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Journal articles on the topic 'Syriac Text'
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1
Scully, Jason. "The Exaltation of Seth and Nazirite Asceticism in the Cave of Treasures." Vigiliae Christianae 68, no. 3 (2014): 310–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341170.
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This article argues that the Cave of Treasures mixes Jewish themes concerning the exaltation of Seth with ascetical themes found in Syrian Christian writings about Nazirite purity. The Cave of Treasure’s emphasis on Seth’s priestly duty and sexual purity echoes Syriac Christian authors, like Ephrem and Aphrahat, who also describe Seth in terms of Nazirite purity. Since the East-Syriac recension of the text contains explicit Nazirite influences that are absent from the original pre-fourth-century West-Syriac recension, an East-Syrian scholar probably revised the composition sometime between the fifth- through seventh-centuries. The later redactor took the text’s original emphasis on purity and interpreted this purity according to the East Syriac model of Nazirite asceticism that was common among other seventh-century East-Syriac authors, like Dadisho and Isaac of Nineveh.
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Zellmann-Rohrer, Michael. "A New Fragment for Peshitta Cod. 8 (Pusey-Gwilliam) and the Syriac Tradition of Mark." Novum Testamentum 64, no. 2 (2022): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-bja10017.
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Abstract Publication of a Syriac parchment codex fragment kept in the papyrus collection of the National Library of Austria (P. Vind. Syr. 5), which belongs to a gospel manuscript once in the “Syrian” monastery of Wadi el-Natrun, the rest of which is now in London (British Library, Add. MS 17114). The potential contribution of the reconstituted codex, which was adduced as cod. 8 in the edition of Pusey and Gwilliam, to the criticism of the text of the Syriac version is reexamined.
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Khizhniakova, S. O. "The Dispute between the Nestorian Patriarch Timothy I and the Caliph al-Mahdi: Versions, Manuscripts, Editions and Translations." Orientalistica 6, no. 5 (2024): 846–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2023-6-5-846-857.
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This paper serves as an introduction to the forthcoming translation of the disagreement between Patriarch Timothy I of the Church of the East and the Abbasid Caliph al-Mahdi. It provides the historical context of the text, discusses the importance of the debate for the study of Arab-Muslim polemics, and explores its dating. Author provided additional information about Syriac and Arabic manuscript traditions and presented an updated stemma of these manuscripts containing the dialogue text. Additionally, she thoroughly reviewed editions and translations of the dispute in both Syriac and Arabic, and systematically analyzed differences between all existing versions. A general comparison is presented between the Syrian original and the nearest Arabic translation, which serve as the foundational versions of this text.
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Фомичёва, С. В. "Фрагмент трактата «О монашестве» Афанасия Абу Галиба / вступительная статья, сирийский текст, русский перевод и комментарии". Библия и христианская древность, № 1(21) (12 травня 2024): 15–73. https://doi.org/10.31802/bca.2024.21.1.001.
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Сирийский текст фрагмента из трактата «О монашестве» западносирийского богослова Афанасия Абу Галиба († 1177) подготовлен по рукописям MS Mingana syr. 118 (XX в.) и MS Mosul 34 (XVIII в.). Во вступительной статье анализируется жанровая специфика произведения, его язык и стиль, риторическая форма. Рассматриваются особенности использования Абу Галибом библейских и небиблейских источников, излагаются основные темы приводимого отрывка: проблема наставления и наказания в монашеской общине, учение об аскетизме и др. Подчёркивается важность этого произведения, представляющего ценный источник по богословию, аскетическим идеям, монашеству, риторике сирийской христианской традиции XII в. И сирийский текст, и его русский перевод публикуются впервые. The article presents the Syriac text of the fragment from the treatise «On Monastic Life» by the West Syrian theologian Athanasios Abu Ghalib (d. 1177), with Russian translation, introduction and commentaries. Athanasios Abu Ghalib was bishop of Jihan and created his works in the period of the «Syriac Renaissance». His writing «On Monastic Life» was not edited and translated up to now. The Syriac text is prepared according to two manuscripts: MS Mingana syr. 118 (20th c.) и MS Mosul 34 (18th c). In the introduction is analyzed the specific of the genre of the Syriac work, its language and rhetoric. There is characterized the way of using of different biblical and non-biblical sources by the Syriac author. In the introduction is also discussed the main topics of the work, e. g., the role of the admonition and punishment in the monastic community, the teaching about ascetism and others. The author emphasizes the importance of this work as a source of theology, ascetism, monasticism, rhetoric of the West Syrian Christian tradition of 12th century.
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Minov, Sergey. "Syriac Christians and Popular Religion in Early Ottoman Mesopotamia." Aramaic Studies 22, no. 2 (2024): 243–59. https://doi.org/10.1163/17455227-bja10053.
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Abstract This article presents the hitherto unpublished Syriac text of the Turgāmā on Charms and Sorcery, a specimen of pastoral literature produced by Ignatius VII ʿAzīz bar Sāḇtā, known also as Abū al-Maʿānī, who served as the patriarch of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn from 1461 to 1481. A representative of the centuries-long tradition of polemic against magic and use of amulets among Syriac Christians, the work is a rare and valuable witness to the dynamics of popular religion among West Syrians of early Ottoman Mesopotamia. The text is accompanied by an English translation and a brief discussion.
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Cherkashina, Anna, and Nikita Kuzin. "‘Binding of a Husband’." Aramaic Studies 20, no. 2 (2022): 154–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-bja10037.
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Abstract This article examines a Syriac erotic binding spell, ‘Binding of a Husband’. We provide a text-critical edition of this spell based on three manuscripts and reconsider previous editions and translations. We also try to establish the aim of the text and its place in the Syriac magical tradition. For this purpose, the evidence from modern Syriac magic manuscripts as well as from other pieces of Syriac literature is addressed. In addition, we discuss possible parallels for ‘Binding of a Husband’ beyond Syriac literature.
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Kessel, Grigory. "A New (Double Palimpsest) Witness to the Old Syriac Gospels (Vat. iber. 4, ff. 1 & 5)." New Testament Studies 69, no. 2 (2023): 210–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688522000182.
