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Journal articles on the topic 'Syntax of auxiliary verbs'
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Kim, Sun-Hye, and Sin-Hye Nam. "Meaning and syntax of the auxiliary verbs 'cwu-'." Society Of Korean Language And Literature 64 (May 30, 2019): 265–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15711/wr.64.0.9.
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KELLER, FRANK, and ANTONELLA SORACE. "Gradient auxiliary selection and impersonal passivization in German: an experimental investigation." Journal of Linguistics 39, no. 1 (March 2003): 57–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226702001676.
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The main purpose of this paper is to provide experimental evidence that two syntactic reflexes of split intransitivity in German – the selection of perfective auxiliaries and the impersonal passive construction – are sensitive to an aspectual/thematic hierarchy of verb classes. We show that there is a split between ‘core’ verbs that elicit categorical intuitions from native speakers, and ‘intermediate’ verbs that exhibit gradience. Furthermore, crossdialectal differences between northern and southern German with respect to auxiliary selection tend to occur only with intermediate verbs. We argue that these findings lend support to the view that the unaccusative/unergative distinction is considerably more unstable than often assumed, and suggest that projectionist theories of the lexicon-syntax interface such as those directly derived from the Unaccusative Hypothesis may not be able to account for the systematic variation exhibited by the data.
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Embick, David. "Features, Syntax, and Categories in the Latin Perfect." Linguistic Inquiry 31, no. 2 (April 2000): 185–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438900554343.
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The analysis centers on the notion of category in synthetic and analytic verbal forms and on the status of the feature that determines the forms of the Latin perfect. In this part of the Latin verbal system, active forms are synthetic (“verbs”) but passive forms are analytic (i.e., participle and finite auxiliary). I show that the two perfects occur in essentially the same structure and are distinguished by a difference in movement to T; moreover, the difference in forms can be derived without reference to category labels like “Verb” or “Adjective” on the Root. In addition, the difference in perfects is determined by a feature with clear syntactic consequences, which must be associated arbitrarily with certain Roots, the deponent verbs. I discuss the implications of these points in the context of Distributed Morphology, the theory in which the analysis is framed.
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Nolan, Brian. "Complex predicates and light verb constructions in Modern Irish." Revista Española de Lingüística Aplicada/Spanish Journal of Applied Linguistics 27, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 140–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/resla.27.1.06nol.
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This paper characterises complex predicates and light verb constructions in Modern Irish. Light verbs are attested in many of the world’s languages (Alsina, Bresnan & Sells, 2001; Butt, 1995, 2003). Cross linguistically, there appears to be a common class of verbs involved in these constructions and generally there is agreement that light verbs contribute to the formation of complex predicates. Light verbs seem have a non-light or ‘heavy’ verb counterpart. In this paper we discuss the light verb constructions (LVC) as found in modern Irish and how they form complex predicates. We claim that the light verb (LV) encodes the event process initiation (or cause) and the matrix verb indicates the bounded component or result. In light verb constructions, the matrix verb appears in Modern Irish syntax as a verbal-noun form. The function of light verbs in these constructions is to modulate the event and sub-event semantics. We distinguish between auxiliary verbs constructions (AVC) and those constructions involving complex predicated and light verbs (Aikhenvald & Dixon, 2006; Anderson, 2006). We provide evidence based on an analysis of Irish data that shows how aspect and argument structure considerations are resolved for the complex predicate within the light verb construction via the linking system between semantics and syntax. We motivate a functional account, based on Role and Reference Grammar (Nolan, 2012; Nolan & Diedrichsen, 2013; Van Valin, 2005; Van Valin & LaPolla, 1997), that appeals to the analysis of complex predicates within a consideration of the layered structure of the clause.
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Petit, Daniel. "Between syntax and semantics." Indogermanische Forschungen 123, no. 1 (August 1, 2018): 211–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2018-0008.
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Abstract The East Baltic conditional mood (e.g. Old Lithuanian duotumbiau‘I would give’) must certainly represent a recent innovation of this branch of Indo- European, but its origin raises considerable problems. At first glance it derives from a periphrasis combining the inherited supine (e.g. *duotun‘giving’) and an auxiliary *bi-of obscure origin, probably an optative or an indicative preterite of *bhuH-‘to be’. Semantically, this periphrastic structure is difficult to account for, especially if one recalls that the supine is limited to the expression of finality after verbs of motion, which cannot have been the case with an auxiliary ‘to be’. In addition, the absence of an auxiliary in the third person in Lithuanian (e.g. duotų ‘he/they would give’) and throughout the paradigm in Latvian (e.g. es, tu, viņšduotu‘I, you, he would give’, etc.) requires an explanation. In this paper I try to give a full account of the prehistory of the East Baltic conditional mood, relying on Stang’s analysis but with a more precise scenario to explain some syntactic and semantic aspects which have not yet received the attention they deserve.
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Bravo, Ana, Luis García, and Diego Gabriel Krivochen. "On Auxiliary Chains: Lexical and Functional Auxiliaries at the syntax-semantics interface." Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics 4, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/1.4.2.3612.
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The present paper is focused on the study of those relations that auxiliary verbs can establish among themselves when chained in a sequence. Regarding those sequences, which in Spanish can be considerably long, the literature has displayed primarily interest in formulating a set of principles that can predict possible relative orderings among auxiliaries. On the contrary, our paper delves into a less walked path: the description of relations established within an auxiliary chain. We will start from the traditional definition of auxiliary verb as a unit that modifies the ‘main’ or ‘lexical’ verb, and proceed to show that such a conception makes the wrong predictions when it comes to explain those internal relations, for it only accounts for a subset of the cases. This explanatory problem is common to both traditional and more formal models. In our opinion, the distinction between between <em>lexical </em>and <em>functional</em> auxiliaries that we propose in this work, in the context of a dynamic computational model that includes and derives this distinction, allows us to overcome these shortcomings of traditional analyses.
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Comer, Marie, and Renata Enghels. "La polisemia de los verbos de colocación." Revue Romane / Langue et littérature. International Journal of Romance Languages and Literatures 51, no. 1 (July 18, 2016): 70–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rro.51.1.03com.
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This article compares the syntax and semantics of the locative verbs poner and meter in Spanish with their French cognates poser and mettre. In some contexts these lexemes are clearly interchangeable, whereas in others they are not. The purpose of this study is double. First, based on a large contemporary corpus for Spanish and French, it describes the intricate polysemy of the verbs. It shows that in modern Spanish mainly poner presents more grammaticalized uses — that is as a semi-copulative or causative verb. In contrast, its near-equivalent meter behaves more frequently like a true locative verb. In French, the situation is the other way around: mettre seems to display more grammaticalized uses, mainly as inchoative auxiliary verb, than poser does. The second part of the analysis provides an explanation for this different behavior and maps out the diachronic semantic development of the verbs, from the 13th century up to now.
