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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Syrian Gods

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Academic literature on the topic 'Syrian Gods'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 July 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Syrian Gods"

1

Sazonov, Vladimir, and Joanna Töyräänvuori. "Jumalad sõjas: jumalik toetus ja sõdade teoloogiline õigustamine muistses Anatoolias ja Põhja-Süürias." Mäetagused 82 (April 2022): 147–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/mt2022.82.sazonov_toyraanvuori.

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As we can see, divine support, divine intervention, and an ideology of (divine) warfare developed in the Hittite world throughout the whole of Hittite history and became better formulated and more complex with the passing of time, reaching their apex during the New Kingdom Period. If we can observe barely any divine support for Anitta’s deeds in the Text of Anitta, then Ḫattušili I, who ruled 100 years later, already elaborated this phenomenon more explicitly and referred to gods in support of his aggressive politics and military actions (The Annals of Ḫattušili I). The phenomenon of divine su

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SAZONOV, Vladimir, and Joanna TÖYRÄÄNVUORI. "Gods in Wars: Divine Support and the Theological Justification of War in Ancient Anatolia and North Syria." STUDIA ANTIQUA ET ARCHAEOLOGICA 27, no. 2 (2021): 331–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/saa-2021-27-2-6.

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In this article, the authors examine the divine support and religious justification of wars by Anatolian and North Syrian rulers in the Late Bronze Age, an epoch of international diplomacy. Notable is that many wars and conflicts in the region of Anatolia and North Syria took place in this period, which may have occasioned an increasing need to justify them by appeal to divinities.

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Gavrilovic-Vitas, Nadezda. "Syrian priesthood in the territory of Danube Limes of Moesia superior: Funerary monument dedicated to Jupiter Dolichenus and Sea Syria from Glamija." Starinar, no. 69 (2019): 231–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta1969231g.

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In 1982, during archaeological excavations in the Danube Limes, a funerary stela was found in the locality of Glamija I (in the village of Rtkovo), inside the Roman fortress, dedicated to Jupiter Dolichenus and Dea Syria. The dedicant is the priest of the divine couple. The monument from Glamija I represents one of only a few monuments dedicated to Jupiter Dolichenus and Dea Syria, particularly since the dedication is made by the priest of the gods. This paper discusses the question and role of Syrian priesthood in the territory of the Danube Limes and the Central Balkan Roman provinces, in th

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Lambert, W. G. "Trees, snakes and gods in ancient Syria and Anatolia." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 48, no. 3 (1985): 435–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00038428.

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For too long study of ancient Near Eastern representational art and study of possibly related texts have been entirely separate disciplines, the one a branch of archaeology, the other of philology. This accounts for the very scanty results obtained and their frequently questionable character. In the case of Classical Greece and Rome art historians ordinarily command Greek and Latin so as to use written sources at first hand, but Near Eastern archaeologists have commonly been illiterate in their fields of study, while philologists often have limited knowledge of art and use that very amateurish

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Ayali-Darshan, Noga. "The Seventy Bulls Sacrificed at Sukkot (Num 29:12-34) in Light of a Ritual Text from Emar (Emar 6, 373)." Vetus Testamentum 65, no. 1 (2015): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341185.

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This article deals with the seventy bulls offered at Sukkot according to Numbers 29—a number unparalleled in any other Israelite festival for which no persuasive explanation has been adduced to date. In light of a ritual from the ancient Syrian city of Emar (Emar 6, 373: 36-38), it is suggested that the custom reflects an ancient Levantine tradition of sacrificing seventy sacrifices to the seventy gods—the whole pantheon—during the New Year celebration. The evident transformation of the seventy gods into seventy nations by biblical scribes may explain the late rabbinic midrashic tradition acco

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Dillon, John. "The Ubiquity of Divinity According to Iamblichus and Syrianus." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 7, no. 2 (2013): 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341260.

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Abstract In two passages in particular of his Commentary on the Timaeus, Proclus attributes to his master Syrianus a series of arguments in favour of not confining gods or daemons to any particular level of the universe, either hypercosmic or encosmic, as had been the more or less universal practice of earlier Platonists, but asserting the ubiquity of all classes of ‘higher being’ at every level, and criticising earlier doctrine as in effect cutting the gods off from contact with man, thus undermining the power of theurgy. This interesting development was in fact initiated (as in so many other

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Archi, Alfonso. "Aštata: A Case of Hittite Imperial Religious Policy." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 14, no. 2 (2014): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341260.

