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Journal articles on the topic 'Syriac Hymns'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Saint-Laurent, Jeanne-Nicole Mellon. "Gateway to the Syriac Saints: A Database Project." Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 5, no. 1 (December 6, 2016): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21659214-90000074.

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This article describes The Gateway to the Syriac Saints, a database project developed by the Syriac Reference Portal (www.syriaca.org). It is a research tool for the study of Syriac saints and hagiographic texts. The Gateway to the Syriac Saints is a two-volume database: 1) Qadishe and 2) Bibliotheca Hagiographica Syriaca Electronica (BHSE). Hagiography, the lives of the saints, is a multiform genre. It contains elements of myth, history, biblical exegesis, romance, and theology. The production of saints’ lives blossomed in late antiquity alongside the growth of the cult of the saints. Scholars have attended to hagiographic traditions in Greek and Latin, but many scholars have yet to discover the richness of Syriac hagiographic literature: the stories, homilies, and hymns on the saints that Christians of the Middle East told and preserved. It is our hope that our database will give scholars and students increased access to these traditions to generate new scholarship. The first volume, Qadishe or “saints” in Syriac, is a digital catalogue of saints or holy persons venerated in the Syriac tradition. Some saints are native to the Syriac-speaking milieu, whereas others come from other linguistic or cultural traditions. Through the translation of their hagiographies and the diffusion of saints’ cults in the late antique world, saints were adopted, “imported,” and appropriated into Syriac religious memory. The second volume, the BHSE, focuses on Syriac hagiographic texts. The BHSE contains the titles of over 1000 Syriac stories, hymns, and homilies on saints. It also includes authors’ or hagiographers’ names, the first and last lines of the texts (in Syriac, English, and French), bibliographic information, and the names of the manuscripts containing these hagiographic works. We have also listed modern and ancient translations of these works. All of the data in the Gateway to the Syriac Saints has been encoded in TEI, and it is fully searchable, linkable, and open.

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2

Fomicheva, Sofia. "The Jewish literature of the second temple as a possible source of Ephrem the Syrian’s doctrine about the teacher as a scribe, inspired by God (in the 6th hymn "De Crucifixione")." St. Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 73 (December 30, 2022): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii202273.103-118.

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In his 6th Hymn De crucifixione that is consecrated to the interpretation of three days problem of Jesus’ resurrection, the Syriac poet-theologian Ephrem the Syrian (4th c.) functions as a teacher of astronomical and calendric lore. The article focuses on the probable sources of the construction of Ephrem’s authority as a teacher in this hymn. The author demonstrates that the astronomical discourse in the Syriac hymn is constructed with the specific structural devices, e.g., the first-person discourse, the term “calculation” and metaphorically expressed with the image of the scribe. These elements have obvious parallels within the Jewish Aramaic texts of the Second Temple, e.g., “the Aramaic Astronomical Book” and “the Document of Levi”. Like in Ephrem’s Hymn De crucifixione, in these texts are used the astronomical and other arithmetical calculations. The Jewish scribes who composed these works, transformed the old Babylonian mathematical lore into new narrative forms. In the course of this, these real scribes used fictive authority of the biblical figures associated with writing, e.g., Moses, David, Enoch, Noah and others. The author gives heed to the similar use of these biblical figures in Ephrem’s hymns and draws a conclusion about the self-definition by Ephrem as the scribe who is inspired by God and obtain a capability to interpretate God’s “secrets”. As a result, Ephrem “blends” the Christological typological interpretation of the “secret” or “symbol” with ancient Jewish and Mesopotamian connotations. Hence, in his sixth Hymn De crucifixione, the Syrian poet functions not as a theologian but as a teacher with quasi-prophetic status who is aligned with Moses and David and imitates their writing and interpretative activities. In the opinion of the author, these conclusions could shed light not only on the origins of Ephrem’s works, but on the origins of the Syriac Christianity as a whole.

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Uciecha, Andrzej. "Pozycja starców w literaturze Ojców Syryjskich." Vox Patrum 56 (December 15, 2011): 401–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4233.

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In this contribution author analyse certain christological and eschatological aspects of old age in writings of the Syriac Church Fathers: Testament of Adam a Christian (pseudepigraphical work from 3rd century A.D.), Acts of the Holy Apostle Thomas (the New Testament apocrypha from 3rd century A.D.), Demonstration on death and the last days of Aphrahat the Persian Sage (4th century A.D.), Hymns of Ephrem the Syrian On Paradise, On Virginity, On the Nativity, and at last one homily from Liber Graduum (a collection of 30 spiritual homelies from 5th century A.D.).

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Hartung, Blake. "The Authorship and Dating of the Syriac Corpus attributed to Ephrem of Nisibis: A Reassessment." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 22, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 296–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2018-0033.

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Abstract A large portion of the Syriac works attributed to Ephrem of Nisibis survives in the form of collected poetic anthologies. This paper argues that previous attempts to assign authorship and date of composition to Ephrem’s hymn cycles mistakenly treat these works as if they were treatises written by Ephrem. Scholars have tended to treat the hymn cycles as units and to judge the authenticity of each cycle as a whole. By contrast, this paper contends that the cycles postdate Ephrem and were assembled and supplemented by later editors. It further proposes that the heterogeneous origin of most of the hymn cycles makes it impossible to date them to a particular time in Ephrem’s career. To hypothesize a date of composition is to assume that Ephrem composed the hymns in that cycle at a particular time and collected them as a unit. Likewise, this paper contends that scholars must be frank about the general lack of historical evidence, which severely challenges our ability to contextualize fourth-century Syriac poetry. The paper concludes by proposing a new approach to questions related to authorship and date of composition, one focused on smaller metrical sub-units (meter-melodies) that comprise the large hymn cycles.