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Pietraszko, Joanna Aleksandra. "The Syntax of simple and compound tenses in Ndebele." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 1 (June 12, 2016): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v1i0.3716.
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It is a widely accepted generalization that verbal periphrasis is triggered by increased inflectional meaning and a paucity of verbal elements to support its realization. This work examines the limitations on synthetic verbal forms in Ndebele and argues that periphrasis in this language arises via a last-resort grammatical mechanism. The proposed trigger of auxiliary insertion is c-selection – a relation between inflectional categories and verbs.
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Reinhart, Tanya, and Tal Siloni. "The Lexicon-Syntax Parameter: Reflexivization and Other Arity Operations." Linguistic Inquiry 36, no. 3 (July 2005): 389–436. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0024389054396881.
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We argue that crosslinguistic variation regarding verbal reflexivization is parametric, reflecting a broader lexicon-syntax parameter: arity operations—operations on θ-roles, which affect the valence of a predicate—can apply in the lexicon or in the syntax. The significant empirical coverage of this parameter supports the view that the lexicon must be an active component of the grammar. The discussion focuses mainly on the formation of reflexive verbs. We argue that the prevailing view that reflexive verbs have an unaccusative derivation cannot be maintained. Rather, the reflexivization operation bundles a θ-role with an external θ-role, forming a combination that must merge externally. Next, we also briefly review other arity operations: (a) reciprocalization, (b) decausativization, and (c) saturation, which is involved in the formation of passives, middles, and impersonals. Variation in auxiliary selection, owing to the application of reflexivization or other arity operations, is independent of the lexicon-syntax parameter and follows under our approach from a structural accusative Case parameter.
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MEISTERERNST, Barbara, and Barbara MEISTERERNST. "Modal verbs in Han period Chinese Part I: The syntax and semantics of kě ? and kě yǐ ?" Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 37, no. 1 (2008): 85–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1960602808x00037.
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This article focuses on a synchronic analysis of the modal auxiliary verbs ke ? and kě yǐ ? in Han period Chinese. The study reveals that in Han period Chinese ke ? and kě yǐ ? predominantly express root possibility values, while deontic values are mainly restricted to the negated form of the construction. Propositional values (either epistemic or evidential) are almost non-existent and co-occurr only with verbs that licence an evidential interpretation, a notion which is already present in Classical Chinese.
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Rankin, Tom. "Variational learning in L2." Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism 4, no. 4 (December 8, 2014): 432–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lab.4.4.02ran.
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This study examines the interpretation of constituent wh-questions in L2 English by learners whose L1 is Austrian German. Austrian German and English share identical surface word order patterns for a range of question forms, but with distinct semantic interpretations. Non-target patterns of interpretation show that the learners ay high levels of proficiency continue to optionally parse English questions with the L1 syntax. The continued presence of thematic verb movement and head-final VP syntax in L1 German-L2 English interlanguage challenges previous findings that headedness is reset very early and that V2 is realised by auxiliary verbs. This is analysed as an instance of Variational Learning (Yang, 2002), whereby the L1 grammar is accessed to parse L2 input where possible. The L1 syntactic representation thus continues to be available at high proficiency levels to parse input strings that are linearly compatible, giving rise in the case of L1 German-L2 English to non-target parses and interpretation of wh-questions.
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Vainikka, Anne, and Martha Young-Scholten. "The early stages in adult L2 syntax: additional evidence from Romance speakers." Second Language Research 12, no. 2 (April 1996): 140–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026765839601200202.
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Vainikka and Young-Scholten (1994) propose an analysis of the acquisition of German by adult Korean and Turkish speakers based on the Weak Continuity account of L1 acquisition. They claim that L2 acquisition initially involves a bare VP whose (final) headedness is transferred from the learner's L1, with functional projections evolving entirely on the basis of the interaction of X'- Theory with the input. In this article, we extend this account to data from Italian and Spanish speakers learning German. Our analysis reveals that these learners initially posit a bare VP whose (initial) headedness is transferred from their native languages but, while still at the bare VP stage, they adopt the head-final VP of German. At this bare VP stage the morphological elements incompatible with the VP are not attested (e.g., auxiliary verbs, verbs marked for agreement and obligatory subjects). At the next stage of acquisition, simi lar to what Vainikka and Young-Scholten observed for the Korean and Turkish speakers, the Italian and Spanish speakers posit a head-initial func tional projection. This projection further resembles the first functional projec tion observed in the acquisition of German by children (Clahsen, 1991) and involves optional verb-raising and the emergence of elements which typically appear in INFL (auxiliaries, modals) and in Spec (IP) (obligatory subjects). We conclude that child L1 learners and adult L2 learners build up syntactic structure in much the same manner and propose that the Weak Continuity approach accounts for all instances of syntactic acquisition.
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Nam, Sin-Hye. "Meaning and Syntax of the Auxiliary Verb ‘Nagata’." Korean Semantics 60 (June 30, 2018): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.19033/sks.2018.06.60.71.
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Jouini, Kamel. "The Derivation of ‘Verbless’ Sentences in Arabic: A Probe-Goal-Agree Approach." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 10, no. 6 (December 31, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.10n.6p.1.
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In this paper, I provide an analysis of ‘verbless’ sentences in Arabic (mainly, the Standard variety, SA) in light of the claims of the feature-based probe-goal-Agree system of Chomsky (2001, 2004) and such assumptions as held by Biberauer et al. (2010) about probe-goal Agree relations being parameterized according to the feature-structure of functional elements derived in sentence structure. This analysis is essentially different from previous analyses in the literature relating to ‘verbless’ sentences in Arabic, such as Benmamoun’s (2008). In the present analysis, verbal inflection is the product of the valuation of a T-feature of verbs – i.e., [uT], as the unvalued uninterpretable counterpart of [iT] of tense (T as a node in sentence structure) in the syntax of languages. Using this framework of assumptions, I subsequently extend on Halila’s (1992) analysis of the famma-construction in Tunisian Arabic. In such constructions, famma-raising is the result of the verb-like nature of famma as an auxiliary or copula, which ultimately enters a probe-goal-Agree relation with T for tense interpretation at Logical Form (LF) in the syntax.
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Lauwers, Peter, Margot Van den Heede, and Els Tobback. "Se (re) trouver dans tous ses états ... attributifs : sens et constructions." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 135, no. 1 (March 4, 2019): 29–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2019-0002.