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AbstractVat. iber. 4, a membrum disjectum of the manuscript Sin. geo. 49, contains on two of its folios the Syriac Gospel text as the lowest layer (scriptio ima) within a double palimpsest. Comparison with known Syriac versions of the extant text – Matt 11.30–12.26 – shows that the text represents the Old Syriac version, and is particularly akin to the Curetonianus (Syc). On palaeographic grounds, the original Gospel manuscript can be dated to the first half of the sixth century. The fragment is so far the only known vestige of the fourth manuscript witness to the Old Syriac version.
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Glashev, Akhmed. "On the translation of the syro-turkic manuscript from Khara-Khoto." St. Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 73 (December 30, 2022): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii202273.29-36.
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The article devoted to study of the fragment (so-called third Syro-Turkic fragment) of a Syrian Christian book from Khara-Khoto (the capital of the Tangut kingdom) written in Turkic language in Syriac script, which comes from the Turks who adopted Christianity from the Syrians in the XIII-XIV centuries in the region of the lake Issyk-Kul (Kyrgyzstan).This article analyses the fragment of a Christian manuscript book written in Turkic language in Syriac script from Khara-Khoto (so-called the third Syro-Turkic fragment). The author proposes a clarification of the translation of the text of this manuscript. In particular, the author gives a different translation of the word bitik, relying on the other Christian texts in Turkic languages of the 13th-14th centuries, where this word means Holy Scripture, Gospel, Bible. According to the author, this is confirmed by the data in the Karachay-Balkari language, in which this meaning of bitik has its roots in the early Middle Ages and it is associated probably with the activity of Christian missions among the North Caucasian Huns and Alans and the first translation of the Gospel into the Hunnic language in 534. The article provides a brief history of the Christian community among the Turks of Central Asia, who used the Syriac script for writing books and tombstones in Turkic language. After a careful study of the Syro-Turkic fragment the author concludes that it is part of a Christian Syriac book written in the Turkic language.
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Corbu, Agapie. "The Ascetical Way of Life in St Isaac the Syrian’s Writings." Diakrisis Yearbook of Theology and Philosophy 6 (November 30, 2023): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/diakrisis.2023.5.
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The present study deals with a theme of spirituality frequently found in the writings of St. Isaac the Syrian, namely the idea of “way of life” (Syr. dubara). Essential to understand the whole of his theology, this theme is treated in a manner little used until recently, but which is now becoming established in current academic research on Isaac, namely by appeal to his Syriac texts. This is achieved practically by pointing out the meanings of the Syriac term dubaraand its Greek translation by politeia. The paper makes important clarifications of Isaac's terminology, and the novelty is that it highlights the connection between the text and the ascetical practices to which it refers. To this end, the study also presents the ideational synonyms of the Syriac term in question, as well as the various theological expressions in which it appears.
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Minov, Sergey. "Timothy I Defending the Cross against Jews and Muslims: a Newly Discovered Testimony." Medieval Encounters 31, no. 2 (2025): 119–54. https://doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340213.
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Abstract The article presents for the first time the Syriac text, an English translation and discussion of the surviving fragments of a newly discovered apologetic composition by Timothy I (fl. 780–823), the East Syrian patriarch of Baghdad. In this work, the catholicos defends Christian practice of veneration of the cross against possible critique by Jewish and Muslim adversaries. Discussed in the context of Timothy’s other works and of the earlier and contemporary polemical literature by Christians, the newly published material offers a valuable evidence on the development of the repertoire of anti-Jewish and anti-Muslim polemical arguments among Syriac and Arab Christians during the eighth and ninth centuries.
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Chesley, Emily, Jillian Marcantonio, and Abigail Pearson. "Towards Syriac Digital Corpora: Evaluation of Tesseract 4.0 for Syriac OCR." Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 22, no. 1 (2019): 109–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2019-220105.
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Abstract This paper summarizes the results of an extensive test of Tesseract 4.0, an open-source Optical Character Recognition (OCR) engine with Syriac capabilities, and ascertains the current state of Syriac OCR technology. Three popular print types (S14, W64, and E22) representing the Syriac type styles Estrangela, Serto, and East Syriac were OCRed using Tesseract’s two different OCR modes (Syriac Language and Syriac Script). Handwritten manuscripts were also preliminarily tested for OCR. The tests confirm that Tesseract 4.0 may be relied upon for printed Estrangela texts but should be used with caution and human revision for Serto and East Syriac printed texts. Consonantal accuracy lies around 99% for Estrangela, between 89% and 94% for Serto, and around 89% for East Syriac. Scholars may use Tesseract to OCR Estrangela texts with a high degree of confidence, but further training of the engine will be required before Serto and East Syriac texts can be smoothly OCRed. In all type styles, human revision of the OCRed text is recommended when scholars desire an exact, error-free corpus.
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Mengozzi, Alessandro. "The Dispute of the Months in Sureth and Its East-Syriac Vorlage." Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 22, no. 1 (2019): 319–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2019-220109.
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Abstract In 1896 Lidzbarski published a Sureth (Christian North- Eastern Neo-Aramaic) version of the Dispute of the Months, as preserved in the ms. Berlin 134 (Sachau 336). The text is here republished with an English translation and compared with its Classical Syriac Vorlage. For the purpose of comparison, a provisional critical edition of the East-Syriac text in the classical language has been prepared on the basis of five manuscripts. The East-Syriac (and Sureth) version contains fewer references to Biblical and Christian culture than the West-Syriac text, as published by Brock in 1985, and appears to be a folk ballad with a few Christian motifs rather than a liturgical hymn. The text was attributed to the late 13th-century poet Khamis bar Qardaḥe and has been preserved in a couple of manuscript witnesses of the second part of his Diwān.
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Overwien, Oliver. "The Paradigmatic Translator and His Method: Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq’s Translation of the Hippocratic Aphorisms from Greek via Syriac into Arabic". Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 3, № 1-2 (2015): 158–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00301007.
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The present article deals with the role of the Syriac intermediary within Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq’s working process. In its first part I aim to show that the Syriac translation of the Hippocratic Aphorisms (ed. Pognon) was produced by Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq. Since this is the first Syriac translation of an ancient medical text which can be definitely ascribed to Ḥunayn, we are now in a better position to understand his working method. In its second part I compare therefore samples of his Syriac translaton with the Greek Vorlage on the one hand and his Arabic version of this Hippocratic text on the other.
