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Journal articles on the topic 'Syrian Christians'
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1
Womack, Deanna Ferree. "Syrian Christians and Arab-Islamic Identity: Expressions of Belonging in the Ottoman Empire and America." Studies in World Christianity 25, no. 1 (April 2019): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2019.0240.
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This essay examines the ways that Arab Christian immigrants in the late-nineteenth-century United States understood religious, cultural and national belonging. Focusing on migrants from Ottoman Syria (present day Lebanon and Syria) who referred to themselves as Syrians, it uses publications from the Arab renaissance in Beirut and early Arab American newspapers in New York to consider how these Christians grappled with their identities as subjects of the Ottoman Sultan, as Christians from various denominations, as citizens in an Islamic society and as newcomers to America. Defying Protestant missionaries’ simplistic depictions of Middle Eastern Christianity, such Syrian Christian authors expressed a sense of belonging in an interreligious environment and sought to inform American readers about the riches of Arab-Islamic heritage.
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Leonhardt, Christoph. "The Greek- and the Syriac-Orthodox Patriarchates of Antioch in the context of the Syrian Conflict." Chronos 33 (September 3, 2018): 21–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v33i0.92.
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Oriental Christianity is not only a special part of global Christianity, but also its oldest one. The members of the ancient Christian community in the Hellenistic city of Antioch were the first to be called christianoi — Christians.2 But with the recent developments of the Syrian Crisis, the deep- rooted Christians of the region see themselves as a threatened minority. Since the Islamist rebel militia, the so called al-Dawlah al-lslamiyah ("The Islamic State") announced the establishment of a caliphate in parts of the region of northeastern Syria and northwestern Iraq, threats against local Christians have been occurring more frequently. Recently, Islamists have forced Christians to either convert to Islam, to flee, or in the case of refusal, they have even been killed (Gol 2014).
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Womack, Deanna Ferree. "Images of Islam: American Missionary and Arab Perspectives." Studies in World Christianity 22, no. 1 (April 2016): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2016.0135.
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This article examines the story of Protestant missions in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Ottoman Syria, a region of the Ottoman Empire that included present day Syria and Lebanon. It moves the study of the American Syria Mission away from Euro-centric modes of historiography, first, by adding to the small body of recent scholarship on Arab Protestantism and mission schools in Syria. Second, it focuses on Islam and Christian–Muslim relations in Syrian missionary history, a topic that has received little scholarly attention. Arguing that Muslims played an active part in this history even when they resisted missionary overtures, the article considers the perspectives of Syrian Muslims alongside images of Islam in American and Syrian Protestant publications. By pointing to the interreligious collaboration between Syrian Christian and Muslim intellectuals and the respect many Syrian Protestant writers exhibited for the Islamic tradition, this article questions assumptions of innate conflict between Muslims and Christians in the Middle East.
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Payyappilly, Ignatius. "Mapping Dowry Exchanges: Snapshots of Nineteenth Century Palm Leaves." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 11, no. 2 (July 13, 2012): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.21.2.
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The Palm leave records of the Syrian Christian communities in Kerala, belonging to eighteenth and nineteenth century, remain as evidences of the practice of dowry (Stridhanam) among the Syrian Christians and donations such as passaram, nadavazhakkam, kurippanam, kudappanam etc made to the churches and priests in relation to the marriage. Records say that this social custom, also known as Stridhanam was a crucial point of marriage and it was very often a matter of dispute and family problems. In spite of all disputes and difficulties existed in the Syrian Christian families and in the society at large because of this custom, no church record could be traced against this system. This paper is an attempt to explore and analyse the nature and practice of this social custom among Syrian Christians in the nineteenth century, who are Christian in faith and religion but are not different from the Hindus in their social customs and practices. Likewise, this paper is an attempt to analyse the social and cultural impacts of dowry (stridhanam) and the attitude of the society as well as that of Church authorities towards this custom and how did they tax the people in connection with the marriage.
Keywords: Dowry; stridhanam; syrian christians; passaram; nadavazhakkam; palm leave records; christian marriage
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Álvarez Suárez, Alejandra, and Francisco Del Río Sánchez. "THE CURRENT SYRIAN POPULAR VIEW OF THE JEWS." Levantine Review 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2013): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v2i2.5359.
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The remaining small Jewish communities of Syria run the risk of disappearing completely due to the marginalization suffered as a consequence of the political situation since 1948. The Eli Cohen affair (1965,) the Six-Day War (1967,) and the Yom Kippur War (1973) made the Baathist authorities of the country consider definitively the Syrian Jews as suspected Zionists or Zionist sympathizers. Nevertheless, in Syrian popular perceptions, the view of the Jews and Judaism did not always coincide with the ideology and propaganda emanating from the regime. In fact it is very interesting to note how good memories of times past, about an erstwhile coexistence with members of the Jewish community, still survive among many Syrians, both Muslims and Christians, belonging to the so-called “urban middle class.” This paper evaluates some examples, in the forms of anecdotes, popular sayings and proverbs, dealing with the Jews, and popularized in Syrian colloquialisms, in order to reveal some of the popular views of Judaism and Jews within Syrian society.
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Donabed, Sargon George, and Shamiran Mako. "Ethno-Cultural and Religious Identity of Syrian Orthodox Christians." Chronos 19 (April 11, 2019): 71–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v19i0.457.
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Many Middle Eastern Christian groups identify or have been identified with pre-lslamic peoples in the Middle East: the Copts with Ancient Egypt, the Nestorians with Assyria, the Maronites with Phoenicians and some Rum Onhodox and other Christians with pre-lslamic Arab tribes. The concern of this study is the Syrian Orthodox Christians or Jacobite(s) (named after the 6th century Monophysite Christian bishop Yacoub Burd'ono or Jacob Baradaeus of Urfa/Osrohene/Edessa), specifically those whose ancestry stems from the Tur Abdin region of Turkey, Diyarbekir, Mardin, Urfa, and Harput/Elazig.