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Abstract This paper offers a corpus study of two reflexive (semi-)copular verbs, viz. se trouver and se retrouver, which at first sight appear to be mere morphological variants. In a first stage, the study is devoted to the comparison of the reflexive copular construction with the object complement construction of trouver and retrouver. We show the observed differences between both constructions may be explained by a process of grammaticalization, which has attained a further stage in the case of the reflexive constructions which even admit semi-auxiliary uses. Next, we conduct a contrastive analysis of the syntax and the semantics (partially based on a collostructional analysis) of the copular constructions of se trouver and se retrouver. The analysis not only allows to describe the different meaning effects produced by the verbs, it also shows the close links with the locative uses. Moreover, it accounts for the role the morpheme « re- » plays in the reinforcement of the nuance of unexpectedness, and hence, of the detrimental inference.
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MEISTERERNST, Barbara, and Barbara MEISTERERNST. "From obligation to future? A diachronic sketch of the syntax and the semantics of the auxiliary verb dang ???" Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 40, no. 2 (2011): v—188. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1960602811x00015.
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In this paper the syntax and the semantics of the modal auxiliary verb dāng ??? and its diachronic development from a full verb into a modal auxiliary verb, and a future marker are at issue. It will be demonstrated that dang predominantly expresses the root modal values of obligation and necessity and that epistemic and future readings are subject to different syntactic constraints. Additionally, the data will show that although dang seems to exhibit typical features of grammaticalisation in its development from a full verb into a modal auxiliary verb and eventually into a future marker, its development differs considerably from the grammaticalisation processes proposed in the linguistic literature.
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임동식. "On Korean Auxiliary Verb ‘-(e)cita’: an l-syntax Approach." Korean Journal of Linguistics 40, no. 4 (December 2015): 661–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18855/lisoko.2015.40.4.004.
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Radford, Andrew. "The syntax of questions in child English." Journal of Child Language 21, no. 1 (February 1994): 211–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000900008722.
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ABSTRACTThe purpose of this article is to provide a contemporary Government-and-Binding (GB) reinterpretation and evaluation of Klima & Bellugi's classic 1966 work on the acquisition of interrogatives. I argue that the central insight of K&B's paper can be captured by positing that wh- questions in Child English involve a wh-pronoun positioned in the head complementizer (C) position within the Complementizer Phrase (CP) (so blocking auxiliary inversion if this involves positioning an inverted auxiliary in C) and that in the transition to Adult English, children come to learn that wh-questions involve a wh-phrase superficially positioned in the specifier position within CP. I argue that the wh-in-C analysis poses both developmental problems (in that it fails to account for child structures involving a preposed wh-phrase with an uninverted auxiliary) and potential theoretical problems (in that long movement of a wh-head may violate locality principles). I then consider two alternative accounts of wh-questions which posit that wh-movement involves movement of a wh-phrase from the very earliest stages of development. The first of these is an adjunction account, on which wh-phrases are analysed as clausal adjuncts in Child English (adjoined to the Verb Phrase (VP) in the earliest stages and to the Inflection Phrase (IP) in later stages). I note, however, that this provides no principled account of the absence of auxiliary inversion in child wh-questions, and poses continuity problems (especially within a framework such as that of Cinque (1990) in which it is assumed that wh-phrases never adjoin to VP or IP). Finally, I consider an alternative account on which initial wh-phrases are analysed as occupying the specifier position within CP at all stages of development. I note that the problem posed by this analysis is accounting for the absence of auxiliary inversion in early wh-questions, and offer an account which posits that children overgeneralize specifier-head agreement from IP to CP.
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SANTELMANN, LYNN, STEPHANIE BERK, JENNIFER AUSTIN, SHAMITHA SOMASHEKAR, and BARBARA LUST. "Continuity and development in the acquisition of inversion in yes/no questions: dissociating movement and inflection." Journal of Child Language 29, no. 4 (November 2002): 813–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000902005299.
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This paper examines two- to five-year-old children's knowledge of inversion in English yes/no questions through a new experimental study. It challenges the view that the syntax for inversion develops slowly in child English and tests the hypothesis that grammatical competence for inversion is present from the earliest testable ages of the child's sentence production. The experimental design is based on the premise that a valid test of this hypothesis must dissociate from inversion various language-specific aspects of English grammar, including its inflectional system. An elicited imitation method was used to test parallel, lexically-matched declarative and question structures across several different verb types in a design which dissociated subject-auxiliary inversion from the English-specific realization of the inflectional/auxiliary system. Using this design, the results showed no significant difference in amount or type of children's errors between declarative (non-inverted) and question (inverted) sentences with modals or auxiliary be, but a significant difference for sentences with main verbs (requiring reconstruction of inflection through do-support) and copula be. The results from sentences with auxiliary be and those with modals indicate that knowledge of inversion is present throughout our very young sample and does not develop during this time. We argue that these results indicate that the grammar of inversion is present from the youngest ages tested. Our results also provide evidence of development relevant to the English-specific inflectional system. We conclude with a new developmental hypothesis: development in question formation occurs in integrating language-specific knowledge related to inflection with the principles of Universal Grammar which allow grammatical inversion.
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Gozali, Imelda, and Ignatius Harjanto. "IMPROVING THE GRAMMATICAL ACCURACY OF THE SPOKEN ENGLISH OF INDONESIAN INTERNATIONAL KINDERGARTEN STUDENTS." TEFLIN Journal - A publication on the teaching and learning of English 25, no. 2 (July 1, 2014): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.15639/teflinjournal.v25i2/168-184.
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The need to improve the spoken English of kindergarten students in an international preschool in Surabaya prompted this Classroom Action Research (CAR). It involved the implementation of Form-Focused Instruction (FFI) strategy coupled with Corrective Feedback (CF) in Grammar lessons. Four grammar topics were selected, namely Regular Plural form, Subject Pronoun, Auxiliary Verbs Do/Does, and Irregular Past Tense Verbs as they were deemed to be the morpho-syntax which children acquire early in life based on the order of acquisition in Second Language Acquisition. The results showed that FFI and CF contributed to the improvement of the spoken grammar in varying degrees, depending on the academic performance, personality, and specific linguistic traits of the students. Students with high academic achievement could generally apply the grammar points taught after the FFI lessons in their daily speech. Students who were rather talkative were sensitive to the CF and could provide self-repair when prompted. Those with lower academic performance generally did not benefit much from the FFI lessons nor the CF.
