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Academic literature on the topic 'Syrian Orthodox Church'
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Journal articles on the topic "Syrian Orthodox Church"
1
Weltecke, Dorothea. "Michael the Syrian and Syriac Orthodox Identity." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x408023.
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AbstractThis paper discusses the concept of Syriac Orthodox identity in the chronicle by Michael the Great as it is expressed in terms for the self-designation (like mhaymnē, Suryōyē) and in the structure of the narrative. The heritage of the ancient Near East, based on the ethnical and historical conception of the Arameans (including the Chaldeans and the Ōturōyē as well as the Ōrōmōyē) since the times of the ancient empires was a very important element of the identity. Just as important to him was the historical legitimacy of the Orthodox Church as a group excluding other Aramaic-speaking Christians. This conception of identity was complex, dialectic, and multi-layered, comprising ethnic, historic, cultural, and religious elements. Not unlike modern people, he and the members of the Syriac Orthodox communities participated in different and overlapping cultures and identities throughout the Syriac Orthodox world. The Syriac Orthodox identity had been under polemical attack for a long time, against which both historical and theological answers were formulated over the centuries. At the same time, Michael can be a witness only for a certain group and a certain region. He speaks mainly for the Syriac-speaking regions of the Syriac Orthodox world and the clergy. Neither the Syriac Orthodox identity of Arabic speaking Syriac Orthodox Christians, for example in Takrit, nor the identities of laymen are of his concern.
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Varghese, Baby. "Renewal in the Malankara Orthodox Church, India." Studies in World Christianity 16, no. 3 (2010): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2010.0102.
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The Malanakra Orthodox Syrian Church, which belongs to the family of the Oriental Orthodox Churches, proudly claims to be founded by the Apostle St Thomas. Its history before the fifteenth century is very poorly documented. However, this ancient Christian community was in intermittent relationship with the East Syrian Patriarchate of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, which was discontinued with the arrival of the Portuguese, who forcefully converted it to Roman Catholicism. After a union of fifty-five years, the St Thomas Christians were able to contact the Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch, thanks to the arrival of the Dutch in Malabar and the expulsion of the Portuguese. The introduction of the West Syrian Liturgical rites was completed by the middle of the nineteenth century. The arrival of the Anglican Missionaries in Malabar in the beginning of the nineteenth century provided the Syrian Christians the opportunity for modern English education and thus to make significant contributions to the overall development of Kerala, one of the states of the Indian Republic.
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Calder, Mark D. "Syrian Identity in Bethlehem: From Ethnoreligion to Ecclesiology." Iran and the Caucasus 20, no. 3-4 (2016): 297–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20160304.
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At first sight, the Syriac Orthodox community in Bethlehem appears to be well-described as “ethno-religious”: while many Palestinian siryān emphasise their connection to an ancient Aramean ethnos, this identification also usually entails some relationship to the Syriac Orthodox Church. However, “religion” (ethno or otherwise) is arguably too overburdened a category to tell us much about how being siryāni in Bethlehem compares to being something else. I propose, instead, that thinking of Syrian self-articulation as a kind of ecclesiology, a tradition of incarnating a body (specifically Christ’s), draws attention to the creative, situated and dialogic process of being and becoming siryāni, while problematising categories with which social scientists customarily think about groups. Unlike ethno-religion, ecclesiology captures the fraught pursuit of redeemed sociality, connecting Bethlehem’s destabilized local present to universal and eternal hope. In Bethlehem, what’s more, these dialogues proceed in tantalizing proximity to places and paths, which are haunted by the incarnate (Aramaic-speaking) God whom Syriac Orthodox Christians embody and envoice. Indeed, while this Syrian body is often narrated as an organic, racial fact, nevertheless it is susceptible to a kind of transubstantiation at the margins when an “other” participates fully in the life of this body, especially via the church.
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Palmer, A. "Traditie en Aanpassing in de Jaren ’80." Het Christelijk Oosten 43, no. 1 (1991): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497663-04301004.
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Tradition and Adaptation in the 1980s The Syrian Orthodox Church hetween Asia and Europe This article falls clearly into two parts which correspond to the words ,Tradition' and ,Adaptation' in the title. In Part One we survey customs surrounding marriage and virginity and the fertility of human beings and of their animals and fields. We see how the agricultural life of the villages is intertwined with their Christian theology and rituals. And we take a look at the traditional education practised in the churches and monasteries of Tur 'Abdin. There are of course many other traditions and many other customs, not least those embodied in the Syrian Orthodox liturgy. But enough has been said to show that the transition to a non-agricultural life-style in secular Europe is one that tradition alone is not equipped to cope with. Nor can a traditional Syriac education be considered sufficient to meet the demands made on the leaders of the emigrant community. To some ex tent the Syrian Orthodox have been forced to adapt already. It is this process and the direction in which it is likely to be continued that we shall be studying in Part Two of this article.
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Debié, Muriel. "Syriac Historiography and Identity Formation." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x408014.