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Varghese, Baby. "Renewal in the Malankara Orthodox Church, India." Studies in World Christianity 16, no. 3 (December 2010): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2010.0102.
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The Malanakra Orthodox Syrian Church, which belongs to the family of the Oriental Orthodox Churches, proudly claims to be founded by the Apostle St Thomas. Its history before the fifteenth century is very poorly documented. However, this ancient Christian community was in intermittent relationship with the East Syrian Patriarchate of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, which was discontinued with the arrival of the Portuguese, who forcefully converted it to Roman Catholicism. After a union of fifty-five years, the St Thomas Christians were able to contact the Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch, thanks to the arrival of the Dutch in Malabar and the expulsion of the Portuguese. The introduction of the West Syrian Liturgical rites was completed by the middle of the nineteenth century. The arrival of the Anglican Missionaries in Malabar in the beginning of the nineteenth century provided the Syrian Christians the opportunity for modern English education and thus to make significant contributions to the overall development of Kerala, one of the states of the Indian Republic.
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Weltecke, Dorothea. "Michael the Syrian and Syriac Orthodox Identity." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x408023.
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AbstractThis paper discusses the concept of Syriac Orthodox identity in the chronicle by Michael the Great as it is expressed in terms for the self-designation (like mhaymnē, Suryōyē) and in the structure of the narrative. The heritage of the ancient Near East, based on the ethnical and historical conception of the Arameans (including the Chaldeans and the Ōturōyē as well as the Ōrōmōyē) since the times of the ancient empires was a very important element of the identity. Just as important to him was the historical legitimacy of the Orthodox Church as a group excluding other Aramaic-speaking Christians. This conception of identity was complex, dialectic, and multi-layered, comprising ethnic, historic, cultural, and religious elements. Not unlike modern people, he and the members of the Syriac Orthodox communities participated in different and overlapping cultures and identities throughout the Syriac Orthodox world. The Syriac Orthodox identity had been under polemical attack for a long time, against which both historical and theological answers were formulated over the centuries. At the same time, Michael can be a witness only for a certain group and a certain region. He speaks mainly for the Syriac-speaking regions of the Syriac Orthodox world and the clergy. Neither the Syriac Orthodox identity of Arabic speaking Syriac Orthodox Christians, for example in Takrit, nor the identities of laymen are of his concern.
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Elton, Louis. "Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea? Re-Examining Christian Engagement with Ba’athism in Syria and Iraq." Socio-Historical Examination of Religion and Ministry 2, no. 2 (September 30, 2020): 88–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.33929/sherm.2020.vol2.no2.06.
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This article re-examines the dominant scholarly perception that Christian support for Arab Nationalist regimes is primarily a product of fear of Islamism. After a brief examination of the Christian origins of Ba’athism—a form of Arab Nationalism—the author argues that a more granular understanding of the current Christian politics of Syria and Iraq reveals that while some Christians have supported regimes out of fear, there is also significant strain of active, positive support, though to what extent this is a product of Christian identification with Arab identity requires further research. The study employs an examination of posts from pro-Assad Syrian Christian Facebook pages.
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George, Sophia, and A. K. Kalla. "Mortality among the Syrian Christians." Anthropologist 1, no. 3 (July 1999): 179–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09720073.1999.11890595.
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Payyappilly, Ignatius. "Man Slaving to Divine: A Socio-religious Custom Gleaned from the Nineteenth Century Palm Leaves." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 11, no. 4 (October 18, 2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.23.1.
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This paper is an attempt to explore and analyse the practice of the institution of slavery observed by the Syrian Christian communities in Kerala. There are eighteenth and nineteenth century palm leaf (manuscript) records in the Syrian Christian churches in Kerala establishing the same which needs to be understood in its secular and spiritual senses since these records are evidence of both the secular practice of slavery as a social custom and a religious practice of adima (slave) offering as a spiritual activity. So also, this paper is an attempt to explore and analyse the origin of adimappanam or adimakasu found in the Church records.
Keywords: Syrian Christians; Slavery; Palm leave records; Adima; Adimappanam; Slave offering
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van Ginkel, Jan, Naures Atto, Bas Snelders, Mat Immerzeel, and Bas ter Haar Romeny. "The Formation of a Communal Identity among West Syrian Christians: Results and Conclusions of the Leiden Project." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 1–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x407989.
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AbstractAmong those who opposed the Council of Chalcedon in 451, the West Syrian (or Syriac Orthodox) Christians were probably least likely to form a national or ethnic community. Yet a group emerged with its own distinctive literature and art, its own network, and historical consciousness. In an intricate process of adoption and rejection, the West Syrians selected elements from the cultures to which they were heirs, and from those with which they came into contact, thus defining a position of their own. In order to study this phenomenon, scholars from various disciplines, and affiliated to two different faculties, were brought together in a programme financed by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research NWO. This essay introduces their research project and methodology, and presents their results and conclusions.
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McKee, Gary. "Benjamin Bailey and the Call for the Conversion of an Ancient Christian Church in India." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 2 (August 2018): 114–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0216.