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Guéron, Jacqueline. "The Syntax and Semantics of the Perfect Structure: A Comparative Approach." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 2. Jazykoznanije, no. 1 (March 2020): 154–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu2.2020.1.13.
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The article covers some issues that concern the syntax and semantics of the present perfect construction in English and other languages. It states that all Present Perfects may be associated with what is considered the canonical construal in which an assertion is located at the present time but reports the existence of a past situation. However, some Present Perfects may, in addition, have a simple past aorist meaning. The author focuses on pluractional and evidential construals of the Present Perfect in some languages, argue that the Passé Composé construal and the Aorist construal of the perfect construction belong to two different modes of discourse, discours and récit, underlines their variability associated with a complex syntactic structure (an auxiliary verb and a verbal participle for Present Perfect, while the Aorist construal is associated with a simple verbal structure). According to the author, the Perfect has both syntactic and analytical ways of realization, thus the analytical syntactic structure of the Perfect is in English, French and German, with both a tensed auxiliary verb and a past participle, whereas it is synthetic in Latin, Russian and Arabic as is presented in the past participle alone; in languages with overt aspectual marking, aspect may vary on either the auxiliary, if it exists, or on the participle.
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Koeneman, Olaf, Marika Lekakou, and Sjef Barbiers. "Perfect doubling." Linguistic Variation 11, no. 1 (December 5, 2011): 35–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.11.1.02koe.
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The focus of this paper is the syntax of the so-called perfect doubling construction as it occurs in dialects of Dutch, namely cases of compound tenses featuring an additional, participial have (or be). We examine the properties of the construction on the basis of recent fieldwork research, and propose an analysis, whose starting point is the assumption that auxiliary doubling as such does not exist; what we have, rather, is the perfect tense of a lexical have (and be), which takes an adjectival (small clause) complement. Dialects vary with respect to the kinds of complement these lexical verbs can take. Our micro-comparative treatment takes into account related constructions, such as the geographically restricted so-called undative construction, as well as variants thereof that exist in the standard language. Keywords: syntactic doubling; (adjectival) participles; auxiliaries; present perfect; target state; resultant state; undative construction; possession
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Jansen, Veronika, Jasmin Müller, and Natascha Müller. "Code-switching between an OV and a VO language." Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism 2, no. 4 (November 30, 2012): 337–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lab.2.4.01jan.
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The present article investigates intra-sentential code-switching in French/Italian/ Spanish-German bilingual children. The main question is what determines the syntax of code-switching in OV/VO structures and subordinate clauses. While in the domain of OV/VO, neither the language of the lexical verb nor that of the modal/auxiliary verb determines the structure of code-switched utterances, the complementizer seems to be decisive for the syntax of code-switching in subordinate clauses. The present approach focuses on the relevance of the functional head C in code-switching, claiming that the syntax of code-switched OV/VO structures is influenced by the language of a (covert) C-head, while it does not depend on the language of T or V. Our approach can explain the variability of OV/VO in code-switching data and supports the observations by Belazi, Rubin, and Toribio (1994), Cantone (2007), Chan (2003; 2007), and Gonzalez-Vilbazo and Lopez (2012) that functional categories play an important role for the syntax of code-switching.
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Dulaj, Fridrik. "Syntactic Issues of the Dialect of Rohovec and Its Surrounding Area." Journal of Educational and Social Research 11, no. 3 (May 10, 2021): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2021-0058.
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In Albanian dialectology, research in the field of syntax is scarce. The authors of ADGJSH (Dialectological Atlas of the Albanian language) had researched the fields: phonetics, morphology, lexicon, but had left out syntactic issues. The purpose of this paper is to review syntactic issues from the dialect of the Rahovec area. The study was conducted in the municipality of Rahovec, with special emphasis on the dialect of Ratkoc, Krushe and Rahovec. The issues that have been elaborated within this research are the syntactic constructions: the noun “people” (njerëzia), the preposition” “in”(në) and “above”(mbi), the particle “with”(me), the preposition” “of/ by”(prej), the preposition “from”(nga), the preposition “in”(n), the preposition“ through ” / beyond ”(tej/përtej), the short form“ me ”(më), the conjunction“ how ”or“ how much ”, the semi-auxiliary verb“ start, begin and catch”, the verbs“ have and to be”, the conjunctions“ just, or, otherwise, or ... or". The results also show that in many cases interrogative sentences are used without the presence of the adjunct of place and in many cases, we use foreign words and distortions in sentence construction. Based on the results, we can say that the dialect of Rahovec is quite rich in syntactic constructions. Prospective researchers may have issues that have never been addressed before in this region.
Received: 2 February 2021 / Accepted: 29 March 2021 / Published: 10 May 2021
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LEE, LESLIE, and FARRELL ACKERMAN. "Word-based morphology–syntax interdependencies: Thai passives." Journal of Linguistics 53, no. 2 (December 28, 2015): 359–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226715000456.
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In this article, we argue that insights concerning the word-based nature of morphology, especially the hypothesis that periphrastic expressions are cross-linguistically common exponents of lexical relations, permit a novel lexical constructional analysis of periphrastic predicates that preserves the restriction of morphosyntactic mapping operations, such as passive, to the lexicon. We do this in the context of the periphrastic Thaithuukpassive, justifying in detail the monoclausal status of the construction, its flat phrase structure, the semantics of affectedness associated with it, and its paradigmatic opposition with other passive constructions in the language. Building on the proposal of Bonami & Webelhuth (2013) and Bonami (2015) that a periphrase relies on a form of the main verb that selects collocationally for an auxiliary element, we develop an analysis of Thai periphrastic passives in which the surface syntax of these predicates is mediated by appropriate lexical representations. Crucially, the rearrangement of arguments in the passive is done lexically, via lexical rule, rather than in the syntax. The resulting analysis is consistent with the classical tradition of Word and Paradigm morphology, which posits periphrastic expression as one of several encoding strategies for the realization of morphosyntactic information within words.
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Dabrowska, Anna. "The Unaccusative-Unergative Dichotomy of Predicates. Is There an Unaccusative Mismatch in English?" English Language Teaching and Linguistics Studies 1, no. 1 (May 27, 2019): p61. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/eltls.v1n1p61.
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The paper addresses the issue of the unaccusative-unergative dichotomy of predicates, providing a special analysis of the class status of the verb “to die” in English. First, the article opens with a view of unaccusativity in the light of the Lexicon-Syntax Interface. Further, the verb “to die” is tested against the six syntactic unaccusativity diagnostics valid for English. The results obtain reveal the fact that the first three diagnostics (auxiliary selection, causative alternation and resultative constructions) do not work for the verb “to die”, while the last three diagnostics (adjectival participle, there-insertion, locative inversion) appear to have been satisfied. This would lead us to a conclusion that the verb “to die” should be considered as a real example of an Unaccusative Mismatch (Levin, 1986).