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Lourié, Basil. "The Slavonic Solunskaja Legenda (“The Legend of Thessalonica”) and Its Syriac Original." Scrinium 19, no. 1 (2023): 101–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-12340004.
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Abstract The Slavonic eschatological apocryphon Solunskaja Legenda (“The Legend of Thessalonica”) is a direct translation from Syriac. The archetype of the extant recensions is datable to 893–972. It was created, in the First Bulgarian Empire, on the base of an earlier Slavonic text that did not mention the Bulgarians. The Sitz im Leben of the original Syriac recension and its Slavonic translation is a Syrian monothelete colony in North Macedonia (then, a part of Byzantium) between 752/754 and 839/842. The legend echoed events related to a successful Syriac monothelete mission to a slavinia (Slavic enclave headed by an autonomous prince) in the region of Thessalonica in the 670s or 680s. The legend describes the creation of the first Slavonic alphabet, and it uses specific terminology for writing tools. In its Slavonic translation, this terminology was transliterated instead of being translated. It can be assumed that the translator wanted to introduce new terms into the Slavonic language in this way.
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Martelli, Matteo. "Hippocrates in Two Syriac Alchemical Collections." Aramaic Studies 15, no. 2 (2017): 230–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01502002.
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In this article, I will explore the fortune of Hippocrates in the Syriac alchemical literature. I will investigate a so far unedited Syriac text (MS Cambridge University Library, Mm. 6.29, ff. 133r–134v) that presents Hippocrates as the founder of alchemy and medicine. This text is edited here for the first time, translated into English, and compared with other alchemical writings (both in Syriac and in Arabic) attributed to the ancient physician from Cos.
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Golovnina, Natalia, та Elizaveta Dmitrieva. "Аnonymous Sogita about Abraham and Isaac (5th cent.)". St. Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 77 (25 грудня 2023): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii202377.137-155.
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The publication presents a translation from the Syriac language of the anonymousSogita about Abraham and Isaac (V century). The introductory article discusses the issue of thepeculiarities of the Syriac versification, characterizes the sogita as a liturgical exegetical genre,as well. In addition, the influence of the Jewish tradition on the structure-forming principles ofthe Sogita genre is traced, which was manifested in its dependence on the principles of narrativeexegesis. A characteristic feature of the latter is the obligatory reconstruction of the plot detailsand characteristics of the characters missing in the biblical narrative as a way to set the text theright perspective of understanding. In turn, the mutual influence of Christian Syriac andByzantine literatures is reflected not only in the set of ideas, but also in the choice of means ofrhetorical expressiveness for church preaching. The poetic form and dialogues between biblicalheroes among the Syrians were mandatory for almost all homiletic genres (sogita, madrash,memra) from the very beginning of their existence. Among the Byzantines, dramatic homiliesbegan to appear only in the fifth century, and the rhythmized prose of sermons, facilitating thetransition from the ancient metrical versification to the syllabic, gradually acquired a new poeticform for the Greeks. In the comments to the sogita, there are collections of interpretations of aparticular problem that have developed in all three traditions: Syrian, Byzantine, and Jewish,which makes it possible to clearly understand how the same exegetical methods worked tojustify solutions that differ from each other.
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Mcconaughy, Daniel L. "The Text of Acts in MS Bibl. Nationale Syr. 30." Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 24, no. 1 (2021): 453–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2021-240115.
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Abstract This paper extends Andreas Juckel’s important 2009 article, “Research on the Old Syriac Heritage of the Peshitta Gospels: A Collation of MS Bibl. Nationale Syr. 30” (Hugoye 12.1, 41-115). The research herein is based on collating the text of Acts contained in this noteworthy Syriac Biblical manuscript against the standard Peshitta text and forty-two other Peshitta manuscripts and more than one hundred fifty Syriac patristic sources. The collations show that the text of Acts in BNS30 has approximately 230 non-orthographic variant readings, of which 117 are unique variants not found in other Peshitta, Harklean or Christian Palestinian Aramaic MSS of Acts. There are approximately 51 agreements with the Harklean version. This paper shows that the statistical textual profile of Acts in MS Bibl. Nationale Syr. 30 is consistent with Juckel’s findings regarding the Gospel text of this manuscript. It also provides analyses of selected readings and a complete collation of the manuscript.
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Arzhanov, Yury. "A Fragment of the Syriac Translation of Aristotle’s Poetics Preserved by Jacob Bar Shakko." Philologia Classica 16, no. 1 (2021): 117–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2021.111.
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The fragment of the Syriac translation of Aristotle’s Poetics preserved by Jacob (Severus) Bar Shakko (d. 1241) comprises Poet. VI 1449b24–1450a10. In spite of its small size, it serves as an important witness both to the Greek text of the Poetics, and to the reception of this work in the Christian Orient and, later on, in the Muslim world. The fragment derives from a translation, which most likely appeared in West Syriac circles in the 7th/8th centuries AD and later served as the basis for the Arabic translation of the Poetics made by Abū Bishr Mattā ibn Yūnus in the 10th century. The present article includes a new edition of the Syriac text preserved by Bar Shakko, which is based on the collation of six manuscripts and is accompanied by an English translation. The article also provides a detailed analysis of the Syriac fragment as compared to the transmitted Greek text of the Poetics, on the one hand, and to the Arabic translation of it by Abū Bishr, on the other. This comparison allows an assumption that the Syriac version is most likely based on a Greek manuscript, which may have contained glosses and scholia. A Greek and Syriac glossary is attached at the end of the article.
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Forness, Philip Michael. "The Anonymous Source for Marcion's Gospel in British Library, Add. 17215: An Identification and Analysis." New Testament Studies 67, no. 4 (2021): 541–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688521000151.
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For over a century, studies on Marcion have cited a quotation attributed to him in a fragmentary Syriac manuscript: London, British Library, Add. 17215 (fols. 30–3). An English translation of the relevant passage appeared in 1893, but no subsequent study has returned to the Syriac text itself. While this text has hitherto been cited as an anonymous Syriac source, this article identifies it as a letter by Jacob of Serugh (d. 520/1) and offers preliminary remarks on the implications of this identification for future research on Marcion's Gospel and his thought.
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Monferrer-Sala, Juan Pedro. "Translating the Gospels into Arabic from Syriac: Vatican Arabic 13 Restored Section, Strategies and Goals." Arabica 62, no. 4 (2015): 435–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341364.
