Books on the topic 'Systemic oppression'

The ways we think about systemic inequalities can open up new forms of resistance and reform. This chapter explores and extends understandings of social class oppression with an aim to re-imagine psychologists’ role in contesting economic inequalities. It argues that social class injustice is produced through and constituted by forms of social exclusion. In emphasizing the ways that poor people are excluded from everyday sources of power, security, and democratic rights, the chapter highlights the relational dimension of social class, demonstrating that class is something that happens in human relationships. From a relational view, class is embodied through the everyday processes in which we all participate, and patterns of systemic injustice are enacted among individuals occupying different social class locations. A relational approach opens up new possibilities for counteracting the social exclusion of poor people, both for psychologists and for citizens committed to social change.

One of the aims of critical theories has been to reveal the systemic oppression that flows from the social structures of power, and critical theories have most typically turned to psychoanalysis to provide the theory for how these social structures work and reproduce themselves through the formation of their social subjects. Chapter 8 examines the influential film theory that derived from the intersection of semiotics, Marxism, and psychoanalysis called “apparatus theory.” This grand theory proved contentious but very influential, especially the concept of suture, which provided a model for film spectatorship and subjectivity. This chapter concludes with a section on neo-Lacanian theory and uses it to explicate the soundtrack theory of Michel Chion.

Considers three cases in which we not only need to name a problem to do justice to girls and women, but in which male dominance is actively tied to blocking and preempting the term’s usage, or rewriting her mind to engineer agreement (known as “gaslighting”). Introduces the practices of silencing—in particular, “testimonial smothering”—theorized by the philosopher Kristie Dotson as a way of understanding what is at stake in analyzing terms such as “strangulation” versus “choking,” “rape,” and, it is subsequently argued, “misogyny.” Clarifies the book’s aims, methods, limitations, and notable omissions. Goes on to introduce a way of thinking about the logic of misogyny in functional terms—and hence, in this case, political ones. On the ensuing account, misogyny is a system that serves to enforce and police gendered norms and expectations to which groups of girls and women are subject under historically patriarchal orders, given the intersection between patriarchal forces with other systemic forms of domination and disadvantage, oppression and vulnerability.

This book is a visionary illustration of the life-transforming soul-work of body of pro-womanists. Its purpose promotes writings by women and men of color having come together in solidarity as models of activist-consciousness. The contributors to this collection embody shades of gender, race, ethnicity, sexuality, culture, and nation-state affiliations centered in womanist “universal[ism].” Including writings by teachers/professors, students, and creative artists (poets as well as actors/directors)—they collectively exemplify an unwavering defense of human rights and social justice. Communicating the self-liberatory value of the meaning(s) of womanism in their writings, the contributors counter ideologies of separatism, domination, and systemic oppression. Collectively, they promote activist comradeship in resistance to wall-building ideas of exclusionism. In sum, this volume represents the unwavering commitment of individuals courageously willing to cross borders of personal, social, political, and spiritual difference(s) to create bridges for liberatory alliances.

The flipside of misogyny’s punishment of women is exonerating the privileged men who engage in misogyny. This chapter canvasses this phenomenon, along with the flow of sympathy up the social hierarchy, away from the female victims of misogyny toward its (again, privileged) male perpetrators. This is dubbed “himpathy.” These phenomena are connected to epistemic injustice and epistemic oppression, theorized by Miranda Fricker and Kristie Dotson, among others. As a contrast with the much-discussed Isla Vista killings, the chapter considers the far less publicized case of the serial rapist police officer in Oklahoma City, who preyed on black women who had criminal records, in the belief that these women would have no legal recourse. This is an instance of systemic “misogynoir”—Moya Bailey’s term for the distinctive, in some ways sui generis form of misogyny to which black women in the United States are subject, given misogyny’s interaction with racism and white supremacy.