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Benjamin Bailey (1791–1871) was one of the first English-born Church Missionary Society missionaries to go to India. Along with Joseph Fenn and Henry Baker, Sr, he was part of what has been called the Travancore Trio. Their objective was to reform the ancient community of Syrian Christians in Travancore so that they in turn might be a great native missionary force in India. Their mission was known as the ‘Mission of Help’ to the ancient Syrian Church. The mission was distinctive from others in India at that time which sought more directly to call for the conversion of the country's massive Hindu and Muslim populations. This article will show that Bailey seriously underestimated doctrinal differences between the CMS and the Syrians. Moreover, the place of the Syrians in the complex social fabric of Travancore was not adequately understood. Unlike other missions, this one may almost be said to have as its aim the conversion of an existing church. That call for conversion, however, arose from fundamentally divergent understandings of Christian belief and practice. The article concludes by considering further some of the sources of these divergences and engaging with some of the critique that the Mission of Help has received.
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Coureas, Nicholas. "The Syrian Melkites of the Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus (1192-1474)." Chronos 40 (January 6, 2020): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v40i.639.
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The Melkites of Cyprus like the Georgians identified with the Greek Church and followed their rite. They began settling on Cyprus during the later Byzantine period and were prominent on Lusignan Cyprus (1192-1474) as traders, especially in Famagusta, the chief port of the island. In Syria and Lebanon from the time of the seventh century Arab conquest onwards they had developed a distinct religious identity in opposition to both Muslims and non-Chalcedonian Christians, expressed through a tradition of composition or translation of religious works into Arabic. This tradition continued on Cyprus. Since, however, most of the Cypriot population were Chalcedonian Christians, Latin, Greek or Maronites, the Melkites on Cyprus were absorbed by degrees into the Latin ruling class and the Greek majority population. The absence of a politically and numerically dominant Muslim ‘other’ and of important non-Chalcedonian Christian groups facilitated this absorption.
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사토 노리코. "The Memory of the Massacre and its Relation to the Identity of Contemporary Syrian/Syriac Christians in Syria." 21st centry Political Science Review 25, no. 3 (October 2015): 195–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.25.3.201510.195.
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Omar, Mohd Nasir. "Miskawayh’s Apologia for Greek Philosophy." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 3 (December 30, 2015): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i3.p107-110.
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In the East, Greek philosophy was studied as early as the fourth century, not however, by the Muslims but by the Arab Syrian Christians. It was Syrian Christians who brought wine, silk and other precious items to the West, but it was the Syrians also who cultivated Greek sciences for many centuries before they eventually transmitted them to the Muslim philosophers, especially in the tenth and eleventh century Baghdad. Miskawayh (d.1030), a great Muslim moralist, was among the philosophers who flourished in Baghdad at such times. He was well educated in Islamic studies as well as in philosophy, especially Greek philosophy. The many quotations from Greek sources which are found in Miskawayh’s works, especially in his major work on ethics, Tahdhib al-Akhlaq (The Refinement of Character), provide important evidence for this study to argue that they also have contributed to the formation of his moral philosophy. This paper thus, seeks to investigate Miskawayh’s own attraction to Greek ideas, which eventually led him towards the acceptance of Greek thought and also towards the need for an apologetic on behalf of philosophical study and on the relations between philosophy and the divine revelation.
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Omar, Mohd Nasir. "Miskawayh’s Apologia for Greek Philosophy." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (December 30, 2015): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v3i1.p107-110.
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In the East, Greek philosophy was studied as early as the fourth century, not however, by the Muslims but by the Arab Syrian Christians. It was Syrian Christians who brought wine, silk and other precious items to the West, but it was the Syrians also who cultivated Greek sciences for many centuries before they eventually transmitted them to the Muslim philosophers, especially in the tenth and eleventh century Baghdad. Miskawayh (d.1030), a great Muslim moralist, was among the philosophers who flourished in Baghdad at such times. He was well educated in Islamic studies as well as in philosophy, especially Greek philosophy. The many quotations from Greek sources which are found in Miskawayh’s works, especially in his major work on ethics, Tahdhib al-Akhlaq (The Refinement of Character), provide important evidence for this study to argue that they also have contributed to the formation of his moral philosophy. This paper thus, seeks to investigate Miskawayh’s own attraction to Greek ideas, which eventually led him towards the acceptance of Greek thought and also towards the need for an apologetic on behalf of philosophical study and on the relations between philosophy and the divine revelation.
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Calder, Mark D. "Syrian Identity in Bethlehem: From Ethnoreligion to Ecclesiology." Iran and the Caucasus 20, no. 3-4 (December 19, 2016): 297–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20160304.
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At first sight, the Syriac Orthodox community in Bethlehem appears to be well-described as “ethno-religious”: while many Palestinian siryān emphasise their connection to an ancient Aramean ethnos, this identification also usually entails some relationship to the Syriac Orthodox Church. However, “religion” (ethno or otherwise) is arguably too overburdened a category to tell us much about how being siryāni in Bethlehem compares to being something else. I propose, instead, that thinking of Syrian self-articulation as a kind of ecclesiology, a tradition of incarnating a body (specifically Christ’s), draws attention to the creative, situated and dialogic process of being and becoming siryāni, while problematising categories with which social scientists customarily think about groups. Unlike ethno-religion, ecclesiology captures the fraught pursuit of redeemed sociality, connecting Bethlehem’s destabilized local present to universal and eternal hope. In Bethlehem, what’s more, these dialogues proceed in tantalizing proximity to places and paths, which are haunted by the incarnate (Aramaic-speaking) God whom Syriac Orthodox Christians embody and envoice. Indeed, while this Syrian body is often narrated as an organic, racial fact, nevertheless it is susceptible to a kind of transubstantiation at the margins when an “other” participates fully in the life of this body, especially via the church.
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Mouton, Jean-Michel, and D. Thomas. "Syrian Christians under Islam, the First Thousant Years." Studia Islamica, no. 95 (2002): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1596156.
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Shepardson, Christine. "Paschal Politics: Deploying the Temple's Destruction against Fourth-Century Judaizers." Vigiliae Christianae 62, no. 3 (2008): 233–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007208x262866.