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We analyze two pericopes (Mt 3, 1-12, 13-17) of the Arabic version contained in Codex Vat. Ar. 13 corresponding to the restored section of the Gospels rendered from an original Syriac text. Our aim in this article is to contribute to the hypothesis that the two sections of the translation of the Gospels have been made from two different originals. So while the text contained in the oldest section has been translated from a Greek original, though revised with a Syriac text, however the text of the restored section (corresponding to four hands) has been rendered from a Syriac text apparently previous to the Pešīṭtā, or maybe revised from a Greek text. At the same time, we also emphasize the difference between these two corpora of translations, which not only come from two different Vorlagen, but they also are the result of different strategies followed by the translator.
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Sims-Williams, Nicholas. "Early New Persian in Syriac script: Two texts from Turfan." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 74, no. 3 (2011): 353–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x11000346.
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AbstractThe German Turfan collection includes fragments of two Early New Persian manuscripts in Syriac script, a bilingual (Syriac and New Persian) Psalter and a pharmacological handbook containing prescriptions similar to those in the Syriac Book of Medicines published by E. A. W. Budge. Both texts make use of certain non-Syriac characters, some of which were also used for writing Sogdian while others may have been created especially for writing Persian in Syriac script. The Syriac text of the Psalter fragments is that of the Peshitta; the translation is particularly valuable for the vocalization of the Persian words. In addition to many unusual and interesting words, the pharmacological fragments attest the rare Syriac numeral symbols derived from those of ancient Aramaic. The present article contains a transliteration and translation of all these texts together with a glossary and full philological discussion.
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Monferrer-Sala, Juan Pedro. "An Early Fragmentary Christian Palestinian Rendition of the Gospels into Arabic from Mār Sābā (MS Vat. Ar. 13, 9th c.)." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 1, no. 1-2 (2013): 69–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-20130105.
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Our aim in the present paper is to show that the translator of the oldest portions of the Gospels preserved in MS Vat. Ar. 13 used at least two texts, Greek and Syriac. Our analysis is based exclusively in the fragment represented by Matthew 11:1–19. According to our analysis of the translation strategies adopted by the Melkite translator the Greek text was used as the base text for the translation into Arabic. At the same time, the Syriac text/s was/were consulted for revising the previous translation made from Greek, a task which may have taken place during the very translation process. As we shall attempt to show in the present paper the revision made through Syriac text/s, together with the exegesis added by the translator, influenced the final Arabic version in some concrete parts of the texts.
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Sanzo, Joseph E., and Nils H. Korsvoll. "A New Testament Text on a Syriac Incantation Bowl: Eph. 6:10-17 on ibc 3." Vigiliae Christianae 71, no. 4 (2017): 417–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341310.
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This article demonstrates the use of Eph. 6:10-17 on a Syriac incantation bowl (ibc 3), thereby challenging the commonly held opinion that there are no direct uses of the New Testament among the Syriac bowls. We then situate the use of this biblical passage on ibc 3 within the context of biblical citation and reference in Mediterranean magic more generally. Finally, we briefly reflect on the significance of the usage of the Bible on ibc 3 for the study of Syriac incantation bowls and for the value of categories of religious identification, such as “Christian,” “Jewish,” and “Pagan,” as it pertains to the study of late antique apotropaia.
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Судаков, Максим. "Martyrius-Sahdona. The Book of Perfection An Inedited Fragment." Метафраст, no. 2(8) (December 15, 2022): 12–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/metafrast.2022.2.8.001.
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Настоящая публикация представляет не издававшийся ранее сирийский текст «Книги совершенства» Мартирия-Сахдоны из рукописи M45N, относящейся к фонду новых находок библиотеки монастыря Св. Екатерины на Синае. Сирийский текст сопровождён русским переводом, предисловием и комментариями. В предисловии указаны палеографические характеристики рукописи, объяснено место содержащегося в ней текста относительно опубликованных частей данного произведения, обозначены технические принципы издания сирийского текста, выявлены источники, использованные Мартирием-Сахдоной, и рассмотрены некоторые важные особенности содержания. The publication presents the Syriac text of «The Book of the Perfection» of Martyrius-Sahdona. This text is contained in the manuscript M45N from the holding of the New Finds of the library of the St. Catherine's Monastery on Sinai. The Syriac text is accompanied by Russian translation, foreword and commentaries. The foreword contains the paleographic characteristics of the manuscript, information about place of this text in relation to the edited parts of the work, about technical principles of the edition of the Syriac text, about sources used by Martyrius-Sahdona and about some important aspects of the contents.
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Bcheiry, Iskandar. "An Unpublished Syriac Witness to the Discourse of Timothy the Presbyter “on Simeon, the Elder and the Presentation of the Lord into the Temple”." Syriac Annals of the Romanian Academy 2024 (October 3, 2024): 65–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/sara.2024.04.
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The Syriac manuscript in the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, shelf marked A 12008, is a collection of homilies, most of which are by Jacob of Serugh. Among the many homilies in the manuscript, there is a discourse attributed to Timothy, the Presbyter, on “Simeon, the Elder and the Presentation of Our Lord into the Temple.” The Syriac text of this homily matches the Greek text of a homily attributed to Timothy, presbyter of Jerusalem, on the same subject; however, the Syriac unpublished witness contains some interesting variations in the form, structure, and content distinguished from the published Greek version in CPG 7405 (PG 86:252).
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Lukashevich, Aleksandr. "The principle of preserving the syllabic structure in the syromelkite translations of hymnographic texts (on the material of the idiomela of the Lenten Triodion)." St. Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 81 (December 30, 2024): 84–107. https://doi.org/10.15382/sturiii202481.84-107.