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Fomicheva, Sofia. "The astronomical and calendrical calculations in the 6th Hymn de Crucifixione by Ephrem the Syrian in the old Babylonian, Jewish and Christian context." St. Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 77 (December 25, 2023): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii202377.107-124.

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The paper is focused on the astronomical and calendrical lore which the Syriac poet-theologian Ephrem the Syrian abundantly uses in his 6th hymn De crucifixione. In this hymn devoted to the interpretation of three days problem of Jesus’ resurrection, the Syriac poet and theologian employs some astronomical data, i.e., the duration of solar and lunar years, the duration of the lunar months, the necessity of the intercalations in the calendars etc. The author analyses this lore in the context of the astronomical knowledge existing to Ephrem’s epoch. On the one hand, the article pays attention to the similar use of the astronomical data in a lot of Jewish and Christian works of the 3rd and 4rd centuries. In this period the astronomical calculations have been used actively both in Christian and Jewish milieux. On the other hand, the calculations by Ephrem mirror the peculiarities of the region of the north Mesopotamia where he lived and created his works. For example, the author demonstrates that Ephrem could be influenced by the old Babylonian astronomical theory and use in his computations the Babylonian “double hour”. In the article is also demonstrated that the calculations by Ephrem are striking similar to the ones in the “Panarion” by Epiphanius of Salamis. Epiphanius seems to be acquainted with Ephrem’s works or to use the similar tradition stretching back to the Babylonian one. The author draws a conclusion that the calculations in the hymns are used to express Ephrem’s self-presentation as the scribe and the sage who obtains the cosmic “secrets”. This picture is deep rooted as in the old Mesopotamian literature as in Jewish Aramaic writings. The author points out that Ephrem uses the astronomical lore in the liturgical context and not in the theological “scientific’’ tractate. Hence, Ephrem constructs a new religious and poetic “myth” about the Crucifixion and feast of Pascha upon the astronomical dimensions it has both in the Christian and in the Jewish traditions.

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OLSSON, BIRGER. "The Canticle of the Heavenly Host (Luke 2.14) in History and Culture." New Testament Studies 50, no. 2 (April 2004): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688504000104.

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The angels still do not know how to sing during Christmas night. Some have three lines in Luke 2.14, others only two. Some have good liturgical hymns in their textbooks, others must use bad prose versions. This article reconstructs a Hebrew version with its focus on the righteous remnant of Israel, the Anawim in Jerusalem who saw Jesus as the beginning of the restoration of Israel, and goes on to analyse the original and the liturgical versions in Greek, different Latin translations and renderings into Syriac and Coptic. Finally it gives some later interpretations of the canticle in literature, art and music. There are good reasons to include much more of reception history into the NT discipline.

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Frøyshov, Stig Simeon R., Aleksandra Nikiforova, and Natalia Smelova. "Byzantine Influence before Byzantinisation: The Tropologion Sinai Greek NE ΜΓ 56+5 Compared with the Georgian and Syriac Melkite Versions." Religions 14, no. 11 (October 27, 2023): 1363. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14111363.

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The article examines a selection of hymns of potentially Byzantine origin in the eighth-to-tenth-century manuscripts of the New Tropologion, which was the hymnal of the Anastasis cathedral of Jerusalem and in churches that followed its rite. Such adoption in the rite of Jerusalem represented a Byzantine influence before the wave of liturgical Byzantinisation that started in the late ninth and tenth centuries. For the first time, three versions of the New Tropologion are studied together: the Greek original and the Syriac and Georgian translations. The Greek Tropologion Sinai MS NE MΓ 56+5 is the primary material, compared with Sinai MS Syriac 48 and several Georgian New Iadgari manuscripts from Sinai. The study identifies one certain Byzantine element in the New Tropologion: parts of the feast of St. John Chrysostom, archbishop of Constantinople, and several probable Byzantine elements: the interpolation of the second ode in three canons by Kosmas of Jerusalem and one by John, and parts of the stichera series Aἱ ἀγγελικαὶ προπορεύεσθε δυνάμεις attributed to Romanos the Melodist. By contrast, the interpolated ode 1 in Kosmas’ canon for Great Saturday seems to be of Palestinian origin, and therefore not a Byzantine loan, contrary to traditional views. The article shows that there is considerable variation between the different versions of the New Tropologion.

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Younes, Munther. "Charging Steeds or Maidens Doing Good Deeds? A Re-Interpretation of Qur'āan 100 (al-‘;ādiyāt)." Arabica 55, no. 3 (2008): 362–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005808x347453.