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AbstractThe fourth-century Syriac writings of Aphrahat and Ephrem, and Greek homilies by the Syrian John Chrysostom, warn Christian congregants against joining Jewish festival celebrations such as Passover. In light of the respected age of Judaism's scriptures and traditions, not all of these authors' church attendees were easily convinced by supersessionist claims about Judaism's invalidity. These authors surpass earlier Christian claims that the Temple's destruction revealed God's rejection of the Jews, by arguing that Jewish scripture requires ritual sacrifices that were confined to the Jerusalem Temple. us without the Temple sacrifices, fourth-century Jewish festivals, these authors claimed, defied God's biblical commands, a declaration with sharp implications for Judaizing Christians. Demonstrating the nuances of this argument, which crossed eastern linguistic and political boundaries, contributes to complex discussions regarding these texts' audiences, highlights distinctive elements that their contexts shared, and reveals an unrecognized role that the Temple's destruction played in fourth-century anti-Judaizing discourse.
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Morozova, Darya. "The Syrian romance of St. Clement of Rome, and its early Slavonic version." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 91 (September 11, 2020): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2020.91.2141.
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The article analyzes the ethical and theological content of the apocryphal Syrian "autobiography" of St. Clement of Rome (Epytome), as well as its early Slavic translation (Life of St. Clement). The study uses historical-philosophical, patristic and philological methodology to outline the specific teachings, attributed to St. Clement by this Greek-speaking Syrian text from the pseudo-Clementine cycle. The methods of comparative textology and translation studies are used to analyze the features of the Slavic version of the work.
The study revealed that, contrary to the ideas of the publisher of the Slavic version, P. Lavrov, the translation was undoubtedly made according to the archaic, pre-metaphrasic version of the work. Therefore, it can be dated to the ninth century and come from the school of Cyril and Methodius. The popularity of the monument among Slavic readers is partly explained by the archaic features of the original version of the work preserved in the translation, such as graphic imagery, expressive presentation, and numerous dialogues. Such a lively account facilitated the perception of the conceptually rich ethical content of the work.
At the heart of both Greek and Slavic versions is the ethical category of philanthropy (φιλανθρωπία), which figures as a central Christian virtue. Much of the Epitome is devoted to a detailed explanation of this category and its distinction from other virtues. In the original, the ethics of philanthropy is opposed to the astrological ideology represented by Clement’s father Faust. Faust's views are based on the natural philosophical ideas of the early Greek Stoics. Apostle Peter, Clement's teacher, responds to his arguments from the standpoint of Judeo-Christian monotheism, referring to the biblical history of his people. Thus, Hellenism is confronted with biblical monotheism. So, Epitome appears a kind of argument in the controversy between Gentile Christians and Judeo-Christians (Ebionites), which has troubled the Syrian Church for centuries.
However, in translation, this clash of worldviews remains obscured, as the translator does not seem to recognize either the terminology of Stoic natural philosophy, or astrological issues, or the debate between the traditions of Peter and Paul in Syria. Thus, all the Stoic terminology of Faust is reduced to a single concept of "being". Therefore, in the translated version, the controversy is not so much between Christianity and astrology, as between ethics and "ontology". Instead, the translator enriches the philosophical outline of the work with polysemic Slavic vocabulary, which sheds new light on the role of the bishop in Peter’s instructions to Clement.
Comparison of the Greek and Slavic versions of the Epitome – an autobiography attributed to St. Clement – with his only authentic work, 1Corinthians, allowed to draw another unexpected conclusion. All these works are not only devoted to one main problem - the restoration of peace in the controversial Christian community, but also offer similar ways out of the crisis through brotherly love, solidarity and respect for the otherness of the fellow Christians. This may indicate either that the author of the Syrian apocrypha was inspired by the true Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians, or that the image of St. Clement, that developed in the early tradition, dictated the message of the pseudo-epigraph quite powerfully. Due to this consonance, the apocryphal work of the Syrian Ebionites did to some extent acquaint Slavic readers with the ideas of Clement of Rome, whose only authentic work was almost unknown in the Middle Ages.
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Shepetyak, Oksana. "Statistical Analysis of the Relationship between the Numbers of Christian Churches of the Middle East." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 86 (July 3, 2018): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2018.86.702.
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In the Article of Oksana Shepetyak "Statistical Analysis of the Relationship between the Numbers of Christian Churches of the Middle East"is analyzed the modernity of the Christians communities in their historical regions and tendency in their development. The diversity of Eastern Christianity requires a broad and multifaceted study. Most researchers focus on the history of formation, theological and liturgical aspects, and contemporaneity. This study is devoted to the comparison of only statistics, which, however, reveal an entirely new picture of the Christian East. The comparison of the number of believers in the Eastern Churches shows that the Oriental non-orthodox churches dominate in the Alexandrian tradition, while the Eastern Catholic Churches predominate in the East Syrian and Western-Syrian tradition. Instead, the Churches of the Byzantine tradition in the Middle East turned into small religious communities.
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Alkhaled, Mohamad. "The Survival of Sharia Islamic Divorce Law in the Syrian and Egyptian Personal Status Laws." DÍKÉ 5, no. 1 (September 1, 2021): 190–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/dike.2021.05.01.13.
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The family law was not codified in both Syria and Egypt until 1917 when the Ottomans issued the Ottoman Family Rights Law, which applied to Muslims, Christians, and Jews each according to its provisions. This Ottoman Family Rights Law and the book of the Egyptian scholar Muhammad Qadri Pasha (‘Legal Ruling on Personal Status’) formed the first core of personal status laws in both Egypt and Syria, which s explains the survival of Islamic law to this day in personal status laws, in contrast to other branches of law. This paper presents a comparative study between the Egyptian Personal Status Law No. 25 of 1920, and the Syrian Personal Status Law No. 59 of 1953, regarding divorce provisions.