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AbstractHistoriographical texts are here read as literary compositions of their time, providing us with various elements of the process of identity construction or reconstruction. The first West Syrian historical texts were produced in the sixth century, when the history of what would become the Syrian Orthodox Church began. An examination of contemporary sources and myths of origins shows that the ethnic origins of the Abgarid dynasty played no part in Syrian 'ethnogenesis', but that there existed a notion of Syro-Mesopotamian origins, closely related to a supposed homeland, that of Aram. An acknowledged common ancestry going back to the Chaldean and Assyrian Empires relies on a common language more than a common homeland or sovereign. Whereas the Assyrians came to personify the ever-hostile Persian neighbour, a sort of stereotypical enemy, the Hellenistic kings were perceived as having effected a synthesis of the double Syro-Mesopotamian and Greek culture. The Seleucid era, as adopted by the Edessans, thus remained in use regardless of the prevailing political powers and is an assertion of independence and a strong local identity marker, being a rejection of the local Antiochene as well as the imperial Byzantine eras. The Syrian Orthodox also developed an innovative method of writing the history of their separated Church, producing a new genre consisting of lengthy chronicles written in several parts or columns, in which political and ecclesiastical history were kept separate. This Syrian Orthodox method of writing history is the only truly distinctive Syrian Orthodox literary genre.
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Shahinyan, Arsen K. "The Organization of the Church Structure in the Armenian Provinces of Byzantium Occupied by Arab Muslims in the second half 7th–8th Centuries." Archiv orientální 91, no. 2 (2023): 229–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.91.2.229-254.
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The aim of this article is to restore the church structure in the western lands of Greater Armenia and the whole Lesser Armenia, which, on the eve of the conquests of the Arab Muslims, being part of the Byzantine Empire, belonged either to the Orthodox Patriarchates of Constantinople and Antioch, or to the Armenian Catholicosate of Dwin, and after the start of their conquests they passed in the second half of the 7th c. to the Caliphate. According to calculations by the author, in the early 8th c. there were formed in the lands of the former Armenian provinces of Byzantium three major eparchies of the Syrian Jacobite Church with its see in Antioch, which, like the Armenian Church, firmly adhered to the non-Chalcedonian position and came under the Arabs. Three more Syrian church units were formed in the Armenian lands at the end of the same century. Four of the six Jacobite eparchies were occupied the former canonical territories of the Orthodox Church with Constantinople and Antioch as their sees and two more—the canonical territories of the Armenian Catholicosate in regions of Arzan and Xlat‘.
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Salés, Luis Josué. "Ritualized Affective Performances: Syriac Etiquette Guides and Systems Intelligence in Early Christian–Muslim Encounters." Religions 14, no. 11 (2023): 1423. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14111423.
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In 2009, Michael Penn published a transcription and English translation of two Syriac texts, To the Rulers of the World (ܠܘܬ ܪ̈ܝܫܢܐ ܕܥܠܡܐ) and Concerning the Entrance before a New Emir (ܕܡܥܠܬܐ ܨܝܕ ܐܡܝܪܐ ܚܕܬܐ). This essay proposes a new historiographical approach to these texts based on the concepts and theoretical apparatus of systems intelligence theory and affect theory. I show how these texts use key Islamic theological and cultural ideas that would affectively resonate with the Muslim authorities while remaining non-objectionable to the orthodoxy of the Assyrian Church of the East. Specifically, I argue that Christians sometimes sought to curry favor with Islamic authorities not so much through logical persuasion, but by creating a sense of affective coherence through attunement to the discursive and theological systems of Islam. Through this strategy, Christians perhaps hoped to gain some small measure of political and religious advantage, especially over and against other Christian jurisdictions, such as the Syrian Orthodox Church. I conclude by discussing what methodological prospects these approaches can offer to the subfield, particularly if combined with other theories that similarly remain underused.
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Krindatch, Alexei. "The American Orthodox Churches and Clergy in the 21st Century." Chronos 17 (January 15, 2020): 7–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v17i.644.
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In 1794, the foundation of a mission on Kodiak Island in Alaska by the Orthodox monks from Russia marked the entrance of Orthodox Church in America. Two centuries later, the presence of over one million faithful gathered into more than 2,400 local parishes bears witness to the firm establishment of Eastern Christianity in the US. The notion of "one state - one Church" was historically very characteristic of Orthodox Christianity. When the Orthodox Church is mentioned, one tends to think of its ethnic aspect, and when Orthodox Christians are asked about their religious affiliation, they almost always add an cthnic qualificr: Grcck Orthodox, Russian Orthodox, Syrian Orthodox, etc. Consequently, many Orthodox Churches — Byzantine and Oriental alike — that have faithful in the United States have organized their own jurisdictions in North America: the individual "ethnically based" parishes were later united into centrally administrated dioceses subordinated to the "Mother Churches" in the Old World. The original goal of American Orthodox jurisdictions was clear: to minister to the religious needs of the diverse immigrant ethnic communities: the Greeks, Russians, Serbians, Romanians, Armenians, Copts, etc. There is no doubt that for the first generation of immigrants these ethnically based Orthodox jurisdictions brought a big measure of order and unity to ethnic groups that otherwise would have remained fragmented and enfeebled in an "American melting pot".
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Palmer, Andrew. "Narratives of Identity: The Syrian Orthodox Church and the Church of England, 1895–1914." International journal for the Study of the Christian Church 14, no. 1 (2014): 76–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1474225x.2014.883561.
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Dinno, Khalid. "ACCESSING THE ARCHIVAL HERITAGE OF THE SYRIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH: PRELIMINARY REPORT." Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 13, no. 1 (2013): 88–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/jcsss-2013-130109.
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