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AbstractIn A Challenge to Islam for Reformation, Gunter Lüling (2003) argues that about one-third of the Qur'ānic text is based on ancient Christian Arabic hymns that were reworked and given a new meaning by the Qur'ān editors after the Prophet's death. This was possible because the Uthmanic mushaf lacked dots, which allowed for different readings. In this essay, I reconstruct the first five verses of Koran 100 (wa-l-‘ādiyāt) by changing the dotting scheme of four words. Informed by a close examination of the syntactic structure and vocabulary of these verses and a comparison with cognates in Syriac and Hebrew, two languages with a clear influence on the Qur'ān, this reconstruction results in a narrative that is more coherent semantically and syntactically than the traditional interpretation. Whereas in the traditional interpretation these verses describe steeds charging into battle, in my reconstruction they refer to maidens bringing light to the world.

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Münz-Manor, Ophir, and Thomas Arentzen. "Soundscapes of Salvation." Studies in Late Antiquity 3, no. 1 (2019): 36–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2019.3.1.36.

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We do not know how hymns in Late Antiquity sounded. We do know that refrains became an important aspect of hymnody in the period, not only among Christians in the capital accustomed to acclamations, but also among Hebrew-speaking Jews and Syriac-speaking Christians further east. This article investigates ways that the refrains contributed to shaping soundscapes or sonic space. The article constitutes a study of three of the era's most outstanding liturgical poets: Yose ben Yose and Yannai who wrote piyyutim in Hebrew and Romanos the Melodist who wrote kontakia in Greek. Refrains should ring loudly, and all three poets show a distinct awareness of the refrain's ability to shape the performative space. Throughout the song, the refrain would return repeatedly as an echo and saturate the room with loud voices. The hymnographers used this feature semantically, to dye the soundscapes with highly charged or pregnant notions, so that eventually the singing of the songs themselves gave way to the experience of community and deliverance. Conducted by poets, voices gathered to create soundscapes of salvation.

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Lukashevich, Aleksandr. "Syro-Melkite manuscript of the 15th century (vat. Sir. 351): an unfinished project of the monthly Menaion for the whole year in one volume." St. Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 77 (December 25, 2023): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii202377.53-68.

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This article describes contents, paleographic, linguistic, and liturgical features of one of the Syriac manuscripts of the Vatican Library, Vat. sir. 351, dating back to the 15th century. A large part of the manuscript is written by one scribe with a very fine and professional handwriting, but there are also insertions of other scribes, two of them we know by their names indicated in the margins (Yusuf, Salam). The manuscript is written mostly in classical Syriac, but some rubrics and texts are written in Arabic. The Menaion contains texts of the Holy Scripture: readings from the Apostol and the Gospel in the beginning of the manuscript, then in the Menaion part — prokimena, alleluiaria, communion hymns, New Testament readings for matins and liturgy, psalms of the great hours and selected psalms (eklogai) for singing after the polyeleos on great feasts. We may suggest that the scribe planned to include the entire Menaion for the whole year, from September to August, in one volume. However, this experiment remained incomplete: services for every day can be found only in the beginning and in the end of the manuscript (months of September, October, part of November, August), while other months contain a selection of the most festive days. Thus, the manuscript cannot be fully characterized by terms like a “Monthly Menaion” or a “Festal Menaion”. Days without services contain only indications of the date, names of the saints, often with addition of stichera, troparion and kontakion, always with indications of readings for the liturgy; the scribe usually left an empty space after the date, due to lack of time or inability to find the necessary texts. The changes from daily services to festive selection and vice versa are situated not far from large portions written by other scribes.

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Maggi, Mauro, and Paola Orsatti. "The Syro-Persian Texts in Manuscript 398 of the Chaldean Cathedral in Mardin." Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 22, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 395–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2019-220111.

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Abstract Besides Syriac texts, manuscript 398 of the Chaldean Cathedral in Mardin contains texts in Greek, Armenian, Georgian, Persian, Turkish, and Arabic in Syriac script. This article provides an edition, translation, and philological commentary of its three Persian texts on the basis of this and other witnesses: (1) a Trisagion, also in Mardin 10; (2) an Annunciation hymn with a dialogue between the Angel Gabriel and Mary, partly also in manuscript 94 of the Chaldean Diocese of Alqosh; and (3) a short Palm Sunday hymn, also in Alqosh 94, Deyrulzafaran 197, and Mingana Syr. 184 and 520, previously published on the basis of the Mingana manuscripts only.

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12

Rouwhorst, Gerard. "Le Noyau le Plus Ancien des Hymnes de la Collection ‘Sur L’Epiphanie’ et la Question de Leur Authenticité." Vigiliae Christianae 66, no. 2 (2012): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007211x586106.

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Abstract The authenticity of the madrashe/hymns contained in the collection On Epiphany, which is traditionally ascribed to Ephrem the Syrian, is considered as doubtful by most scholars. One of the major arguments advanced against Ephrem’s authorship is the fact that the collection presupposes the existence of the feast of Epiphany commemorating Jesus’ baptism on 6 January, with which Ephrem certainly was not familiar. This, however, does not exclude the possibility that some of the hymns were written by Ephrem. It is argued in this article that the texts forming the nucleus of this collection actually were composed by him and, moreover, that they are important sources for the study of Ephrem’s baptismal theology.

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Mengozzi, Alessandro. "The Dispute of the Months in Sureth and Its East-Syriac Vorlage." Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 22, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 319–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2019-220109.