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Ronnevik, Andrew. "Dalit Theology and Indian Christian History in Dialogue: Constructive and Practical Possibilities." Religions 12, no. 3 (March 10, 2021): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12030180.
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In this article, I consider how an integration of Dalit theology and Indian Christian history could help Dalit theologians in their efforts to connect more deeply with the lived realities of today’s Dalit Christians. Drawing from the foundational work of such scholars as James Massey and John C. B. Webster, I argue for and begin a deeper and more comprehensive Dalit reading and theological analysis of the history of Christianity and mission in India. My explorations—touching on India’s Thomas/Syrian, Catholic, Protestant, and Pentecostal traditions—reveal the persistence and complexity of caste oppression throughout Christian history in India, and they simultaneously draw attention to over-looked, empowering, and liberative resources that are bound to Dalit Christians lives, both past and present. More broadly, I suggest that historians and theologians in a variety of contexts—not just in India—can benefit from blurring the lines between their disciplines.
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Zenner, Walter P. "Middleman Minorities in the Syrian Mosaic." Sociological Perspectives 30, no. 4 (October 1987): 400–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389211.
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In this article, an aspect of the “middleman minority” situation will be explored: How do individuals of different minorities interact when they are competing within a single social field. The case that will be used here is that of the competition of Christians and Jews in Late Ottoman Syria for certain positions attached to the government and for key roles in international trade. Image management in the present instance includes stigmatization of one's rivals. The implications of this case for other studies of minorities is considered.
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Roukema, Riemer. "The Good Samaritan in Ancient Christianity." Vigiliae Christianae 58, no. 1 (2004): 56–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007204772812331.
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AbstractFor modern readers the parable of the Good Samaritan clearly has an ethical meaning. Although in ancient Christianity this tenor was not fully neglected, the parable was usually interpreted allegorically, the Samaritan being seen as Christ the Saviour of sinners, who had been robbed by the devil. The present article gives a survey of the various interpretations and elaborations of Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, an anonymous presbyter, Origen, Gregory Thaumaturgus, the Gospel of Philip, Ambrose, Augustine, and Ephrem the Syrian. It concludes with some remarks on Christian charity in the first centuries C.E. which may in part have provided the hermeneutical context of the allegorization of the parable. It is argued that before Christians were ready to identify themselves with the Samaritan, they first, before their conversion, had identified themselves with the wounded man helped by the Samaritan, who was represented by other Christians.
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Mikhael, Mary. "The Syrian War and the Christians of the Middle East." International Bulletin of Mission Research 39, no. 2 (April 2015): 69–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693931503900203.
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Visvanathan, Susan. "Reconstructions of the Past Among the Syrian Christians of Kerala." Contributions to Indian Sociology 20, no. 2 (July 1986): 241–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/006996686020002005.
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Oommen, Ginu Zacharia. "Transnational Religious Dynamics of Syrian Christians from Kerala in Kuwait." South Asia Research 35, no. 1 (February 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728014560475.
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Ceyhun, Hüseyin Emre. "Determinants of Public Attitudes Towards Immigrants: Evidence from Arab Barometer." Refugee Survey Quarterly 39, no. 1 (January 23, 2020): 100–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rsq/hdz016.
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Abstract What factors determine public opinion towards immigrants? This inquiry is especially crucial in the context of developing countries since they hold 80 per cent of global refugee populations. Lebanon, with the burden on its shoulders due to hosting about one million Syrians, offers a unique case to study the mechanisms driving the formation of attitudes towards immigrants. In this article, I examine how Syrian density is associated with Lebanese attitudes towards immigrants. Using Arab Barometer Wave IV data (2016), I test three arguments linking public attitudes to natives’ economic, security, and sectarian concerns. My analysis suggests that there is no relationship between employment status and negative attitudes towards immigrants. Instead, I argue that perceived economic situation and sense of security provide better mechanisms for the formation of natives’ attitudes towards immigrants. Moreover, I present the observational evidence that Lebanese attitudes towards immigrants are driven by one’s sectarian affiliation. Notably, Christians are more likely to adopt positive attitudes towards immigrants as Syrian density increases, compared with Shi’as more likely to cite prejudice.
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Thomas, David. "Christian Borrowings from Islamic Theology in the Classical Period: The Witness of al-Juwaynī and Abū l-Qāsim al-Anṣārī." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 2, no. 1-2 (2014): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00201009.
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This article explores examples of Arab Christian theologians making use of Muslim theological concepts in the early Islamic period. It shows that while Christians appear to have possessed more than passing knowledge of the terminology and methodology employed by contemporary Muslim scholars, they made little use of this, except as a means to explain their teachings and to retaliate against arguments from their Muslim counterparts. It begins by discussing the extent to which the 9th century East Syrian theologian ʿAmmār al-Baṣrī adopted elements from Muslim teachings about the divine attributes, looks at evidence of borrowing in ʿAmmār’s Muslim contemporary Abū ʿĪsā al-Warrāq, and goes on to examine traces of counter-arguments from Christians in a refutation of the Trinity by the 10th century Ashʿarite scholar al-Bāqillānī. In none of these instances is there much sign of extensive absorption by Christians of Muslim concepts. The article then explores in detail traces of possible borrowings by Christians in arguments by the 11th century master al-Juwaynī and his pupil Abū l-Qāsim al-Anṣārī. In neither case does it find evidence of extensive borrowing by Christians, but rather indications that although they lived in an increasingly Islamic society, where their language and thought was imbued more and more with Islamic vocabulary and conventions, Christians continued to maintain their doctrines in forms they had inherited from pre-Islamic times. The record of Muslim theological works up to the 12th century indicates that Christians were not known by Muslims for demonstrating much interest in Muslim theology or for trying to express their doctrines in idioms established by Muslim theologians.