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The article describes the application of the equimetric principle in translating hymnographic texts from Greek into classical Syriac. The meaning of the term “equimetric translation” is specified, and terminological analogies are provided. The textual analysis of the selected hymns is carried out on the material of the Syriac manuscripts of Lenten Triodion and Sticherarions (11th–16th centuries, including manuscripts available through the HMML project), the Greek copy of the new Tropologion Sinait. NF. MG. 56-5, and Greek manuscripts of the Triodion and Sticherarion (10th–14th centuries). The method of equimetric translation is demonstrated on the material of selected “automela of the day” of the Lenten Triodion, a special group of 89 lenten hymns distributed over the period from Meatfare Sunday to the Friday before Lazarus Saturday. The syriac texts demonstrate almost complete coincidence in the number of syllables with the Greek original, which is achieved by enriching the text with new words and complex syntax. It is caused by the fact that the average word length in classical Syriac is shorter than in Greek. When translating hymns equimetrically, translators supplemented the text with words of the same root (for example, “let us purify ... purely”), synonyms (“forgive and leave”), function words (particles and conjunctions), adjectives, pronouns, they also complicated the syntax. In the stichera “Let us begin, people, an immaculate fast” the hymnographic text was enriched with the words from the Gospel text (Mt 6), including an extension of citation of the prayer “Our Father”. Examples are given of violations of equimetry as a result of errors and changes in Greek and Syriac manuscripts, which indicates the need of collation of different manuscripts. The need to adapt Byzantine melodies to Syriac texts is indicated as the main reason for using equimetricy in translation, it is demonstrated on the material of Syro-Melkite hymns with Paleo-Byzantine (Coislin) notation.
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Benfey, Thomas. "A Greek Source for the Treatise on the Composition of Man Attributed to Aḥūdemmeh Anṭīpaṭrōs?" Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 22, № 1 (2019): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2019-220102.
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Abstract Here I establish the close relationship between a large portion of the Syriac Treatise on the Composition of Man attributed to Aḥūdemmeh Anṭīpaṭrōs, originally published by Chabot in 1943, and the Greek pseudo-Hippocratic treatise originally published as On the Formation of Man by Jouanna in 2006, arguing that one of these texts must be a translation of the other. While firm conclusions about the direction, place and time of this translation must await an improved edition of the Syriac text, I make several suggestions on these points as well. I also show that the Greek pseudo-Hippocratic text may need to be revised, since certain manuscripts consistently agree with the Syriac against others.
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Lundberg, Johan M. V. "Dots, Versification and Grammar." Dead Sea Discoveries 29, no. 3 (2022): 366–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685179-02903005.
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Abstract The Syriac gospel of Matthew is divided into sentences by means of pausal accent dots, both single clause sentences and complex sentences. This article explores the relationship between these pausal accent dots and verse division, comparing the Syriac dotting system with Greek punctuation marks and Hebrew accents. All three traditions divide the text into larger and smaller sections. In the Hebrew Bible the smaller sections are often classified as verses that are further subdivided through cantillation marks, typically called accents. This article explains why the Syriac dots, also called accents, have a fundamentally different function than the Hebrew accents. It also explores the similarities between the Syriac dots and the Greek punctuation marks. The conclusion is that the “verse” is not a concept that can easily be applied to Syriac Bible manuscripts. Instead, the Syriac dots indicate different types of boundary tones, pauses associated with a specific pitch contour.
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Minov, Sergey. "An Unpublished Anti-Jewish Syriac Dialogue from Turfan." Aramaic Studies 21, no. 2 (2023): 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-bja10044.
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Abstract This article presents the unpublished Syriac text of an anonymous anti-Jewish dialogue preserved fragmentarily in the manuscript SyrHT 94 [T II B 50 = 1682] from the Berlin Turfan-Collection. The dialogue, which combines scriptural and rational polemical arguments, is an important witness to the development of the adversus Judaeos literary tradition among Syriac Christians during the Islamic period. The text is accompanied by an English translation and a brief discussion.
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Posegay, Nick. "Men of Letters in the Syriac Scribal Tradition: Dawid bar Pawlos, Rabban Rāmišoʿ, and the Family of Beṯ Rabban". Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 24, № 1 (2021): 127–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2021-240105.
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Abstract Dawid bar Pawlos’ Letter on Dots is an eighth-century text that purportedly describes the introduction of some of the dots used in Syriac writing. It also sheds light on the life of a certain Rāmišoʿ of Beṯ Rabban, apparently the same man as the master of pointing named in MS BL Add. 12138. However, most studies of Syriac dots either neglect or completely discount this letter as a reliable source, since it suggests that Miaphysite scribes had a direct influence on East Syriac reading traditions. This article provides a more critical analysis of the letter, first examining the problematic state of its extant manuscripts, and then evaluating the text to determine its historical plausibility in the context of seventh-century northern Mesopotamia.
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Takahashi, Hidemi. "Syriac as the Intermediary in Scientific Graeco-Arabica: Some Historical and Philological Observations." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 3, no. 1-2 (2015): 66–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00301004.
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The reception of Greek scientific and philosophical literature in Syriac, which had a major influence on the later reception in Arabic, is an area that has been the subject of a renewed wave of research in the past few years. This paper provides a brief overview of the reception of the Greek sciences in Syriac, citing some of the latest research in the field. This is followed by the presentation of an example to illustrate how the Syriac intermediary text, when available, can help to elucidate the process of translation into Arabic, together with some observations on the ways in which the Syriac reception of the Greek sciences influenced the later reception in Arabic.
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Макаров, Алексей Дмитриевич. "Circulation of St. Isaac of Nineveh’s Ascetical Homilies Outside the Church of the East. Part Two: Interpolation of Personal Names." Theological Herald, no. 2(41) (September 15, 2021): 102–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/gb.2021.41.2.006.