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The Hittite documentation concerning the Land of Aštata on the Euphrates, with Emar as capital, can now be better evaluated thanks to a more precise chronological order of the documentation from Emar (1400–1180b.c.). Hittite rule did not exercise any religious imperialism, on the contrary, it was Mursili ii who transferred to Hattusa some Aštata cults for the Syrian goddess Išḫara. He did not refrain from calling to his court priests from Emar in order to celebrate the proper rites to the goddess in an emergency. The king of Karkamiš, who exercised Hittite control over Emar, sent there one of

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Holm, Tawny. "Bethel and Yahō: A Tale of Two Gods in Egypt." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 23, no. 1 (2023): 25–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341335.

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Abstract Aramaic documents from Egypt suggest that Yahwists there may have identified Yahweh/Yahō with the Syrian-Aramean deity Bethel (Bayt-ʔēl). Portions of Papyrus Amherst 63, the long and complex multi-composition Aramaic text written using Demotic script, also support this view. For instance, Bethel and Yahō seem to be paralleled with each other in two poems on the papyrus; both deities share some attributes otherwise ascribed to Baʕal-Shamayn (i.e., Hadad), yet are superior to that deity; and a priestess of Bethel is termed a khnh, the feminine form of khn, the noun used solely for a pri

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М.С., Никулин. "Критика единосущия божественного ума и человеческой души в философской теологии Ямвлиха Халкидского". Труды кафедры богословия Санкт-Петербургской Духовной Академии, № 4(24) (21 листопада 2024): 172–79. https://doi.org/10.47132/2541-9587_2024_4_172.

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Настоящая статья посвящена вопросу о соотношении ноэтического и психического в учении основателя сирийской школы неоплатонизма Ямвлиха. Кратко представлена доктрина философа о первопринципах и структуре универсума. С одной стороны, в комментарии на платоновский «Федр» Ямвлих признает присутствие в человеческой душе единого, соприродного богам, а также ума. С другой стороны, в трактате «О душе» сирийский философ критикует взгляд своих предшественников о единосущии души, ума и богов. Также в толковании на «Тимей» он опровергает взгляд Плотина о том, что ум является частью души, защищая свободу в

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Thames, John Tracy. "Ritual as an Aspect of Cultural Integration: Ugarit, Emar, and the Hittites in Syria." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 24, no. 1 (2024): 126–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341345.

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Abstract Although the Syrian kingdoms of the 13th century BCE may not have been integrated into the Hittite empire politically or economically, there is evidence that the Hittites employed strategies of cultural integration – part of bridging the geographical and social divide between the rulers and the ruled. The recently published documents from Ugarit reveal that both the Hittite Great king himself, as well as the King of Karkamiš, who administered the Syrian kingdoms, participated in Ugaritic ritual management and sent Hittite agents to offer sacrifices foreign to Ugarit. These features re

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Syrian Gods"

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Lukashonak, Andrew Avvakum. "Love and salvation in the thought of Saint Isaac the Syrian." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.

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Khaddour, Lina. "Le culte rendu aux dieux à Ougarit dans son contexte syrien." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040209.

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Ce travail est consacré au culte rendu aux dieux à Ougarit dans son contexte syrien. Le but est d’avoir recours à toutes les sources archéologiques, iconographiques, archéozoologiques et épigraphiques pour appréhender les cultes qui étaient rendus aux dieux à Ougarit. Pour saisir la spécificité des cultes pratiqués à Ougarit, mais aussi leur ressemblance avec ceux de la même zone culturelle, je me suis proposé d’établir une comparaison avec d’autres cultes, par exemple ceux qui étaient pratiqués dans la région du nord de la Syrie à l’âge du Bronze moyen Alalaḫ, Qatna, Mari, Terqa, Tuttul, Ekal

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Ghraoui, Nada. "Les petits bronzes des divinités majeures de la Syrie romaine: inventaire systématique et étude iconographique." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210876.

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Les petits bronzes des divinités majeures de la Syrie romaine. Inventaire systématique et étude iconographique<p><p>L’étude des petits bronzes des divinités de la Syrie romaine et l’élaboration d’un catalogue les regroupant s’occupe de 381 statuettes qui représentaient, à mon avis, les huit divinités majeures honorées par les Syriens entre le Ier et le IV siècles de notre ère: Aphrodite/Vénus, Tychè/Fortuna, Eros, Zeus/Jupiter, Apollon, Héraclès, Dionysos/Bacchus et Adonis ;le choix des divinités fut basé sur la quantité des figurines retrouvées les représentant, prouvant ainsi leurs dominatio

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Muhesen, Nibal. "Le roi et son image en Syrie au bronze moyen : étude iconographique d’après la glyptique et d’autres documents figurés et écrits." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009LYO20081.