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Abstract In 1896 Lidzbarski published a Sureth (Christian North- Eastern Neo-Aramaic) version of the Dispute of the Months, as preserved in the ms. Berlin 134 (Sachau 336). The text is here republished with an English translation and compared with its Classical Syriac Vorlage. For the purpose of comparison, a provisional critical edition of the East-Syriac text in the classical language has been prepared on the basis of five manuscripts. The East-Syriac (and Sureth) version contains fewer references to Biblical and Christian culture than the West-Syriac text, as published by Brock in 1985, and appears to be a folk ballad with a few Christian motifs rather than a liturgical hymn. The text was attributed to the late 13th-century poet Khamis bar Qardaḥe and has been preserved in a couple of manuscript witnesses of the second part of his Diwān.

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Naumowicz, Ks Józef. "PIERWSZE WCZESNOCHRZEŚCIJAŃSKIE ŚWIADECTWA O ŚWIĘCIE BOŻEGO NARODZENIA." Colloquia Litteraria 8, no. 1/2 (November 21, 2009): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/cl.2010.1.05.

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The first Christian testimonies about the celebration of Christmas The article presents the earliest reference to the celebration of Christmas as a holiday or feast, namely: the Roman calendar of Philocalus (so-called Chronography of 354), the first sermons preached for this occasion (pope Liberius, Optate from Milewe, Zenon from Verona) and the first hymns (Ambrose from Milan and Prudentius, Ephrem the Syrian). The analysis of sources shows that there is no record of this feast before the First Council at Nicaea (325 A.D.). It appeared in Rome around 335 A.D. and from there it has spread to other regions. As soon as it appeared, it quickly gained popularity and characteristic theological significance.

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Maier, Carmen. "Book Review: Anti-Judaism and Christian Orthodoxy: Ephrem's Hymns in Fourth-Century Syria." Theological Studies 71, no. 1 (March 2010): 213–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056391007100114.

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den Biesen OSB, Kees. "Spreken Over God Bij Efrem de Syriër." Het Christelijk Oosten 47, no. 1-2 (November 29, 1995): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497663-0470102002.

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Speaking about God in Ephrem the Syrian An analysis of the theological language in the works of St Ephrem the Syrian is offered in this article. The author pays attention particularly to his ninth 'Hymn on the Church', of which he also presents a translation in Dutch. This hymn is a very good example of Ephrem’s perception of the relationship between theology and language. The paradox of transcendence and immanence of God make thinking and speaking about Him – this means theology – both possible and impossible. How can one speak about God when his essence is mysterious and hidden from human understanding? On the other hand, since God reveals himself in creation and in history we may speak about Him, but how can we speak about a mystery? This traditional problem of every theologian is also a personal dilemma in the life of St Ephrem. In his ninth 'Hymn on the Church' his heart and his mind are in conflict whether to worship God in silence or to praise Him in words. But finally love (= heart) prevails. God first spoke to men in images, symbols and analogies. Therefore man may speak about God using the same words if he realizes that no word or image can ever fully describe Him. Lack of a clearly defined terminology could be considered a point of weakness in Ephrem’s theology. However, it is also his strength if we perceive theology not so much as an academic and rational discipline, but more in the patristic way as the human expression of mystical experience.

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Fuchs, Gisela. "Das syrische Perlenlied und die manichäische Redaktion." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 25, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 395–451. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2021-0033.

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Abstract A hundred years ago (1917/1918) Wilhelm Bousset broke new ground with the thesis that the Acts of Thomas showed traces of Manichaean editing, especially in the Hymn of the Pearl, perhaps the most famous and the most beautiful poem in the Syriac language. In this poem, according to Bousset, the stages in the life of the prince, the protagonist, strangely match the stages in the life of Mani, the founder of the Manichaean religion. The present article revisits this thesis, which enjoys as much interest as ever and is accepted by several well-known contemporary scholars. It takes account of older witnesses (such as the traditions of the early church) while introducing new arguments based on a consideration of original Manichaean literature and striking features of language and style. In a kind of panoramic view, it shows that the Hymn of the Pearl was indeed subjected to Manichaean editing: motives and themes from older traditions were adapted to refer to Mani and supplemented with new interpretive material. Taken together, the old and the new observations confirm Bousset’s thesis that the son of the king in the Hymn of the Pearl was identified with Mani and that an editor (or a school of editors) reworked the poem to make it point to him.

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Brock, S. "Anti-Judaism and Christian Orthodoxy: Ephrem's Hymns in Fourth-Century Syria. By CHRISTINE SHEPARDSON." Journal of Theological Studies 60, no. 2 (July 22, 2009): 676–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flp082.

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Morrison, C. E. "Anti-Judaism and Christian Orthodoxy: Ephrem's Hymns in Fourth-Century Syria. By CHRISTINE SHEPARDSON." Journal of Theological Studies 61, no. 1 (October 21, 2009): 342–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flp134.

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Naomi Koltun-Fromm. "Anti-Judaism and Christian Orthodoxy: Ephrem's Hymns in Fourth-Century Syria (review)." Journal of Jewish Identities 2, no. 2 (2009): 75–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jji.0.0054.

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Adam H. Becker. "Anti-Judaism and Christian Orthodoxy: Ephrem's Hymns in Fourth-Century Syria (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 17, no. 3 (2009): 477–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.0.0269.