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Настоящая публикация является второй частью исследования, посвященного проблеме заимствования Первого собрания сочинений известного аскетического писателя Церкви Востока Исаака, епископа Ниневийского, христианами других конфессий. В данной части представлены результаты текстологического анализа разночтений имён авторитетных духовных писателей, цитируемых св. Исааком. Анализ был осуществлен по доступным автору сирийским манускриптам восточносирийского, западносирийского и сиро-халкидонского происхождения, которые в изначальном виде содержали полный текст Первого собрания св. Исаака Сирина, а также по греческому переводу и нескольким арабским рукописям. Задача исследования - восстановить историю филиации текста Первого собрания при пересечении конфессиональных границ. По результатам исследования удалось зафиксировать модификации текста во всех случаях употребления св. Исааком имён авторитетных для восточносирийской церковной традиции авторов: Диодора Тарсийского, Феодора Мопсуестийского и Евагрия Понтийского. При пересечении конфессиональных границ эти имена или относящиеся к ним эпитеты были заменены или пропущены с целью очищения исходного текста от нежелательных для переписчиков других конфессий элементов. При этом аутентичное чтение всегда засвидетельствовано списками восточносирийской редакции. В заключение автор исследования предлагает новую классификацию сирийских манускриптов, разделив их на четыре группы в зависимости от их происхождения и содержащихся в них чтений имён. В процессе исследования была установлена неизвестная доселе церковно-конфессиональная принадлежность нескольких манускриптов. Впервые удалось прояснить причины ряда текстуальных разночтений в восточносирийских списках, подвергшихся интерполяции со стороны сиро-ортодоксальных читателей. Isaac, bishop of Nineveh, belongs to the Church of the East’s most famous ascetic authors This three-part study explores the way how the First Part of his writings was adopted in other Syriac Christian communities. The second part analyzes variant readings of personal names of some important church figures in Isaac of Nineveh’s writings. Makarov uses all available Syriac manuscripts of East Syriac, West Syriac, and Chalcedonian Syriac origin, which initially contained the full text of the First Part, as well as its Greek and Arabic manuscripsts. Makarov seeks to reconstruct how the text changed as it crossed borders of different Christian communities. For that purpose, he explores variant readings of names of persons considered important in the Eastern Syriac tradition: Diodorus of Tarsus, Theodore of Mopsuestia, and Evagrius Ponticus. When Isaac’s writings were adopted in other Syriac Christian communities, the names or titles of those persons were intentionally removed or altered in order to purge the original text from the elements viewed as heterodox by the copyists and translators. In the East Syriac texts, however, the original reading is always preserved. Makarov proposes a new classification of the Syriac manuscripts based on their origin and on forms of personal names they contain. He also clarifies the origin of some previously unattributed manuscripts and explains variation in the East Syriac manuscripts, which, as he argued, is due to the later Jacobite readers.
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Макаров, Алексей Дмитриевич. "Circulation of St. Isaac of Nineveh’s Ascetical Homilies Outside the Church of the East. Part Two: Interpolation of Personal Names." Theological Herald, no. 2(41) (September 15, 2021): 102–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/gb.2021.41.2.006.
Full textAbstract:
Настоящая публикация является второй частью исследования, посвященного проблеме заимствования Первого собрания сочинений известного аскетического писателя Церкви Востока Исаака, епископа Ниневийского, христианами других конфессий. В данной части представлены результаты текстологического анализа разночтений имён авторитетных духовных писателей, цитируемых св. Исааком. Анализ был осуществлен по доступным автору сирийским манускриптам восточносирийского, западносирийского и сиро-халкидонского происхождения, которые в изначальном виде содержали полный текст Первого собрания св. Исаака Сирина, а также по греческому переводу и нескольким арабским рукописям. Задача исследования - восстановить историю филиации текста Первого собрания при пересечении конфессиональных границ. По результатам исследования удалось зафиксировать модификации текста во всех случаях употребления св. Исааком имён авторитетных для восточносирийской церковной традиции авторов: Диодора Тарсийского, Феодора Мопсуестийского и Евагрия Понтийского. При пересечении конфессиональных границ эти имена или относящиеся к ним эпитеты были заменены или пропущены с целью очищения исходного текста от нежелательных для переписчиков других конфессий элементов. При этом аутентичное чтение всегда засвидетельствовано списками восточносирийской редакции. В заключение автор исследования предлагает новую классификацию сирийских манускриптов, разделив их на четыре группы в зависимости от их происхождения и содержащихся в них чтений имён. В процессе исследования была установлена неизвестная доселе церковно-конфессиональная принадлежность нескольких манускриптов. Впервые удалось прояснить причины ряда текстуальных разночтений в восточносирийских списках, подвергшихся интерполяции со стороны сиро-ортодоксальных читателей. Isaac, bishop of Nineveh, belongs to the Church of the East’s most famous ascetic authors This three-part study explores the way how the First Part of his writings was adopted in other Syriac Christian communities. The second part analyzes variant readings of personal names of some important church figures in Isaac of Nineveh’s writings. Makarov uses all available Syriac manuscripts of East Syriac, West Syriac, and Chalcedonian Syriac origin, which initially contained the full text of the First Part, as well as its Greek and Arabic manuscripsts. Makarov seeks to reconstruct how the text changed as it crossed borders of different Christian communities. For that purpose, he explores variant readings of names of persons considered important in the Eastern Syriac tradition: Diodorus of Tarsus, Theodore of Mopsuestia, and Evagrius Ponticus. When Isaac’s writings were adopted in other Syriac Christian communities, the names or titles of those persons were intentionally removed or altered in order to purge the original text from the elements viewed as heterodox by the copyists and translators. In the East Syriac texts, however, the original reading is always preserved. Makarov proposes a new classification of the Syriac manuscripts based on their origin and on forms of personal names they contain. He also clarifies the origin of some previously unattributed manuscripts and explains variation in the East Syriac manuscripts, which, as he argued, is due to the later Jacobite readers.
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Lund, Jerome. "A Non-Peshitta Jeremiah Citation by Aphrahat." Aramaic Studies 5, no. 1 (2007): 133–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/147783507x231976.
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Abstract The fourth century Syriac church father Aphrahat cites Jer. 31.31–32 in his Demonstrations. His citation is remarkable since it differs dramatically from the text of the OT Peshitta. This essay analyzes the citation and presents a solution. What looks at first blush like a citation of the Peshitta OT is in reality a blending of the Syriac NT citation of the OT and the OT Peshitta text. His use of Gen. 15.6 corroborates this method of OT citation.
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Pritula, Anton. "From Tigris to Jerusalem: East Syriac Poetic Notes from the Ottoman Time." Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 22, no. 1 (2019): 193–234. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2019-220106.
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Abstract The poems published and studied here - most of them for the first time - represent literary tastes of East Syriac educated circles of the Ottoman period. These text collections appeared as later additions in the manuscripts written by ʿAbdīšōʿ of Gāzartā, the Uniate East Syriac Church poet and the second patriarch (1555-1570). These small texts, usually having very little or even nothing to do with the main manuscript text, represent a kind of verse notes made by different pilgrims, and reflect popular poetic tastes of the period. Short poems, especially quatrains, are an ideal form for such poetic activities. Judging from their great number, the spread of short poems was constantly increasing since the time the Syriac Renaissance, when they were first borrowed from Arabic and Persian poetry. Apparently, the multi-lingual poems of the Mongol period (second half of the 13th-early 14thcentury) - the heyday of the Syriac tradition in the Islamic period - were treated as appropriate models to portray contemporary cultural life of the multi-lingual Christian communities in the Ottoman Empire.