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사토 노리코. "Constructing a group identity within the Syrian nation: Religious multiculturalism and music practices among Syrian Orthodox Christians." 21st centry Political Science Review 17, no. 2 (September 2007): 231–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.17.2.200709.231.
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Taylor, Jonah. "The Clash of Civilizations in the Syrian Crisis: Migration and Terrorism." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v2i4.25.
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The Syrian crisis can be the beginning of a new civilization conflict. Ethnic and religious pluralism is clearly evident in this country; Muslims: Sunnis, Duroz, Alawites, Shiites, and Ismailis; Orthodox Christians, Catholics, Maronites, Protestants, and Turkmen and Kurdish ethnic minorities. The Syrian crisis in 2011 appeared to be protesting against the ruling elite (Alawi). Due to the presence of various cultures and religions, it seems that this will make the Syrian crisis a prelude to a renewed clash of civilizations. The present research seeks to answer these questions: What are the basic propositions of the theory of the clash of civilizations and how is it represented in the Syrian crisis? Since according to Samuel Huntington, the foundation of civilizations, religious and cultural backgrounds, and cultural and religious identities are the main source of the clash of civilizations; Therefore, the war on terrorism, the Syrian crisis, the emergence of ISIL and the presence of the US military and international interventions, the competition of regional and trans-national powers, is express the clash of civilizations.
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Županov, Ines. ""One Civility, But Multiple Religions": Jesuit Mission Among St. Thomas Christians in India (16th-17th Centuries)." Journal of Early Modern History 9, no. 3 (2005): 284–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006505775008473.
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AbstractThe encounter between the Jesuit missionaries and the St. Thomas Christians or Syrian Christians in Kerala in the second part of the sixteenth century was for both sides a significant opening to different cultural beliefs and routines. An important and understudied outcome of this encounter, documented here on the Jesuit side, was the possibility of accepting religious plurality, at least within Christianity. The answers to the questions of how to deal with religious diversity in Christianity and globally, oscillated between demands for violent annihilation of the opponents and cultural relativism. The principal argument in this paper is that it was the encounter with these "ancient" Indian Christians that made the missionaries aware of the importance of the accommodationist method of conversion. This controversial method, employed in the Jesuit overseas missions among the "heathens", was therefore first thought out and tested in their mission among the St. Thomas Christians in the late sixteenth century.
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Županov, Ines G. "Antiquissima Christianità: Indian Religion or Idolatry?" Journal of Early Modern History 24, no. 6 (November 17, 2020): 471–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342653.
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Abstract The Jesuit mission among the “ancient Christians” on the Malabar coast in today’s Kerala was one of the watershed moments—as I argued a decade ago—in their global expansion in Asia in the sixteenth century, and a prelude to the method of accommodation as it had been theorized and practiced in Asia. In this article I want to emphasize the invocation of comparisons with and the use of Mediterranean antiquity in crafting the identities, memory, and history of Indian Christianity. Jesuit ethnographic descriptions concerning the liturgy, rites, and customs of māppila nasrānikkal, also known as St. Thomas Christians, triggered a series of debates involving various missionaries, Catholic Church authorities in Goa and Rome, as well as Syrian bishops and St. Thomas Christian priestly families. Caught up in the contrary efforts at unifying and homogenizing Christianity under two distinct helms of the Portuguese king and the Roman pope, the missionaries generated different intellectual tools and distinctions, all of which contributed to further jurisdictional struggles. The St. Thomas Christian community became a model of “antique” Christianity for some and a heretical or even idolatrous sect for others. It became a mirror for the divided Christianity in Europe and beyond. In India, it was precisely the vocabulary and the historicizing reasoning that was invested in analyzing and defining these Indian homegrown Christians that would be subsequently applied by comparison, analogy, or contrast to formalize and reify other Indian “religions.” The dating and the autonomous or derivative status of Indian (“pagan”) antiquities emerged, a century later, as a major orientalist problem.
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VanZandt Collins, Michael. "Toward Witnessing the Other: Syria, Islam and Frans van der Lugt." Religions 11, no. 4 (April 8, 2020): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11040174.
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This article addresses issues and questions at the intersection of religion and theatrical drama from the perspective of Muslim-Christian comparative theology. A case study approaching an actual performance of Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet from this disciplinary point of view also takes into account the Syrian context, develops a framework for “mutual witnessing”, and the practice of drama therapy. Accordingly, the case-method proceeds to address two interrelated challenges. The first is how to relate to the adaptive praxis and theological sensibilities of performers who inhabit a political and religious situation that is radically different from one’s own. The second regards in a more specific way of reframing a case of Christian martyrdom in terms of witnessing that remains open and hospitable to religious others, and particularly in this case to Syrian Muslims. As an exercise of comparative theology, this case-method approach focuses on notions of “witnessing truth” that appear and are cultivated in the work of liberation theologian Jon Sobrino and in Ibn ‘Arabī’s Fusūs al-Hikam, specifically the chapter on Shuayb. In conclusion, this exercise turns to the performance itself as a potential foundation for shared theological reflection between Muslims and Christians. As such, this article attempts to render how theatrical action creates a “religious” experience according to the structure and threefold sense that Peter Brook observes.
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Freij, Hanna Y. "State and Society in Syria and Lebanon." American Journal of Islam and Society 12, no. 2 (July 1, 1995): 276–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v12i2.2381.