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Paul S. Russell. "Anti-Judaism and Christian Orthodoxy: Ephrem's Hymns in Fourth-Century Syria (review)." Catholic Historical Review 95, no. 4 (2009): 780–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.0.0528.

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Siragan Arlen, Jesse. "Gišeroy kc'urdk' (Hymns of the Night): Seven Madrāše of Ephrem the Syrian Preserved in Armenian." Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 267–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2019-210111.

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Sehorn, John. "Anti-Judaism and Christian Orthodoxy: Ephrem's Hymns In Fourth-Century Syria â By Christine Shepardson." Religious Studies Review 35, no. 4 (December 2009): 275. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2009.01387_24.x.

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MATHEWS E.G. "Jr. Saint Ephrem the Syrian: Armenian Dispute Hymns between Virginity and Chastity." Revue des ?tudes Arm?niennes 28, no. 1 (April 14, 2005): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/rea.28.1.505078.

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EBEID, Bishara. "Miaphysite Syriac Patristic Florilegia and Theopaschisim. Abū Rāʾiṭah’s Defence of the Christological Trisagion Hymn." Annali di Scienze Religiose 14 (January 2021): 231–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.asr.5.126975.

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Lieber, Laura. "Portraits of Righteousness: Noah in Early Christian and Jewish Hymnography." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 61, no. 4 (2009): 332–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007309789346461.

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AbstractThe transformation of Noah into a Christian ideal in the writings of Aphrahat and Ephrem (4th century), with the resulting denigration of Noah in much rabbinic exegesis, is well documented. The purpose of this essay is to examine the characterization of Noah in the liturgical (as opposed to the scholarly) setting. Four groups of works are examined: the Hebrew Avodah poems and the hymns of Ephrem the Syrian (4th century); and the kontakia of Romanos the Melodist and the liturgical poems of the Jewish poet Yannai (6th century). These sources reveal that the individual poets felt great freedom to shape the character of Noah in distinctive ways, engaging with the various traditions of interpretation evident in the prose sources but using them in individualized ways. The resulting picture of Noah, when these poetic sources are brought to bear on the discussion, is much less predictable and more dynamic than might be assumed from study of the more“academic” prose sources alone.

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Rouwhorst, G. "De paashymnen van Efrem de Syriër." Het Christelijk Oosten 37, no. 2 (November 12, 1985): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497663-03702002.

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Les hymnes pascales dʼEphrem le Syrien Cet article porte sur les hymnes pascales dʼEphrem de Nisibe. Après quelques remarques rapides sur la vie dʼEphrem, sur son oeuvre et ses intuitions théologiques - notamment celles qui sont sous-jacentes à lʼemploi fréquent de symboles et dʼantithèses - lʼauteur entend dégager les thèmes principaux des hymnes pascales. Ce sont: la victoire de lʼagneau pascal en Egypte résultant en la libération du peuple juif hors de lʼEgypte; la „Passion” du Seigneur, à partir de la Cène jusquʼà lʼAscension; la célébration annuelle de la fête pascale par lʼEglise. Une remarque sʼimpose sur le deuxième de ces thèmes - qui, du reste, est le thème-clé-: la Résurrection joue un rôle très subordonné, surtout par rapport à la mort et à la descente et la victoire au shéol. Cela amène lʼauteur à rapprocher les hymnes pascales de la douzième Démonstration dʼAphraate - un autre auteur syriaque, contemporain dʼEphrem -, texte qui semble présupposer une célébration pascale assez curieuse, à savoir un triduum durant du vendredi jusquʼà la nuit du samedi au dimanche dont le moment le plus important nʼest pas la nuit de la résurrection, mais le jour de la mort, le vendredi. Il est probable quʼ Ephrem lui-aussi ait connu une telle „Pâque du vendredi”. Finalement lʼauteur émet lʼhypothèse quʼavant dʼavoir connu cette célébration, les églises dʼAphraate et dʼEphrem aient été quartodécimanes, c.-à.-d. quʼelles aient célébré la fête pascale dans la nuit du 14 au 15 Nisan.

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Brock, S. "Review: The Hymn of the Pearl. The Syriac and Greek Texts with Introduction, Translations, and Notes." Journal of Theological Studies 54, no. 2 (October 1, 2003): 878. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/54.2.878.

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Botha, P. J. "Textual strategy in a fourth century Syriac hymn on the life of the ascetic Abraham of Kidun." Acta Patristica et Byzantina 8, no. 1 (January 1997): 42–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10226486.1997.11745881.

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Karim, Ephrem. "Book Review: St. Ephraem the Syrian: Hymns on Paradise. Translated and introduced by Sebastian Brock. New York: St. Vladimir's Press, 240." Irish Theological Quarterly 59, no. 4 (December 1993): 313–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002114009305900406.

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Bibikov, Mikhail Vadimovich. "To the Source Studies of the Byzantine Accounts of the Spiritual Centers in Palestine." Античная древность и средние века 51 (2023): 90–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2023.51.005.