It is often said that we live in global systems of injustice. But if so, what are they, and what are their moral consequences? This book offers a theory of global injustice—“Unfreedom for All.” The theory explores and defends the old adage that “No one is free while others are oppressed” by putting five questions: Why and when ought we to combat injustices done to distant others, and does this require joining in solidarity against them? Do we live under global systems of injustice? What counts as systematic injustice or oppression? Who if anyone is made unfree by such injustices? What harms do they do? Unfreedom for All shows that the “No one is free” creed either answers or results from each of these questions. It defends that creed by considering how systematic injustices—such as global severe poverty, male supremacy, or racial oppression—are perpetuated. The book argues that where your society does such an injustice, it systematically suppresses anyone’s resistance to the injustice—including yours. It uses authoritarian tactics against everyone, so you too are subject to arbitrary power. Hence you too are unfree. This holds just as true of systematic injustices done by global society, and this should be the main reason for joining in solidarity against injustice.

Culpability under oppression is puzzling. On the one hand, it seems callous to insist that someone’s being subject to oppression is never relevant to her culpability. On the other hand, responsible agency exists under systematic disadvantage; insisting that oppression always undermines a person’s culpability seems too forgiving and disrespectful to those agents. One philosophical challenge that grows out of reflecting on these matters is whether there is a way to reconcile the thought that agency is socially constituted—a product of circumstance—with the thought that some psychological configurations rightly underpin our condemnatory practices, while others do not. This chapter offers a framework for thinking about these issues, especially the question of culpable action under conditions of oppression. The account maintains that oppression matters for culpability in some cases and not in others, because culpability is a function of the properties of agents and the context that shapes their agency.

This chapter examines the eighteenth-century Quaker reform Joshua Evans. Evans was an important voice in Quaker antislavery, Indian rights advocacy, and American peace history. He was a critic of the developing capitalist economy. He perceived that people were increasingly implicated in the exploitation and oppression of enslaved people, the poor, Indians, even animals, and the land itself. For Evans, war was the fundamental symptom of humans' alienation from God and the most potent catalyst for the ills afflicting eighteenth-century society. He objected to an interconnected market system that perpetuated war: an economy increasingly dependent upon slavery and overreliant on tariffs and foreign trade, the oppression of Indians, the export of grain to import rum, the cultivation of tobacco, and the production and consumption of luxury goods.

Caribbean women have long utilized the medium of fiction to break the pervasive silence surrounding abuse and exploitation. Contemporary works by authors such as Tiphanie Yanique and Nicole Dennis-Benn illustrate the deep-rooted consequences of trauma based on gender, sexuality, and race, and trace the steps that women take to find safer ground from oppression. Taking Flight takes a closer look at the immigrant experience in contemporary Caribbean women’s writing and considers the effects of restrictive social mores. In the texts examined in Taking Flight, culturally sanctioned violence impacts the ability of female characters to be at home in their bodies or in the spaces they inhabit. The works draw attention to the historic racialization and sexualization of Black women’s bodies and continue the legacy of narrating Black women’s long-standing contestation of systems of oppression. Arguing that there is a clear link between trauma, shame, and migration, with trauma serving as a precursor to the protagonists’ emigration, the work focuses on how female bodies are policed, how moral, racial, and sexual codes are linked, and how the enforcement of social norms can function as a form of trauma. Taking Flight positions flight as a powerful counter to disempowerment and considers how flight, whether through dissociation or migration, operates as a form of resistance.

This chapter presents an overview of the developments of feminist perspectives in music therapy. The authors outline the history of feminist thought in music therapy and how this framework applies to the discipline and profession of music therapy. Basic tenets of feminism are described including the importance placed on valuing women’s perspectives, egalitarianism, examining social constructs, examining discursive practices, and empowerment. Additionally, systems of oppression are considered with reference to inequalities that exist within the field of music therapy. The chapter ends with an examination of ways in which a feminist framework can inform assessment, clinical practice, research, ethics, and pedagogy in music therapy.

