter Three, I turn to another class of interpretations of modal sentences, exemplified by the sentence 'A basketball player can be short'. After demonstrating that the modal auxiliary functions as a variable binder in such sentences, I go on to expand the inventory of types associated with modal auxiliaries to include the type associated with variable binding operators.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Syntax of auxiliary verbs'

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