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The aim of this book, as pointed out in the introduction, is toexplore the unfolding and evolving of "state institutions, socioeconomicstructures, cultural policies and ideological currents" from the end ofthe Ottoman Empire until the present in Syria and Lebanon. Althoughlaudable, the book falls short of this lofty aim, for the arguments presentedin several essays are not developed fully while others contain agreat deal of rhetoric. Nonetheless, some articles deserve the readers'close attention.The first article is by Abdul-Karim Rafeq, a prominent Syrian historian,who challenges from the outset the notion that Arab nationalismappeared in the nineteenth century due to the European impact. Ina highly nuanced argument, he traces the development of identityamong the Syrian ulama under Ottoman rule through their defence ofthe "rightful application of the Islamic Shari'ah [which they] werehighly critical of any breaches of it" (p. 2). Moreover, he adds thatthey sided with the peasantry against the unjust application of Ottomanland grants, which reduced the peasants to little more than serfs.His initial arguments are both well researched and highly documented.After a short discussion of the tolerance that existed between theSyrian Christians and the Muslim rulers, Rafeq turns his attention toAmir Faysal's attempt to establish an Arab government in postOttomanSyria ...
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사토 노리코. "Formation of Group Identity: The Syrian Orthodox Christians and their Historical Narratives." 21st centry Political Science Review 19, no. 1 (May 2009): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.19.1.200905.197.
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McKay, Jame. "Religious Diversity and Ethnic Cohesion: A Three Generational Analysis of Syrian-Lebanese Christians in Sydney." International Migration Review 19, no. 2 (June 1985): 318–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838501900206.
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Researchers have paid little attention to the effect of religious differences on the identities and structures of members of a particular ethnic group. The importance of this is evident when the number of ethnic populations which are fragmented by religion is considered. This article presents a case study of Syrian-Lebanese Christians in Sydney to analyze how religious diversity has influenced ethnic identities and ethnic boundaries across three generations.
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Noriko Sato. "Formation of Group Identity among Syrian Orthodox Christians: State Politics and Historical Narratives." Journal of Mediterranean Area Studies 9, no. 2 (October 2007): 219–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18218/jmas.2007.9.2.219.
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Bandak, Andreas. "Reckoning with the Inevitable: Death and Dying among Syrian Christians during the Uprising." Ethnos 80, no. 5 (August 19, 2014): 671–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00141844.2014.941896.
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Philips, Amali. "Stridhanam: Rethinking Dowry, Inheritance and Women's Resistance among the Syrian Christians of Kerala." Anthropologica 45, no. 2 (2003): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25606144.
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Sato, Noriko. "On the horns of the terrorist dilemma: syrian christians' response to israeli “Terrorism”." History and Anthropology 14, no. 2 (June 2003): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/027572003200102919.
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Francis, Keith A. "Revival, Caribbean Style: the Case of the Seventh-day Adventist Church in Grenada, 1983–2004." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 388–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003739.
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In 1993, commenting on the changing proportion of Christians in the major regions of the world, John V. Taylor (1914–2001), a past General Secretary of the Church Missionary Society (1963–74) and later Anglican bishop of Winchester (1975–85), wrote: The most striking fact to emerge … is the speed with which the number of Christian adherents in Latin America, Africa, and Asia has overtaken that of Europe, North America, and the former USSR. For the first time since the seventh century, when there were large Nestorian and Syrian churches in parts of Asia, the majority of Christians in the world are not of European origin Moreover, this swing to the ‘South’ has, it would seem, only just got going, since the birth rate in those regions is at present so much higher than in the developed ‘North’, and lapses from religion are almost negligible compared with Europe. By the middle of the next century, therefore, Christianity as a world religion will patently have its centre of gravity in the Equatorial and Southern latitudes, and every major denomination, except possibly the Orthodox Church, will be bound to regard those areas as its heartlands, and embody that fact in its administration.
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Biondo III, Vincent F. "A Community of Many Worlds." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 4 (October 1, 2005): 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i4.1669.
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This edited collection complemented a March 2001 museum exhibit and isbased upon a February 2000 Columbia University conference and a threeyearFord Foundation-sponsored research project. It provides a generaloverview of the history and diversity of Arab Americans in New York Cityand is particularly strong in the area of the arts, featuring several chapters onliterature and music, including several first-person narratives. This two-partbook, which surveys both the historical and the contemporary scenes, isfurther enhanced by forty black-and-white photographs, including thirteenby Empire State College’s Mel Rosenthal.New York contains the third largest Arab-American community, afterDearborn (Michigan) and Los Angeles. In the first chapter, Alixa Naffexplains that the community was formed around 1895, when Christian missionaries in Syria encouraged Arab Christians near Mount Lebanon to workin New York for a couple of years to make money for their families. Syrianand Lebanese immigrants initially gathered at Washington Street in LowerManhattan and soon moved to Atlantic Avenue in the South Ferry portion ofBrooklyn. From 1899-1910, 56,909 Syrian immigrants arrived in New York.In the book’s first part, two historical chapters are followed by entrieson literature, music, photography, and first-person accounts. Philip Kayalpoints out that Arab-American is a cultural and ethnic – but not a religious– category, for most Arab Americans are Christian, not Muslim. JonathanFriedlander reveals that the first Arab-American immigrant, AntonioBishallany, visited from Lebanon in 1854 to gather evangelical teachings foruse back home. This four-page and six-photograph entry on representationsin historical archives could be expanded into a larger work ...
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Moolan, John. "Yearly Gospel Encounter in the East Syrian Calendar of St. Thomas Christians in Malabar." Studia Liturgica 40, no. 1-2 (September 2010): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0039320710040001-213.