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Cette thèse a pour objectif d’étudier la « figure du roi » au travers de documents iconographiques du Bronze Moyen provenant de Syrie et plus particulièrement de la zone du Moyen-Euphrate entre 2000 et 1600 avant J.-C. Notre approche méthodologique qui porte prioritairement sur la partie sigillaire a consisté à établir un corpus des plus exhaustifs possibles des sceaux publiés et inédits. Après l’établissement de celui-ci, nous opérons des comparaisons pour dégager les caractéristiques de la représentation royale. Dans un premier temps, le cadre spatio-temporel retenu pour cette étude est défi

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Lazzarini, Catherine Marie. "Les tombes royales et les tombes de prestige en Mésopotamie et en Syrie du Nord au Bronze Ancien." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO20023/document.

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Les tombes royales et les tombes de prestige sont spécifiques d’une partie de la communauté détenant un pouvoir régional ou local. Dans le contexte du Bronze Ancien en Mésopotamie et en Syrie, l’étude archéologique a permis de distinguer les tombes de prestige des autres tombes selon trois critères principaux : l’architecture monumentale, la localisation topographique et le matériel funéraire déposés dans les tombes. Ces traits constituent un ensemble de signes complexes intégré dans un discours idéologique. L’étude a eu pour objectif de replacer les pratiques funéraires dans la société et les

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Foster, Judith Mary. "Giving birth to God : the virgin empress Pulcheria and imitation of Mary in early Christian Greek and Syriac traditions." Thesis, 2008. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/975698/1/MR40848.pdf.

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Since the 1970's, more attention has been paid to the early cult of the Mary, as well as to empresses in the Eastern Roman Empire. The Empress Pulcheria (399-453 C.E.), who was the granddaughter of Theodosius the Great, has been portrayed as the earthly image of Mary. This portrayal was in the context of the controversy over the title of Mary the Theotokos, or birth-giver of God, and was due to reports made by the Patriarch Nestorius and those sympathetic to him that Pulcheria had said that she had given birth to God. This study investigates the reported claim in order to establish whether it

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Abbe, Susan. "Der Weg der Sa`dīya." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-000D-F22E-6.

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Maliakkal, Ben James. "The origin and spread of Christianity in Malabar (Kerala) : scenario prior to the european advent (1498 AD)." Master's thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.14/36277.

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A presente dissertação pretende estudar a história da origem e crescimento da fé cristã, bem como as alterações e conflitos sócio-culturais-espirituais provocados em Malabar, Índia (atual estado de Kerala). A fé cristã, de acordo com a tradição em Malabar, possui raízes no primeiro século de Nosso Senhor. De acordo com estudos históricos, bem como com a tradição, foi S. Tomé Apóstolo quem trouxe a fé aos povos de Malabar. Estes tornaram-se historicamente conhecidos como “Cristãos de Tomé”. A fé cristã em Malabar enfrentou três tipos de inculturações sociais e atravessou vários conflitos s

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Pehal, Martin. "Staroegyptské mytologické narativy. Strukturalistické interpretace Příběhu o dvou bratrech, Příběhu o princi, kterému byl předurčen osud, Astartina papyru, Usirovského cyklu a Anatina mýtu." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-347446.

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is study is composed of two units: manuscript of the author's publication Interpreting Ancient Egyptian Narratives: A Structural Analysis of the Tale of Two Brothers, the Anat Myth, the Osirian Cycle, and the Astarte Papyrus (Nouvelles études orientales, Bruxelles-Fernelmont: EME, 2014) and an additonal chapter entitled Accommodating Ambivalence: Case of the Doomed Prince and His Dog, which follows directly a er the Index of the first unit and which extends the applied methodology to yet another New Kingdom mythological narrative, the so-called Tale of the Doomed Prince. Methodologically, the

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Books on the topic "Syrian Gods"

1

Tazawa, Keiko. Syro-Palestinian deities in New Kingdom Egypt: The hermeneutics of their existence. Archaeopress, 2009.

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Lebanon) Muʼtamar al-Turāth al-Suryānī (7th 2000 Anṭilyās. Le visage de Dieu dans le patrimoine oriental: Patrimoine Syriaque actes du colloque VII. Editions du CERO, Université Antonine, 2001.