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The review of the sources includes the characteristics of such literary monuments as the texts of the Holy Scripture of the Septuagint, sermons, spiritual hymns, and hagiography. The main documental evidences are represented by the Notitia episcopatuum, Synodal acts, canons and decisions, Typika of monasteries, account of the churches, abbeys and nunneries in Christian East. In Christian Byzantium, Jerusalem became the main destination of pilgrims. Many monasteries were built by the monks from Georgia who lived in Palestine. In the countries neighbouring to Palestine there was active monastic building in Byzantine Syria, as well as in the area of ancient monastic formations, Egypt. Therefore, there appeared the picture of energetic monastic building in the Holy Land, which is accounted to by documents, such as various Notitia, as well as the statutes and the journals of pilgrims and travellers. Although not all the monasteries existed for long due to devastating raids of Bedouins, Muslims, and crusaders, many of them were renovated from the ashes to continue servicing to these days. From that time on, Byzantine geographical literature went outside purely literary borrowings from the classical heritage and the environment of theoretical-mathematical and astronomical treatises to the practice of actual travels and pilgrimages. Although the latter kept their importance in all the periods of Byzantine literature, from the Christian topography of Kosmas In- dikopleustes to the ethno-geographical excursions in the History of Nikephoros Grigoras.

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Gorea, Maria. "From the Aramaic raḥmānāʾ to raḥmānān and al-raḥmān." Millennium 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2023): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2023-0006.

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Abstract The oldest record of the notion of “mercy”, raḥmān, in Aramaic is known from a bilingual text in which the word is the translation of the Akkadian rēmēnû. The latter is used in Mesopotamian onomastics, hymns and prayers, which delivered the oldest formulae of calls for the mercy of gods, especially in a recurrent expression: “the merciful god, that is good to pray,” translated verbatim in the Aramaic text of the statue of Tell Fekheryeh. Almost a thousand years later, the same wording has been inherited unchanged in Palmyrene Aramaic. Nevertheless, the Palmyrene interest on the divine epithet raḥmān and its revival in Palmyrene epigraphy may be explained by the influence of the new Roman concept of clementia. Meanwhile, this contribution proposes to outline a chronology of the Aramaic inscriptions from Syria and Palestine, in which raḥmānāʾ is either the main substitute for the divine name, or a major divine epithet. As the Akkadian phonetic assimilates the consonant <ḥ> to the laryngeal <ʾ> but preserves the velar <ḫ>, the supposed East Semitic root was rḥm, not rḫm. On the contrary, in the Arabian Peninsula, the earliest attested root is rḫm, as evidenced by South Arabic onomastics or toponymy. A late use of rḥm in South Arabic as a verb or noun is the result of a loan from Aramaic and does not appear until the fifth century AD. The first South Arabian inscriptions naming the monotheistic god raḥmānn are preceded by the Palmyrene inscriptions by almost two centuries and are contemporary with the Jewish-Aramaic inscriptions in the Palestinian synagogues, which call the God Raḥmānāʾ. Late, the Aramaic epithet was transferred to the Arabic al-raḥmān, through South Arabian.

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Wickes, Jeffrey. "Christine Shepardson, . Anti‐Judaism and Christian Orthodoxy: Ephrem’s Hymns in Fourth‐Century Syria. Patristic Monograph Series 20. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2008. xii+191 pp. $34.95 (cloth)." Journal of Religion 90, no. 1 (January 2010): 81–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/649980.

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Salvesen, Alison G. "Anti-Judaism and Christian Orthodoxy: Ephrem's Hymns in Fourth-Century Syria. By Christine Shepardson. Patristic Monograph Series 20. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 2008. xii+191 pp. $34.95 cloth." Church History 79, no. 1 (February 24, 2010): 184–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640709991429.

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Schedl, Claus. "Tryggve Kronholm, Motifs from Genesis 1–11 in the genuine Hymns of Ephrem the Syrian, with particular reference to the influence of Jewish exegetical tradition. CWK Gleerup Lund Sweden 1978, 251 Seiten." Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht 165, no. 1 (June 14, 1996): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/2589045x-16501014.

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Rysiaieva, Maryna. "On Ancient Greek Thymiateria and Their Purpose." Text and Image: Essential Problems in Art History, no. 2 (2019): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2519-4801.2019.2.01.

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The paper looks at the ancient Greek thymiateria and aims at finding data in literary, epigraphic and visual sources that would cast light on the use of thymiateria in private and public rituals of the VIІ th century BC – IVth century AD. Systematic collection of data and its comparative historical analysis were in the core of the methodology. Among the main methods of analysing the collected sources, one should mention empirical, analytical, structural-typological and iconographical methods. A thymiaterion (an incense burner) is firstly mentioned in the Vth century BC in Herodotus’ Historia. In centuries to come, the panhellenic name of thymiaterion would dominate and enter to Roman and Germanic languages. This device was used solely with fire, charcoal or heated pebbles to burn aromatic compounds, incense and aromatic plants and flowers in particular. Thymiateria didn’t have any fixed shapes or sizes. In narrative sources, they were also named bomiskos, libanotis (libanotris), escharis, tripodiskos etc. In this paper, I examine the basic constructive elements of thymiateria. As visual sources and lyric poetry suggest, they were used in the archaic period. The earliest instance of the use of thymiateria in the ritual practice date late to the VIth century BC in the Phanagoria of the Bosporus. The thymiateria is depicted on mostly in mythological scenes on the Athenian red-figure pottery late of the Vth – IVth centuries BC found in Panticapaeum and in the surrounding area. The Greek iconography of mythological scenes on the vases was clear for the locals. The majority of visual, numismatics and epigraphic sources that reveal the use of thymiateria on the Bosporus are dating to the IVth–ІІth centuries BC, when they were spread in Hellenistic Greece and, especially in sanctuaries of Delos. Although aroma was an essential part of thymiateria culture, only Orphic Hymns cast light on the use of particular incenses (in pure form or in compound) for each gods or heroes. One important question persists: which aromas were burnt in thymiateria and from which countries were they brought to Greece? From literary sources, we know that plant-based aromas, namely incense and myrrh were brought from South Arabia and Syria. Thymiateria were used during rituals in sanctuaries and temples, during religious processions, funerals, symposiums and wedding that were accompanied by aromatic smoke. The present essay should be regarded as a starting point for the further in-depth study of thymiateria from the Northern Black sea region and Olbia in particular.