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McCollum, Adam. "A Puzzling Verb in the Syriac Version of Gregory of Nyssa's De Anima et Resurrectione." Aramaic Studies 7, no. 1 (2009): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/147783509x12462819875355.
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Abstract This article examines possible solutions to a passage in the sixth-century Syriac translation of Gregory of Nyssa's De anima et resurrectione, in which the Greek μενει stands behind the Syriac verb. The established meaning of this verb does not match the Syriac context considered in itself, nor the underlying Greek word. The possibility of an Arabic loanword is considered, but the sixth-century date of the translation makes that unlikely, and it is concluded that the original text must have been, which was then miscopied as by a later scribe under Arabic influence.
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Noce, Carla. "Eusebius’ Historia Ecclesiastica in Syriac and Latin: A First Comparison." Aramaic Studies 14, no. 2 (2016): 98–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01402006.
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The contemporary fifth-century Latin and Syriac translations of Eusebius’ Historia Ecclesiastica provide a great opportunity for a close comparison which both highlights the different linguistic and cultural patterns underlying the translations produced by Rufinus and the Syriac translator and also reveals many similarities between them. This article is not concerned with using the translations to reconstruct the original Greek text, but with trying to understand, by the analysis of some selected parallel passages, the theological, ideological and cultural characteristics of the Latin and Syriac contexts into which Eusebius’ Historia Ecclesiastica was translated.
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Moqbel, Tareq. "Syriac Exegesis of the Qurʾān". Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 76, № 1-2 (2024): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17831520-20240044.
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Abstract Christian authors writing in Syriac after the Islamic conquests frequently invoked the Qurʾān to validate the truth of Christian beliefs – such as the Trinity and the Incarnation – and to read the Qurʾān in a manner that removes any criticism of Christians and Christianity. The most comprehensive work of this genre is Against the Arabs of the prolific 12th-century Syrian Orthodox writer, the monophysite bishop of Amida, Dionysius bar Ṣalībī. Hitherto, scholarly attention has been given to exploring Bar Ṣalībī’s Qurʾān quotations vis-à-vis the canonical Qurʾānic text and to identifying the sources from which Bar Ṣalībī quoted the Qurʾān. Building on the current state of research, the aim of the present article is to attempt to provide an analysis of Against the Arabs’ approach to some relatively problematic passages, cruces interpretum, in the Qurʾān. Through studying a number of Qurʾānic verses in Syriac translation, and as commented upon in Against the Arabs, the article highlights the textual problems detected in Against the Arabs and shows that they are genuine problems which are also discussed in the tafsīr (Qurʾān commentary) literature. Put differently, the article demonstrates that – although motivated by different causes – Against the Arabs and the Muslim exegetical literature were both intrigued by the same problems in the Qurʾān but, naturally, reacted to them in different ways. More generally, it is hoped that through showcasing aspects of Against the Arabs’ hermeneutical engagement with the Qurʾān the article will allow us to “hear” the Qurʾān as it was received and interpreted by Syriac Christianity in the High Middle Ages.
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Bhayro, Siam. "A Judaeo-Syriac Medical Fragment from the Cairo Genizah." Aramaic Studies 10, no. 2 (2012): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-12100201.
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This article presents an edition and analysis of a hitherto unpublished leaf from the Cairo Genizah (Cambridge University Library, T-S K 14.22) that contains part of a list of simples and their uses. The text is remarkable because, although it is written in Jewish Aramaic script, the language is clearly Syriac. Other features of the text, such as the use of Palestinian vocalisation and medical abbreviations, are discussed, as well as the wider significance of this fragment for our understanding of the Syriac medical tradition.
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Moriggi, Marco. "Jewish Divorce Formulae in Syriac Incantation Bowls." Aramaic Studies 13, no. 1 (2015): 82–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01301007.
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In a series of Syriac incantation bowls published between 1913 and the present day, a peculiar text is documented. It mentions Rab Joshua bar Peraḥya sitting in a court of law and performing an exorcism against demons, devils, liliths and other evil beings haunting the house of the client. This spell is well attested in Jewish Babylonian Aramaic bowls, and it is now clear that a Jewish Babylonian Aramaic model is the basis for what is found in the Syriac bowls. The new edition of the Syriac bowls featuring this formula recently published by the present author, allows for a reconsideration of the theme of the Jewish divorce formula in Syriac incantation bowls, from both the linguistic and cultural points of view.
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Cherkashina, Anna. "‘As Far as the East Is from the West, and the North Is from the South’." Aramaic Studies 21, no. 1 (2023): 112–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-bja10040.
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Abstract This article continues a series of studies dedicated to Syriac love magic as attested by texts found in Syriac magical codices dated to the 18th–20th century. Here I address five Syriac recipes that I consider to belong to the category of separation spells. Four of them are titled ‘For Hatred’ and are edited for the first time. Another one can be found in The Nestorians and Their Rituals and exists only in the English translation provided by G.P. Badger. Based on their supposed proto-text, the five texts can be divided into three spells. The separation spells are also compared with Syriac spells for attraction. The comparison involves the textual level as well as the magical practices for inducing hatred or love. In the third section of the article, I address the phenomenon of Syriac hate spells in a wider context by providing parallels from Jewish, Coptic, Mandaic, and Arabic magical traditions.
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Daniels, Peter T. "The Native Syriac Linguistic Tradition." Historiographia Linguistica 39, no. 2-3 (2012): 327–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.39.2-3.07dan.
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Summary The native Syriac linguistic tradition comprises annotations to the biblical text (‘masorah’), lexica, and grammars created between the 6th and 13th centuries; 24 Syriac scholars are known by name. Syriac grammarians have been considered to be mere imitators, of both Greek and Arab grammarians, but this is a severe exaggeration; they were, however, the source of much that is found among the Arabs. The first, Jacob of Edessa (640–708 A.D.), and the last, Gregory Bar Hebraeus (1225/26–1286), have received the most attention. Much needs to be done, both in publishing and evaluating Syriac linguistic work, and in recognizing its importance in cross-connecting the West Asian civilizations and in foreshadowing modern approaches to language. This article provides a guide and key to the literature.