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Lebanon) Muʼtamar al-Turāth al-Suryānī (8th 2001 Anṭilyās. Nuṣūṣ Suriyānīyah: Allāh raḥmah, Allāh maḥabbah. Markaz al-Dirāsāt wa-al-Abḥāth al-Mashriqīyah, 2002.

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Muʾtamar al-Turāth al-Suryānī (8th 2001 Anṭilyās, Lebanon). Nuṣūṣ Suriyānīyah: Allāh raḥmah, Allāh maḥabbah. Markaz al-Dirāsāt wa-al-Abḥāth al-Mashriqīyah, 2002.

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Papoutsakis, Emmanuel. Vicarious kingship: A theme in Syriac political theology in late antiquity. Mohr Siebeck, 2017.

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Popovitch, Justin. Les voies de la connaissance de Dieu: Macaire d'Egypte : Isaac le Syrien : Syméon le Nouveau Théologien. Ed. L'Age d Homme, 1998.

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Frayne, Douglas. A handbook of gods and goddesses of the ancient Near East: Three thousand deities of Anatolia, Syria, Israel, Sumer, Babylonia, Assyria, and Elam. CDL Press, 2015.

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Rehm, Ellen. Waffengräber im Alten Orient: Zum Problem der Wertung von Waffen in Gräbern des 3. und frühen 2. Jahrtausends v. Chr. in Mesopotamien und Syrien. Archeopress, 2003.

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Edouard, Jeauneau, and Erigena, Johannes Scotus, ca. 810-ca. 877., eds. Maximi Confessoris Ambigua ad Iohannem: Iuxta Iohannis Scotti Eriugenae latinam interpretationem. Brepols, 1988.

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John, Bunyan. Hay paglako ha katatag-ayan ha kama-inan nin Diyos nin mihay antompel ha Diyos =: The journey of a believer in God to the high place where God dwells : Botolan Sambal translation. Summer Institute of Linguistics-Philippines, 1985.

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Book chapters on the topic "Syrian Gods"

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Grainger, John D. "The export of the gods." In Syrian Influences in the Roman Empire to AD 300. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315114774-7.

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Priest, Hannah. "Unravelling Constance." In Dark Chaucer. punctum books, 2012. https://doi.org/10.21983/p3.0018.1.11.

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She came from the sea, mazed, amazed —masen —confused, bewildered, senseless. Deceived, deranged, crazed. They stopped and asked her who she was. When they stopped and asked her who she was, she said she did not know. She said she was so mazed in the sea, that she forgot her mind. Her mind —mynde — seat of memory, faculty of memory, individual remembrance. Reason, understanding. Will, desire, purpose. She forgot her mind, when she lost herself. Constance forgets Constance. Constance is lost. Distress teaches us to be inventive, says the nightingale, but blank Constance does not invent. Once, s

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Lang, Felix. "Transformations of the “Syrian” Literary Field Since 2011." In Re-Configurations. Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31160-5_17.

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Abstract The events unfolding in Syria since spring 2011 have led to a thorough transformation of the intellectual and artistic space in which Syrian authors, filmmakers, and artists move. Starting from an overview of the connections of institutions, artists, and works that form this contemporary space of cultural production, this chapter goes on to consider the problems existing theoretical conceptions of such spaces from the sociology of arts encounter when faced with the empirical realities of the Syrian case. It shows that the transnational, unstable, and often transient nature of these fo

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Archi, Alfonso. "Shaping Gods: from Göbekli Tepe to Kaneš, Ḫattuša, and Beyond." In Theonyms, Panthea and Syncretisms in Hittite Anatolia and Northern Syria. Firenze University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/979-12-215-0109-4.07.

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The spectacular finds at Göbekli Tepe and Nevali Çorı: monolithic pillars representing stylized humans decorated with a large variety of animals, are the representation of an animist cosmos, in which animals and plants being may appear as persons, capable of will. Çatal Höyük represents a stage in which gods started to be shaped: the bull represented the Storm-god (a concept which reached the Classical period), the stag the god of the wild fauna, and female figurines symbolized the Mother-goddess. In Egypt, where gods where usually represented by animals, zoomorphism presents a continuity whic

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French, Todd. "SEEING THE GOD IN THE SYRIAC TRADITION." In Seeing the God, edited by Jeffrey B. Pettis, Jared Calaway, Todd French, et al. Gorgias Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463234881-008.

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Warbinek, Livio. "Defining the Hittite “Pantheon”, its Hierarchy and Circles: Methodological Perspectives." In Theonyms, Panthea and Syncretisms in Hittite Anatolia and Northern Syria. Firenze University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/979-12-215-0109-4.16.