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Duffley, Patrick. "The Use of the Verb Dare in Blends between the Modal and Main Verb Constructions." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 37, no. 1 (March 1992): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000841310002168x.
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It is a well-known fact that the verb dare can be used with either modal or main verb characteristics both in its inflection and in its syntax. When used as a modal, it drops the -s ending in the third person singular present indicative (She dare not mention it in his presence), has no imperative, infinitive or participial forms, takes direct negation by not, AUX-inverts in questions (Dare I ask you another question?) and is followed by the bare infinitive. In main verb use, on the other hand, it has all the normal forms of the verb, occurs with do auxiliary in negatives and interrogatives, and is construed with the to infinitive (She doesn’t dare to mention it in his presence).
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Ganieva, R. R. "Syntactic Relations Reflected by Word Order in "The Catcher in the Rye" by J. D. Salinger and "Fates and Furies" by L. Groff." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 21, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 1078–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2019-21-4-1078-1085.
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The research features syntactic structure in the twentieth century "The Catcher in the Rye" by J. D. Salinger and the twenty first century "Fates and Furies" by L. Groff. The research objective was to study the nature of syntactic relations expressed by word order in speech of narrators and characters. The paper outlines the rules of word order in the English sentence and reviews related studies in the field of syntax. The author analyzed the syntactic structure of sentences in the speech of narrators and characters in the two novels. The analysis was based on the descriptive method and techniques of observation, interpretation, comparison, and generalization. There were numerous examples of omission of auxiliary verbs in interrogative sentences in characters' speech, as well as interrogative sentences with affirmative structure. In "The Catcher in the Rye", affirmative sentences obecame interrogative with the help of interjections eh and ah. Both novels contained sentences where adverbial modifiers, objects, or attributes preceded the main parts – in the narrators' speech. A lot of one-member and contextually incomplete sentences were used to describe events and personages in both novels. In "The Catcher in the Rye", the narrator's speech revealed few cases of violations of word order rules, mostly in sentences with direct word order. The characters' speech appeared to contain much more cases of word order violations, since the novel features colloquial speech of twentieth century American teenagers. The speech of adult personages was characterized by correct word order. In "Fates and Furies", the narrator's speech demonstrated a significant number of elliptical sentences where auxiliary verb to be was omitted in simple verbal predicate with the verb in Present Continuous, as well as in compound nominal predicate and in passive voice. A comparative study of syntactic structure contributed to a deeper understanding of the nature of syntactic relations reflected by word order in the English sentence, grammatical structure of the English language, and popular types of sentences. In addition, the study showed the way native speakers express their ideas and thoughts by linguistic means and violate linguistic norms. The results can be used in various grammar courses and compiling textbooks.
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Roggia, Aaron B. "An investigation of unaccusativity and word order in Mexican Spanish." Spanish in Context 15, no. 1 (May 31, 2018): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.00004.rog.
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Abstract Studies of unaccusativity and word order in Spanish have yielded conflicting results. This study further investigates unaccusativity by testing the ability of the ‘Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy’ (Sorace 2000) to account for word orders with intransitive predicates in Mexican Spanish. The results of an oral production task show significant word order differences between verb categories and locate an unergative/unaccusative cutoff point midway along the hierarchy, situating unaccusativity in Spanish as being similar to Italian but trending in the direction of Dutch or French. Other variables affecting the word order are identified and ranked, including subject heaviness, definiteness, and the location of adverbial phrases. Greater inter-speaker variation at the syntax-discourse interface when compared with the syntax-lexicon interface shows that the Interface Hypothesis has application to native speakers of Spanish. The results of this study are important for current research on unaccusativity and syntactic interfaces.
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Čamdžić, Amela, and Richard Hudson. "Serbo-Croat Clitics and Word Grammar." Research in Language 5 (December 18, 2007): 5–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10015-007-0001-7.
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Serbo-Croat has a complex system of clitics which raise interesting problems for any theory of the interface between syntax and morphology. After summarising the data we review previous analyses (mostly within the generative tradition), all of which are unsatisfactory in various ways. We then explain how Word Grammar handles clitics: as words whose form is an affix rather than the usual ‘word-form’. Like other affixes, clitics need a word to accommodate them, but in the case of clitics this is a special kind of word called a ‘hostword’. We present a detailed analysis of Serbo-Croat clitics within this theory, introducing a new distinction between two cases: where the clitics are attached to the verb or auxiliary, and where they are attached to some dependent of the verb.
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Hamlaoui, Fatima, and Kriszta Szendrői. "A flexible approach to the mapping of intonational phrases." Phonology 32, no. 1 (May 2015): 79–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675715000056.
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We propose that for the syntax–prosody mapping of clauses and intonational phrases, the notion of ‘clause’ should be determined in a flexible manner, making reference to the highest position to which the verbal material (i.e. the verb itself, the inflection, an auxiliary or a question particle) is overtly moved or inserted, together with the material in its specifier. This contrasts with rigid approaches, which assume that mapping is based on particular functional heads. We provide support for this proposal with data from the Bantu language Bàsàá and the Finno-Ugric language Hungarian, showing that a left-peripheral constituent may be prosodically outside the core intonational phrase even though its syntactic position is relatively low, as long as the verb is even lower, and, conversely, that a constituent may be phrased inside the core intonational phrase even if it is in a syntactically high position, as long as the verb is also high.
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CULICOVER, PETER W., and SUSANNE WINKLER. "English focus inversion." Journal of Linguistics 44, no. 3 (October 16, 2008): 625–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226708005343.
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Besides the canonical Subject–I–VP structure, English has several inversion constructions in which the subject follows the inflected verb. The most familiar is Subject Auxiliary Inversion (SAI) which is analyzed as an instance of Head Movement (I–to–C-movement across the subject) in the generative tradition. In this paper we investigate Comparative Inversion (CI), which appears to be a special case of SAI in which ellipsis is required (Merchant 2003). Contrary to this analysis, we show that the subject can stay low in a noncanonical position, violating the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) in exactly those instances where it is under comparison and therefore heavily accented and contrastively focused. Our analysis shows that the non-application of the EPP is tied to regular interactions of syntax with phonology and syntax with semantics. We extend this in depth analysis to other English focus inversions and provide evidence that phonological highlighting and focus on the low subject can suspend the EPP. Thus, our analysis supports research programs which assume minimal syntactic structure and operations in interaction with interface constraints that are independently required for explanation.