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Jutkiewicz, Piotr. "Między tłumaczeniem słów a tłumaczeniem sensu." Biblical Annals 10, no. 3 (2020): 457–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/biban.4973.
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Is it necessary to refer literally to all the words in order to translate a text faithfully? The ancient Syriac-speaking church already lived this dilemma. In no ancient language can we have access to a series of translations from different centuries in order to follow the diachronic development of the translation technique so closely. This paper presents for the first time to a Polish reader the process of transformation of the New Testament translations into Syriac from reader-oriented to source-oriented type. Contemporary categories of dynamic and formal equivalence help us to describe the characteristic features of particular translations, in which different assumptions and goals lead to a new reception of the text. The translation technique is analyzed on the example of John 3:1.2.16.17 in three Syriac translations from different epochs: Vetus Syra, Peshitta, Harklean. A broader supplementary bibliography on the topics discussed is also presented.
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Mimura, Taro. "Comparing Interpretative Notes in the Syriac and Arabic Translations of the Hippocratic Aphorisms." Aramaic Studies 15, no. 2 (2017): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01502005.
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Paris Bibliothèque nationale de France MS Arabe 6734 contains a bilingual Syriac-Arabic text of the Hippocratic Aphorisms. Whereas the Arabic lemmata are clearly taken from Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq’s translation of Galen’s Commentary on the Hippocratic Aphorisms, the Syriac translator has not been identified conclusively. In the Syriac translation, there is a long note on lemma iv. 47 in which the annotator refutes Galen’s interpretation of this lemma. In his Arabic translation of Galen’s Commentary on the Hippocratic Aphorisms, Ḥunayn also notes Galen’s misinterpretation of this lemma. In this article, I present the Syriac note, along with an analysis of Galen’s comment on lemma iv. 47 to show an inconsistency of Galen’s interpretation of this aphorism. I then present Ḥunayn’s note on this lemma for the first time, and illustrate how he edited the Arabic translation.
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Afif, Naima, Peter E. Pormann, William I. Sellers, Natalia Smelova, and Siam Bhayro. "The Syriac Text of Book Nine of On Simple Drugs. New Evidence from the Syriac Galen Palimpsest." Archives Internationales d'Histoire des Sciences 70, no. 184-185 (2020): 130–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.arihs.5.122784.
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Penn, Michael, R. Jordan Crouser, and Philip Abbott. "Serto before Serto: Reexamining the Earliest Development of Syriac Script." Aramaic Studies 18, no. 1 (2020): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-bja10001.
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Abstract Scholars have traditionally categorised early Syriac manuscripts as either Estrangela or Serto. The same categories dominate the prevailing narrative of how Syriac script is thought to have developed. Most see Estrangela as the earliest strata of Syriac and Serto as a later development. More recent scholarship explores how early manuscripts support neither this stark division between script styles nor a sequential development. Of particular challenge to this paradigm are a series of securely dated colophons and notes which use a script style different than the main part of the text. But previous work has looked at only five examples of this phenomenon. By expanding this investigation to 30 examples and drawing upon a recent compiled digital corpus of over 100,000 early Syriac letter forms, the present article explores how large data sets, digital analysis, and visual analytics can help one better understand the development of Aramaic scripts.
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Gurry, Peter J. "The Harklean Syriac and the Development of the Byzantine Text." Novum Testamentum 60, no. 2 (2018): 183–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341595.
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Abstract The Syriac translation of the New Testament produced by Thomas of Harkel in ad 616 provides a rich source for studying the transmission of the Greek New Testament. In this case, its relationship to the Byzantine text in the Catholic Epistles is used to test the results of the Coherence-Based Genealogical Method (cbgm), a new computerized tool being used to edit the standard editions of the Greek New Testament (NA28/UBS5). Against claims that the cbgm is not useful for understanding textual history, this study shows that, when used carefully, it can provide valuable clarity to our understanding. The results of this test have implications for the cbgm, for the textual worth of the Byzantine text, and for how all “texts” are related and evaluated.
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GENTRY, PETER J. "The Septuagint and the Text of the Old Testament." Bulletin for Biblical Research 16, no. 2 (2006): 193–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26424076.
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Abstract This paper assesses the importance and relative worth of the witness of the Septuagint to the text of the OT. Proper methodology is established for using a version as a textual witness, and general guidelines are given concerning the relationship between the Septuagint and Masoretic Text and the worth of the Septuagint in relation to other witnesses to the text of the OT (Dead Sea Scrolls, Syriac, Targums, Vulgate).
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Guidotti, Giulia. "The Leyenda de Alejandro: an Islamic and Andalusi Version of the Alexander Romance." Studi Magrebini 18, no. 1 (2020): 48–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2590034x-12340016.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article aims to shed new light on the Leyenda de Alejandro, an Andalusi Arabic version of the Alexander Romance. It was written by an anonymous Muslim writer around the 15th century and published in 1929 by Emilio García Gómez. The content of this highly fragmented, and sometimes even contradictory, text will be compared to the content of other Syriac and Arabic literary works regarding Alexander/Ḏū l-Qarnayn (“the Two-Horned”), with special focus on the inconsistent features of the text, as well as on the Islamic adaptations of the polytheistic features of the Syriac Alexander Romance. The last section will deal with the language of the text (a variety of Andalusi Middle Arabic) and will question its affiliation to the Western-Arabic branch of the Alexander Romance.
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Kirk, Alan. "The composed life of the Syriac Menander." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 26, no. 2 (1997): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842989702600202.
Full textAbstract:
Two issues recur in Syriac Menander's rather meagre history of scholarship: the question of its composition and the question of its provenance. With regard to the first, Syriac Menander has been seen as a loose collection of gnomic sayings; with regard to the second, doubts have been raised about whether it is actually a Jewish Wisdom text because of the universality of its wisdom and the muted expression it gives to unequivocally Jewish ethics. In this article it is argued that Syriac Menander, though indeed a loose collection of sayings arranged in thematic groups, arranges its constituent materials so as to trace the trajectory of a "life," beginning with birth, terminating in death and singling out important status elevations and life passages occurring along the way. Second, it is argued that Syriac Menander replicates compositional conventions native to Jewish Wisdom texts composed during the Hellenistic and Roman periods, thus indicating that it ought indeed to be classified among Jewish pseudepigrapha.