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WICKHAM, L. R. "The hymn of the pearl. The Syriac and Greek texts with introduction, translations, and notes. By Johan Ferreira. (Early Christian Studies, 3.) Pp. x+131. Sydney: St Pauls Publications, 2002. 0 9577483 3 7." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54, no. 3 (July 2003): 519–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046903327976.

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Lambert, W. G. "Ištar of Nineveh." Iraq 66 (2004): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001595.

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Ištar of Nineveh at first glance presents a dilemma for the researcher. While she was a most important goddess, patron of a major town in north Mesopotamia, very little is known about her. As to her importance, in Hurrian religion Teššub and Ša'uška of Nineveh were heads of the pantheon. Here she is given her Hurrian name, Ša'uška. Thus the Mitanni king Tušratta in the Amarna letter no. 23, to Amenophis III, writes that Ša'uška of Nineveh, lady of all the lands (dMÙŠ šauruni-i-na nin kur-kur gáb-bi-i-ši-na-ma), wanted to travel to Egypt and to return. She is further called “lady of heaven” (nin ša-me-e) and “our lady” (nin-ne). Amarna letter no. 24, from the same Mitanni king to the same Pharaoh, refers to Ša'uška of Nineveh as “my goddess” (uruni-i-nu-a-a-we dša-uš-ka-a-wa de-en-ni-iw-wu-ú-a: VS XII 200 iii 98). One might conclude that “lady of heaven” alludes to her as Venus in the sky, but it might also mean the abode of the good gods without any astral allusion. It has been alleged that her wish to travel to Egypt was in the capacity of a goddess of healing, to cure the Pharaoh of his malady, but this is mere speculation. The letter gives no hint of this.This brief international affair illustrates the problems excellently. There is a mass of cuneiform material bearing on the Sumerian Inanna and her Babylono-Assyrian counterpart Ištar, especially hymns and prayers. From them one can extract her major attributes — sexuality and war — and her astral presence in the planet Venus. The occurrence of related gods in other ancient Near Eastern regions — Aštart and Anat in Syria, Aṯtar in Arabia — suggests that the origins of the cult go back perhaps to neolithic time or even earlier, and the certain relationship with the Greek Aphrodite and Roman Venus attests to the power of this cult, however one explains the connection. However, in each Mesopotamian well-established centre of this cult one can assume that local customs and traditions will have added something to the basic “theology” we extract from our general knowledge of the goddess. For Ištar of Nineveh the episode of Tušratta may or may not allude to her star Venus, but otherwise it is totally uninformative about her “theology”. And that is typical for most of the other dated and precisely located evidence.

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Doerfler, Maria E. "Translating Eve: Death and Female Identity in A Funerary Hymn Ascribed to Ephrem." Journal of Theological Studies, June 3, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flac077.

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Abstract The necrosima, a collection of 85 funerary madrāshê ascribed to Ephrem the Syrian, encompasses hymns in a variety of metres, commemorating Christians of all stations and backgrounds. Scholarly interest in the necrosima peaked in the nineteenth century; in the intervening decades, the hymns have retreated into relative obscurity, a fate precipitated in part by the recognition that few appear to be of genuinely Ephremic vintage. This article participates in an effort to revive interest both in the necrosima as a corpus, and in its individual hymnic constituents—including those of uncertain provenance. To this end, it focuses on one of its most striking examples, madrāshâ 31 (In funere matrisfamilias). The latter depicts a dialogue between a deceased wife and mother and her community, wherein the former presents herself as daughter, victim, and unwitting double of Eve. The article examines the motif of Eve’s legacy in the lives of ordinary Christian women, as depicted in madrāshâ 31, in three interlocking strata: of the necrosima; of roughly contemporaneous Syriac literature; and, finally, of the madrāshâ’s putative performative context. Each stratum elucidates intertextual connections and additional layers of meaning, resulting in a more satisfyingly ‘thick’ description of the madrāshâ and its narrative.

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Botha, Philippus J. "Ephrem the Syrian’s hymn On the Crucifixion 4." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 71, no. 3 (March 11, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v71i3.3012.

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This article offers a translation of the hymn De Crucifixione 4 by Ephrem, the Syrian theologian, which forms part of his cycle of hymns for the celebration of Easter. The symbolic interpretation of particularly the tearing of the temple veil in this hymn – together with the cosmic signs which occurred at the death of Jesus – is investigated. An attempt is made to correlate Ephrem’s fierce anti-Jewish polemics with the intentions of the authors of the Synoptic Gospels and with Ephrem’s circumstances at the probable time of composition of the hymn.