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Sy, Evha Nazalatus Sa'adiyah, Devie Reztia A, and Devie Reztia A. "A SYNTACTICAL ANALYSIS OF SIMPLE SENTENCES IN KEMBHANG BABUR." Premise: Journal of English Education 8, no. 2 (October 20, 2019): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.24127/pj.v8i2.2112.
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Syntax is the study of the principles and processes by which sentence that it is constructed in particular language. Whereas that every language in the world certainly has different structure. This research aim to answer: (1) What are kinds of simple sentence found in Kembhang Babur books? (2) What are the differences between English and Madurese in simple sentences? This research is a descriptive qualitative research, descriptively describing the syntactic structures of simple sentences in Kembhang Babur book. The writer followed the rule of the qualitative which the data describe in words as the basis of interpreting data. Words are of utmost importance to qualitative researchers. There are three kinds of simple sentences found in Kembhang Babur book could be classified into: (a) Affirmative sentences, (b) Negative sentences (c) Interrogative sentences. The differences in English sentence is; if this affirmative sentence Aux there is after NP, but in the interrogative sentence Aux there is before NP and there is auxiliary “do/does” as interrogative verb. In Madurese sentence is marked by the addition of the word “apah” which is put before NP. “Apah” is as question word in Madurese, not as an auxiliary.
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Dragomirescu, Adina, and Alexandru Nicolae. "Particular Features of Istro-Romanian Pronominal Clitics." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 65, no. 4 (October 30, 2020): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2020.4.09.
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"Particular Features of Istro-Romanian Pronominal Clitics. Istro-Romanian is a ‘historical dialect’ of Romanian, a severely endangered linguistic variety, spoken in the Istrian peninsula (Croatia) as an endogenous language, and in USA and Canada as an exogenous language. Using the data extracted from the available corpora, the paper offers a descriptive account of the main features of pronominal clitics in Istro-Romanian, focusing on empirical phenomena such as interpolation, verb(-auxiliary)-clitic inversion, (absence of) clitic climbing, and the position of clitics with respect to other elements of the verbal cluster. Some parallels with Croatian are also drawn, and the importance of old Romanian/old Romance inheritance is also briefly assessed. Future research will concentrate on more closely determining what plays a more important role in the syntax of Istro-Romanian: preservation of archaic Romanian/ Romance features or language contact?
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Bauer, Brigitte L. M. "Language contact and language borrowing?" Belgian Journal of Linguistics 33 (December 31, 2019): 210–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.00028.bau.
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Abstract This study investigates the potential influence of Latin syntax on the development of analytic verb forms in a well-defined and concrete instance of language contact, the Old French translation of a Latin Gospel. The data show that the formation of verb forms in the Old French was remarkably independent from the Latin original. While the Old French text closely follows the narrative of the Latin Gospel, its usage of compound verb forms is not dictated by the source text, as reflected e.g. in the quasi-omnipresence of the relative sequence finite verb + pp, which – with a few exceptions – all trace back to a different structure in the Latin text. Engels (VerenigdeStaten) Another important innovative difference in the Old French is the widespread use of aveir ‘have’ as an auxiliary, unknown in Latin. The article examines in detail the relation between the verbal forms in the two texts, showing that the translation is in line with of grammar. The usage of compound verb forms in the Old French Gospel is therefore autonomous rather than contact stimulated, let alone contact induced. The results challenge Blatt’s (1957) assumption identifying compound verb forms as a shared feature in European languages that should be ascribed to Latin influence.
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MACLEOD, MORGAN. "Postverbal negation and the lexical split of not." English Language and Linguistics 24, no. 4 (July 16, 2019): 667–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674319000170.
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In Early Modern English, verbal negation was commonly expressed by the addition of not directly after a lexical verb, a construction which subsequently underwent a pronounced decline in frequency as part of broader changes in verbal syntax. Even after the rise of the auxiliary do, however, constructions with the same surface form as the earlier pattern have continued to be used as a stylistically marked alternative. Data from the Hansard Corpus are presented here to show an increase in the frequency of these constructions since the mid twentieth century. The syntactic environments in which contemporary postverbal negation occurs are compared to the patterns existing in Early Modern English, and evaluated in the light of trends within constituent negation. The interpretation proposed is that a lexical split has occurred to produce two separate lexemes of the form not, with different syntactic properties. Postverbal negation would thus occur in Present-day English when speakers choose to make use of the new lexeme.
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Jordens, Peter. "The development of finiteness from a lexical to a functional category." EUROSLA Yearbook 8 (August 7, 2008): 191–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eurosla.8.11jor.
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Finiteness in adult Dutch is expressed by use of formal means of morpho-syntax, i.e. with both inflectional morphology and word order (verb-second). These formal means are linked to a projection of the functional category FIN as in: FIN SpecFIN FIN FIN VP SpecVP VP At the initial stage of acquisition, there is no productive use of functional elements nor do learner languages have verb-second. This is due to the fact that initially learner languages are systems in which the functional category FIN is absent. Properties of validation and anchoring are expressed by lexical means: Expression of illocutionary force occurs with modal predicates, contextual anchoring is expressed with deictic elements. Instantiation of the functional projection FIN is caused by the acquisition of the auxiliary verb heb/heeft (have/has). As a functional category, AUX provides a position for functional elements to express modal or – in the default case – non-modal illocutionary force. With the instantiation of AUX, the initial, i.e. specifier position serves as a position for elements with topic function, i.e. for elements used to establish contextual anchoring of the utterance. The acquisition of AUX is the driving force in the development from the lexical to the functional stage. However, the acquisition of AUX does not come as a deus ex machina. Structures with AUX are learned for reasons of information processing. Utterances with an auxiliary are typically used as a topicalisation device. Due to the fact that structures with AUX are learned as a topicalisation device, it seems possible (1) to provide a functional explanation for why auxiliaries, inversion and subject pronouns are learned simultaneously and (2) to account for the fact that the acquisition process occurs similarly in both L1- and L2-learner languages.
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THOMAS, ROSE. "The interaction of modality and negation in Finnish." Journal of Linguistics 48, no. 3 (February 24, 2012): 653–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226712000035.