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For the Hittite religion of the “Thousand Gods of Hatti” the scholarship has identified different ways of categorization: State pantheon, Local cults, “circle” and numeric group are the most widely used categories based on several criteria, such as linguistics, geography, and cultural milieu. The present paper aims to better define the state of the question about the hierarchy within the Hittite pantheon on the one hand, and to further investigate the notion of “circle” in the Hittite religion on the other, whose analysis has raised some questions and has led to different interpretations.

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Reinink, G. J. "Paideia: God's Design in World History according to the East Syrian Monk John bar Penkaye." In Syriac Christianity under Late Sasanian and Early Islamic Rule. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003418764-7.

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Mizrahi, Noam. "Lexis-coding Orthography in 4QISAM (4Q66)*." In Interconnected Traditions: Semitic Languages, Literatures, Cultures—A Festschrift for Geoffrey Khan. Open Book Publishers, 2025. https://doi.org/10.11647/obp.0463.12.

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The article investigates orthographic practices in the Dead Sea Scroll fragment 4QIsam (4Q66), dated to the first century bce, with a focus on variants in Isaiah 61.3. The study highlights a scribal correction involving the addition of a yod to differentiate between meanings such as ‘oaks of righteousness’, ‘gods of righteousness’, and ‘chiefs of righteousness’. This orthographic adjustment reflects broader Second Temple exegetical concerns, aiming to clarify ambiguous terms with significant theological implications. The analysis situates the scribal practices of 4QIsam within the linguistic v

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"Gods." In The Installation of Baal's High Priestess at Emar: A Window on Ancient Syrian Religion. BRILL, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004369658_012.

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Parker, Robert. "Delos." In Greek Gods Abroad. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520293946.003.0006.

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This chapter is a case study of the place where, above all, interaction between Greek and foreign cults can be observed: the island of Delos in the 2<sup>nd</sup> and early 1<sup>st</sup> centuries BC. The three Sarapieia, the sanctuary of the Syrian gods and the various sanctuaries of non-Greek gods on M. Kynthos provide detailed evidence for options and choices in naming gods in a multi-cultural environment.

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Conference papers on the topic "Syrian Gods"

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Mehmetali, Doç Dr Bekir. "THE USE OF ARABIC WORDS IN CONTEMPORARY TURKISH POETRY.THE POEM (WORDS OF KILIS) BY THE POET MUSTAFA ALPAYDIN IS AN EXAMPLE." In I. International Dubai Social Sciences and Humanities Congress. Rimar Academy, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/dubaicongress1-1.

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The languages with which God has honored His servants, believers and non-believers, are all one of His signs and one of His effects. It is natural for human languages to borrow words from each other due to several factors, including religion, juxtaposition, mixing, and so on. The Turkish language borrowed many words from the Arabic language, and the Islamic religion was the main factor in this borrowing. Through this research, I wanted to show a small amount of contemporary Turkish poetry’s borrowing of Arabic words that the poet used in his poetic experience. The choice fell on the poet Musta

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Couceiro, Marlene, and Cristina Carvalho. "Clothing and housing: Using materials with adaptable features can improve comfort and safety in emergency situations." In 14th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2023). AHFE International, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1003644.

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In this paper, we intend to present adaptable solutions to improve the safety and comfort of users during or after natural catastrophes (earthquakes, eruptions, floods, hurricanes, droughts) or man-made disasters (conflicts and war). We will explore several suggestions, which I will list below: new applications of signage and innovative materials, which allow a more efficient communication in an emergency situation; garments that become shelters, to minimize the negative impact caused by the destruction and loss of the victims' houses; thermochromic materials, reflectors and color used as warn

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Goldie, Stephan E. "Two Thousand New, Million-Person Cities by 2050 – We Can Do It!" In 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress, Beyond Metropolis, Jakarta-Bogor, Indonesia. ISOCARP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/ysfj6819.

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In 1950 three quarters of a billion people lived in large towns and cities, or 30% of the total world population of over 2.5 billion. By 2009 this had grown to 3.42 billion, just over half of a total population of over 6.8 billion. The United Nations Secretariat currently forecasts that in 2050 6.4 billion, 67% of a total of almost 9.6 billion people will live in urban areas. Just over a third of that growth, around one billion people, is expected to be in China, India and Nigeria, but the remaining two billion will be in the countries around those countries: a massive arc stretching across th

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