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Mohammadi, Shoayb, Vladyslav Butenko, Zohreh Ghadbeigi, and Masoumeh Ahangaran. "The Clash of Civilizations in the Syrian Crisis." Revista de la Universidad del Zulia 11, no. 31 (October 1, 2020): 302–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46925//rdluz.31.19.
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The Syrian crisis may be the beginning of a new conflict of civilizations. Ethnic and religious pluralism is clearly evident in this country: Muslims (Sunnis, Druze, Alawites, Shiites and Ismailis); Christians (Orthodox, Catholics, Maronites, Protestants) and Turkmen and Kurdish ethnic minorities. The Syrian crisis of 2011 seemed to go against the ruling elite (Alawis). With the escalation of the conflict, the country gradually became the scene of a civil war characterized by international dimensions. In this way, the conflict became a multilateral battle in which, on the one hand, the participants in it were the local element in the form of the government of Bashar al-Assad and extremist terrorist groups such as Jabhat al-Nusra, ISIL and Ahrar al-Sham; and on the other hand, the United States and its European allies, Saudi Arabia and some States of the Persian Gulf; and Iran and the axis of resistance, as well as Russia and China. Due to the presence of diverse cultures and religions, it appears that this will make the Syrian crisis a prelude to a renewed clash of civilizations. This research seeks to answer these questions: What are the basic propositions of the theory of the clash of civilizations and how is it represented in the Syrian crisis? Since, according to Samuel Huntington, the main sources of the clash of civilizations are the foundation of civilizations, religious and cultural antecedents, and cultural and religious identities. Consequently, they are expressions of the clash of civilizations: the war on terrorism, the Syrian crisis, the rise of ISIL and the presence of US military and international interventions, the competition of regional and transnational powers.
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Anzalone, Christopher. "The Sunni Tragedy in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 123–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v34i1.867.
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Northern Lebanon, the mountainous terrain bordering Syria and the coastalplain centered on the city of Tripoli with its nearly 130,000 residents, has longbeen the heartland of the country’s Sunni Arabs, along with the old scholasticand population hub in the southern city of Sidon. The outbreak of mass popularprotests and eventually armed rebellion in neighboring Syria againstBashar al-Asad’s government in the spring of 2011, and that country’s continuingdescent into an increasingly violent and sectarian civil war, has had aprofound effect upon Lebanon, particularly in the north, for both geographicaland demographic reasons. First, northern Lebanon borders strategic areas ofcentral-western Syria (e.g., the town of al-Qusayr) and is located just south ofthe major Syrian port city of Tartus. Second, the north’s population includessignificant minority communities of Christians and Alawis, the latter of whichare largely aligned politically with Damascus. These factors have made theborder regions particularly dangerous, for while the Lebanese army attemptsto maintain control of the country’s territory, Iran-aligned Hizbullah poursfighters and military supplies into Syria and militant Sunni groups (e.g., ISISand Jabhat Fath al-Sham [JFS]) seek to establish a foothold in Lebanon fromwhich they can pursue their anti-Asad campaign.Bernard Rougier is uniquely placed to write about the contemporary historyand complex web of politics among Lebanon’s Sunni factions and particularlythe rise of jihadi militancy among some of its segments. The bookunder review, like Everyday Jihad: The Rise of Militant Islam among Palestiniansin Lebanon (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), isbased upon extensive in-country fieldwork and interviews beginning in theearly 2000s and ending in 2014. It provides a fascinating and nuancedoverview of jihadism’s rise as a viable avenue of political frustration and expressionin the wider milieu of Lebanon’s intra-Sunni socio-political competitionand a fast-changing regional situation.Rougier argues that the contentious political disputes and competitionamong the country’s mainstream Sunni political figures (e.g., the al-Haririfamily), as well as the impact of Syrian control of large parts of Lebanon between1976 and 2005 and ensuing power vacuum after its withdrawal, enabledthe emergence of jihadi militancy. Northern Lebanon also became a center ofcompetition among regional actors through their local allies, which pitted ...
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Sarabiev, Aleksei V. "THE RUSSIAN CONSUL IN DAMASCUS PRINCE BORIS N. SHAKHOVSKOY’S ROLE IN INTERFAITH PEACE ON THE EVE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (14) (2020): 162–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-162-178.
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Prince Boris N. Shakhovskoy (1870–1926), the Russian consul in Damascus from 1907 until the First World War, left to his descendants a legacy of attentive and balanced diplomacy. His reports to the Russian Embassy in Constantinople and to the 1st Division of the Foreign Ministry contain invaluable information shedding light on interfaith relations in the Syrian regions of the Ottoman Empire on the eve and after of the Young Turk Revolution, as well as on the early months of the so-called Great War (WWI). The article analyzes the messages of the diplomat on various aspects of the religious situation in the region. He considered the activities of the Islamist organization Muslim League in Damascus, which aimed at enforcing Sharia law throughout Syrian society and countering non-Muslim and European influence in the region. An anxious change in interfaith relations is being evaluated, when Muslim suspicion towards Christians grew, aggravated by the common conscription in the context of the Tripolitan and two Balkan wars. The consul attentively followed the problems of the participation of the Orthodox Arabs in the Ottoman institutions, as well as the attempts to join the English Old-Catholics to Orthodoxy, acting through Metropolitan of Beirut. Of historical interest is also the information about the transition of the Syrian Jacobites to Catholicism, as well as notes on the Catholic missions activities in the region. All these issues in the Syrian soil are viewed by the diplomat through the prism of competition between European powers, especially France and Italy.
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McKay, Jame. "Religious Diversity and Ethnic Cohesion: A Three Generational Analysis of Syrian-Lebanese Christians in Sydney." International Migration Review 19, no. 2 (1985): 318. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2545775.
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