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In Finnish, negation is expressed via an auxiliary, and no other verb may occur above this auxiliary in the structure. This gives rise to a problem with respect to the modals of obligation and necessity, which take scope over negation yet appear below it. It is tempting to account for this in terms of LF-movement, but evidence suggests that there are in fact two modal phrases in Finnish, one above negation and the other below it, the higher of which encodes necessity/obligation. Evidence for the higher phrase comes from the negative imperative. Although the PF part of a verb in a negative sentence cannot move to the head of this higher phrase, the head itself is in the right position to take scope over negation. Thus, rather than attributing the scope properties of the modals to LF-movement, it will instead be argued that the LF-interpretable part of a head is merged precisely where it takes scope, and that the relation between the LF- and PF-interpretable parts of the modal is one ofchecking at a distance. Head-movement will be regarded solely as a PF phenomenon. It will be seen that the scope relations of the modals and the imperative mood can be accounted for under this hypothesis. Thus, Finnish provides evidence for a view of syntax which identifies syntactic structure largely with the LF-interpretable part of a sentence, and sees head movement as fundamentally a PF phenomenon. There are two morphological moods in Finnish, which seem to provide counter-examples to this hypothesis, which will be left as a problem for future research.
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Alconchel, José Luis Girón. "La Doctrina y el Uso de Los Futuros en Las Gramáticas Renacentistas." Historiographia Linguistica 24, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1997): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.24.1-2.03alc.
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Summary Spanish grammars written through the 16th and 17th centuries can be used and are to be used as primary sources for the history of the Spanish language. However, when it comes to write the history of the morphology and syntax laid down in them, the following distinctions must be made: the prescribed use or standard, the described uses, and the grammarian’s own written use. In this paper, these distinctions are applied to the history of the analytic future and the conditional tenses (cantar-clitic-he, cantar-clitic-hía), especially in the attempt to explain the loss of these forms in the first half of the 17th century. Nebrija defines the future and conditional tenses as periphrases of infinitive + haber; Correas defines them in the same way, but he does not identify easily the verb haber in the -ía ending of the conditional tense. Neither of them – nor the other grammarians who have been studied: the Anonymous of Lovaina of 1555 and 1559, Villalón, del Corro, Jiménez Patón, Tejeda, Juan de Luna – codify the analytic forms in the verbal paradigms; that means that they do not consider them standard or prescribed usage, although they use them themselves (written uses) and they put them down as examples or other speakers’ uses (described uses). But the written use lasts only until the end of the 17th century; Tejeda and Correas use the analytic forms only in examples (described uses). Taking into account that in the literary language analytic forms last until about 1650, it must be said that the language of the grammars abandons these forms approximately a quarter of a century earlier.These forms were bound to disappear, because of their defective nature and their restricted distribution, and also because they showed a word order (auxiliated + auxiliary), uncompatible with SVO languages. Grammars of the ‘Golden Century’ allow us to understand better their dissapearance right in the first quarter of the 17th century, because they report the full grammatiealization of haber as the only auxiliary verb of the compound tenses.
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Huang, Timothy, and Lizbeth Finestack. "Comparing Morphosyntactic Profiles of Children With Developmental Language Disorder or Language Disorder Associated With Autism Spectrum Disorder." American Journal of Speech-Language Pathology 29, no. 2 (May 8, 2020): 714–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2019_ajslp-19-00207.
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Purpose Previous cross-population comparisons suggest a considerable overlap in the morphosyntactic profiles of children with developmental language disorder (DLD) and children who experience language disorder associated with autism spectrum disorder (LD-ASD). The goal of this study was to further examine and compare the morphosyntactic profiles of the two populations using both standardized, norm-referenced assessments and language sample analysis. Method We used the Structured Photographic Expressive Language Test–Third Edition (Dawson et al., 2003) and the Index of Productive Syntax (in Applied Psycholinguistics, 11 (1), 1990 by Scarborough) to compare the morphosyntactic profiles of 21 children with DLD (5;6–8;1 [years;months]) and 15 children with LD-ASD (4;4–9;8). Results Overall, both groups' morphosyntactic profiles were not significantly different based on the 26 structures assessed by the Structured Photographic Expressive Language Test–Third Edition. Chi-square analyses identified two structures on which the DLD group outperformed the LD-ASD group (i.e., participle and the conjunction “and”). Likewise, the groups' morphosyntactic profiles were not significantly different based on the 56 items assessed by the Index of Productive Syntax. Analyses identified only one structure on which the DLD group outperformed the LD-ASD group (i.e., S8: Infinitive) and four structures on which the LD-ASD group outperformed the DLD group (i.e., Q9: Why/when/which, etc.; Q6: Wh -question with auxiliary, modal, or copula; Q4: Wh -question with verb; and Q2: Routine question). Conclusions Study results suggest that the morphosyntactic profiles of children with DLD and children with LD-ASD are not significantly different. Results also suggest potential weaknesses on forms that have not been the focus of previous studies. It is important for clinicians to assess each of these forms using both standardized assessments and language sample analysis to gain a full understanding of the language profiles of children with DLD or LD-ASD.
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Pokrovska, Iryna, and Ganna Spotar-Ayar. "Functional Semantic Field of Aim in Gagavuz Language." Vìsnik Marìupolʹsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu. Serìâ: Fìlologìâ 13, no. 23 (2020): 184–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-3055-2020-13-23-184-192.
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Modern studies in linguistics are based on functional approach that gives an opportunity to overcome some classic understandings of a language nature. Theory of functionalism is based on dual-track analyse of grammatical structures such as from function to way of semantically expression and from expression to function. Any field has a structure which consists of the core and the periphery. As a rule the core is formed by lexical, morphological and syntactical means that are the most specialized to express meanings of a semantic category and are systematically used. This article deals with the way of expression of the semantic category of aim in modern Gagauz language. The functional-semantic field of aim in modern Gagauz language consists of the core and the periphery. The core of the field of aim consists of lexemes that express semantic of aim and purpose such as “neet”, “amaç”. These lexemes are used not only in Gagauz language but also in Turkish and in both languages are functioning either as separate verbs or as a part of construction with the meaning of purpose. The semantic of aim is expressed on morphological, lexical and syntactical level. On morphological level it is represented by –sin morpheme. Also, the meaning of aim or purpose is expressed by using verb with dative case. On lexical level the semantic of aim is expressed by words with meaning of aim, goal, purpose. As a rule in Turkic languages these lexemes are used to form syntactical constructions with semantic meaning of purpose, such as deyni. Nowadays deyni is the most frequently used lexeme with the meaning of purpose. The article describes several scientific opinions about the origin of deyni, which is used only in Gagauz language. On syntactic level the semantic of aim is expressed by the means of lexemes ani, aniki which are used both in syntactic constructions an compound sentences. The specific feature of sentences that express the meaning of aim in Gaguz language is that syntagma with the meaning of aim and purpose can be used either in preposition or postposition, while in Turkish it can be used in preposition only. In some cases the semantic of aim can be expressed by syntactic means without using special lexemes. In such cases predicate is used in imperative form. Also, sometimes such type of sentences has auxiliary lexeme tâ. Sentences that express the semantic of aim in Gagauz language have some particularities in compare with same constructions in western Turkic languages, for example Turkish. Due to the influence of Slavic syntax for a long period of time constructions with semantic of aim may have different position in sentence, while in other Turkic languages they are in preposition.