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Botha, P. J. "Antithesis and argument in the hymns of Ephrem the Syrian." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 44, no. 3 (January 23, 1988). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v44i3.2229.

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This paper reflects research on the semantic structure of antitheses. The thesis being proposed is that the defining quality of antitheses was implemented by the Syrian church father Ephrem as a rhetoric technique to enhance the power of arguments in his hymns. Examples are being investigated to explain the function of antitheses in the surface structure of some of his arguments.

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Fauchon-Claudon, Claire. "Flavia Ruani (trad. éd.), Éphrem de Nisibe, Hymnes contre les hérésies." Syria, December 31, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/syria.9034.

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44

Botha, P. J. "Polarity: The theology of anti-Judaism in Ephrem the Syrian’s hymns on Easter." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 46, no. 1/2 (January 23, 1990). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v46i1/2.2294.

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In this paper, the polarity Jews :: Christians in the hymns on Easter of the fourth-century Syrian theologian Ephrem is investigated. This polarity is found to be polemical against the Jews. But since polarity is a constant feature in the work of Ephrem which serves to communicate his theological frame of mind, the question is asked whether anti-Judaism does not also serve to convey theological ideas. An attempt is made to demonstrate that anti-Judaism indeed had a theological function for Ephrem: Anti-Judaism seems to have been an aspect of Christian self-definition. It was also a way of expressing the concepts of theological balance and reciprocity.

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Rajan, Rajeev, Varsha Shiburaj, and Amlu Anna Joshy. "Oktoechos Classification and Generation of Liturgical Music using Deep Learning Frameworks." Journal of Creative Music Systems 7, no. 1 (July 10, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.5920/jcms.1014.

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An important feature of the music repertoire of the Syrian tradition is the system of classifying melodies into eight tunes,  called ’oktoe\={c}hos’.  In oktoe\={c}hos tradition, liturgical hymns are sung in eight modes or eight colours (known as eight ’niram’ in Indian tradition). In this paper, recurrent neural network (RNN) models are  used for  oktoe\={c}hos genre classification with the help of musical texture features (MTF) and i-vectors.The performance of the proposed approaches is evaluated using a newly created corpus of liturgical music in the South Indian language, Malayalam. Long short-term memory (LSTM)-based and gated recurrent unit(GRU)-based experiments report the average classification accuracy of  83.76\%  and 77.77\%, respectively, with a significant margin over the i-vector-DNN framework.   The experiments demonstrate the potential of RNN models in learning temporal information through MTF in recognizing eight modes of oktoe\={c}hos system. Furthermore, since the Greek liturgy and Gregorian chant also share similar musical traits with Syrian tradition, the musicological insights observed can potentially be applied to those traditions. Generation of oktoe\={c}hos genre music style has also been discussed using an encoder-decoder framework. The quality of the generated files is evaluated using a  perception test.

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Kanniyakonil, Scaria. "The Moral Perspectives of the Anaphora of Addai and Mari in the Syro-Malabar Liturgy." Studia Liturgica, July 19, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00393207231185365.

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Liturgical prayers comprise a myriad of moral concepts. This is obvious in the anaphora of Addai and Mari, one of the earliest liturgies in the East Syrian tradition. Prayers of this anaphora are a source of Christian moral tradition. This article argues that there are fundamental moral concepts, moral values, and special moral cases in the anaphora of Addai and Mari. The prominent moral themes of this anaphora include conscience, justice, love, communion, holiness, gratitude, mercy, peace, and eco-theology. Moreover, participation in the Holy Qurbana incites moral imagination and subsequently helps one to arrive at good moral decisions. The result is the moral response (counter-gift) of the participation in the Holy Qurbana. The article also explores the similarities between the moral concepts of Acts of Thomas, Ephrem's hymns, Aphrahat's Demonstrations and the anaphora of Addai and Mari. This article reasons that a deep relationship exists between liturgy and morality, and one can obtain mature moral perspectives from the anaphora of Addai and Mari in the present context.

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Hartin, Patrick J. "The search for the true self in the Gospel of Thomas, the Book of Thomas and the Hymn of the Pearl." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 55, no. 4 (January 11, 1999). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v55i4.1662.

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At the heart of the Gospel of Thomas lies the call to achieve an understanding of one's self (Logia 67-70). This call focuses the struggle of Thomas Christians by turning it inward as a challenge to understand their own true identity. Through this struggle they come to a knowledge of the Father. The significance of this theme of the search for the true self is examined further in the context of the Gospel of Thomas (Logia 3; 58; 111). From this study, it emerges that Thomas Christians experienced that they were strangers in a hostile world. Feeling alienated, they wished to escape rom the world. The positive outcome of this experience was a deeper self-understanding. This study culminates in an examination of this theme of the search for one's self in two other writings at home within early Syrian Christianity. In the Hymn of the Pearl (Acts of Thomas 108-113) the theme emerges in the allegory of the soul's quest for self-knowledge. The path to salvation is a search that ultimately takes one rom the world. In the Book of Thomas the Contender the same search for one's identity is emphasised (138:15-20 and 145:1-15). Finally, it is argued that this search for one's true identity is appropriate to the historical and sociological context of the Syrian Church in Edessa.

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