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Andersen, Torben. "Auxiliary verbs in Dinka." Studies in Language 31, no. 1 (February 5, 2007): 89–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.31.1.04and.
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Jones, Michael Allan. "AUXILIARY VERBS IN SARDINIAN." Transactions of the Philological Society 86, no. 2 (November 1988): 173–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-968x.1988.tb00398.x.
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Hu, Bo, and Hong Chen. "On the Raising and Control of Modal Auxiliary Verbs." International Journal of Linguistics 12, no. 4 (August 27, 2020): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v12i4.17595.
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Modal auxiliary verbs are a type of verb that expresses the speaker’s attitude and opinion towards a proposition or an event. This paper investigates the syntactic features of modal auxiliary verbs in different languages from the aspects of semantic constraints, the deletion of complement clauses, constituent movement, pseudo-cleft construction and temporal and aspect markers, and analyzes relevant hypotheses of modal auxiliary verbs under the framework of generative grammar. We challenge the assumption that modal verbs are raising verbs, argue that modal auxiliary verbs should be analyzed as raising or control verbs.
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Djulaikah, Siti. "ERROR ANALYSIS ON THE AUXILIARY VERBS MADE BY THE TENTH GRADERS OF MAN 2 SAMARINDA." LINGUA: Journal of Language, Literature and Teaching 13, no. 1 (April 3, 2016): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.30957/lingua.v13i1.16.
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This study used qualitative design focusing on the errors made by the second year students of MAN 2 Samarinda. The variable of this study was errors on auxiliary verbs. The variable was measured by using an objective test on auxiliary verbs. The instrument of the study was a test on auxiliary verbs. The data were analyzed the kinds of typical errors which are classified into four, they are: omission, addition, misformation, misordering errors. The components of auxiliary verbs test were: to do (do, does, did), to have (have, has), and modal auxiliary (can, could, will, would, may, and must). The study discovered that kinds of typical errors on auxiliary verbs are classified into four kinds of typical errors: omission errors, addition errors (double marking and regularization), misformation errors and miscellaneous errors. The typical errors present on auxiliary verbs are classified into four kinds of typical errors: (1) to do, including: errors in adding “do”, “does” and “did”, misuse in using “do”, “does” and “did”. (2) to have including: errors in adding “have” and “has”, double in marking auxiliary verbs, in this case to be and to have, (3) modal auxiliary including: false in choosing the right modal auxiliary.
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Ayodimeji, Akintoye, Festu. "A Comparative Study of French and English Auxiliary Verbs." IJOHMN (International Journal online of Humanities) 4, no. 4 (August 4, 2018): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijohmn.v4i4.52.
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Auxiliary verbs in English and French languages are very germane in constructing sentences in both languages. Therefore, this study examines the way auxiliary verbs are used in English and French Languages; and some features where learners of either language may encounter some difficulties in the course of learning. Our attention is drawn to auxiliary verbs because verb is what that makes any sentence functions the way it is. Verb is one of the most important parts of speech in French grammar and also in English .It is through verb that one knows when an action takes place. When a verb helps another verb to form one of its tenses in a sentence, such verb can be said to be auxiliary. This paper also focuses on auxiliary verbs and how verbs are used in the past and present indications. Auxiliary verbs cannot stand or function alone without relying on the main verb in both English and French languages. Finally, we shall concurrently consider in this paper how semi-auxiliary verbs function as modal auxiliary in French.
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Shim, Ji. "Mixed Verbs in Code-Switching: The Syntax of Light Verbs." Languages 1, no. 1 (June 17, 2016): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages1010008.
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Hudson, Richard, Andrew Rosta, Jasper Holmes, and Nikolas Gisborne. "Synonyms and syntax." Journal of Linguistics 32, no. 2 (September 1996): 439–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700015954.
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Recent work in a variety of different theoretical traditions has tended to emphasize the close match between syntax and semantics (Dixon 1991; Langacker 1987, 1990, 1995; Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1991, 1992; Wierzbicka 1988). It is very easy to be left with the impression that, if only we could analyse the relevant syntactic and semantic structures correctly, this match would be total. The following are fairly typical statements:The picture that emerges is that a verb's behavior arises from the interaction of its meaning and general principles of grammar. Thus the lexical knowledge of a speaker of a language must include knowledge of the meaning of individual verbs, the meaning components that determine the syntactic behavior of verbs, and the general principles that determine behavior from verb meaning. (Levin 1993: 11)
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Kavčič, Jerneja. "Syntactic variants and natural syntax : Greek infinitive clauses dependent on verbs of speaking and thinking." Linguistica 50, no. 1 (December 29, 2010): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.50.1.169-177.
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This paper explains a very well-known feature of Classical Greek syntax from the perspective of Natural Syntax. Most grammars of Classical Greek state that infinitive clauses could be dependent on both verbs of speaking and thinking in Classical Greek. In contrast, finite dependent clauses could be governed only by verbs of speaking. However, one verb of speaking that regularly governs infinitive clauses is 'say'. In terms of Natural Syntax, infinitive clauses are more natural than finite dependent clauses. The scale > nat (infinitive clause, finite dependent clause) is supported by the criterion of favorable for the speaker and the hearer (criterion A) and the criterion of integration into the clause (criterion D). In addition, verbs of thinking are more natural than verbs of speaking. The scale > nat (verbs of thinking, verbs of speaking) is supported by the criterion of integration into the clause (criterion C), the criterion of frequency (criterion C), and the criterion of favorable for the speaker andthe hearer (criterion A). Natural Syntax predicts that the more natural syntactic variant (i.e., infinitive clauses) associates with more natural parameters (i.e., verbs of thinking) than the less natural syntactic variant (i.e., finite dependent clauses). This type of alignment rule is called parallel alignment. In addition, most of the criteria applied indicate that the verb 'say' is more natural than other verbs of speaking (e.g., it is an enclitic verb). Consequently, it is expected within Natural Syntax that the verb 'say' associates with the more natural syntactic variant (i.e., with infinitive clauses).
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kim suyoung. "A comparative study of auxiliary verbs." Japanese Language and Literature Association of Daehan ll, no. 77 (February 2018): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18631/jalali.2018..77.001.
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