This book provides a systematic in-depth study of the Principles, which were conceived and designed ‘as a guideline to assist States in developing effective measures for combating impunity’. The document contains 38 Principles, analyzed in the present book in the context of a host of complex theoretical and practical issues currently discussed in the arena of human rights and beyond. This introduction orients readers towards the basic issues, situating the Principles in their wider historical and political context and elucidating their conceptual and normative nature. It also clarifies the role, limitations and opportunities of the Principles in addressing current challenges, especially with respect to ‘transitional’ societies emerging from prolonged periods of armed conflict or oppression.

Despite a long history of scholarship on feminist standpoint theory, the central claims of the view are often interpreted in different ways, some of which render them implausible. Moreover, as more sophisticated versions of the view have evolved, it has become less clear how standpoint theory offers a distinct alternative to other feminist epistemologies or philosophies of science, such as feminist empiricism. This chapter elucidates and defends an interpretation of feminist standpoint theory known as feminist standpoint empiricism, understood as a branch of feminist empiricism that is committed to producing empirically adequate knowledge that challenges, rather than reinforces, systems of oppression. In doing so, it identifies not only the claims that feminist standpoint theorists share with feminist empiricists, but also the unique epistemological and political benefits that feminist standpoint theory offers.

Although slavery was abolished in 1865, racial subordination was maintained under Jim Crow, and those wrongs have caused lasting harms. Governments, institutions, and individuals (including corporations) are morally accountable today if they supported or profited from slavery or Jim Crow. Reparations would include cash payments, but moral wrongs are not fully repaired by material compensation. Slavery and Jim Crow were total systems predicated on a persisting ideology of white supremacy. Reparations should enable those wronged to rebuild their lives, free of oppressive racism.

This chapter explores the diverse, sometimes discordant ways in which commitments to materialism have shaped feminist theoretical inquiry. Focusing on two alternative interpretive frameworks—historical materialist feminisms (HMF) and feminist new materialisms (FNM)—the chapter considers how distinct understandings of “materiality” sustain alternative accounts of agency, power, and difference. The chapter aims to highlight how these appeals to markedly different notions of a material “real” lead to markedly different interpretive grammars: one (HMF) emphasizing systematicity and the durability of structured relations, the other (FNM) emphasizing indeterminacy, flux, and the “messiness” of the world. Among the stakes identified in these interpretive differences are how physical bodies, processes of embodiment, and nature figure in feminist analyses; how the relationship between matter and representational systems is conceptualized; and whether oppression should serve as a central or secondary locus of analytic concern.

The Waves enacts an immense widening of the scale of the perceptible from intestines and nerve endings to the movement of tides and seasons. Continuous with this comprehensive view of the physical world, the politics of the novel centres upon the fact of embodiment as the human condition and upon the determining disciplinary effects of that bodily being. The novel constitutes an extended palimpsest of Lucretius’ poem, De Rerum Natura. Like Lucretius, Woolf’s materialist aim is to denounce false systems of cultural belief but equally to contrast that conscripted social order with a poetic, empirical vision of the physical universe – hence the two-part structure of her novel. By associating her text with the work of a prestigious, but blasphemous, classical writer, Woolf challenges male, idealist definitions of culture and civilization that underpin gender, class and imperialist oppression.

Coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989, the term intersectionality has become the key analytic framework through which feminist scholars in various fields talk about the structural identities of race, class, gender, and sexuality. This chapter situates intersectionality within a long history of black feminist theorizing about interlocking systems of power and oppression, arguing that intersectionality is not an account of personal identity but one of power. It challenges feminist theorists, including Robyn Wiegman, Jennifer Nash, and Jasbir Puar, who have attempted to move past intersectionality because of its limitations in fully attending to the contours of identity. The chapter also maps conversations within the social sciences about intersectionality as a research methodology. Finally, it considers what it means for black women to retain paradigmatic status within intersectionality studies, whether doing so is essentialist, and therefore problematic, or whether attempts to move “beyond” black women constitute attempts at erasure and displacement.

This chapter focuses on social control obtained through coercion. To answer the question of why some people strive for power, evolutionary behavioral biologists look at the phylogeny of dominance systems. Sociophysiology has unveiled the physiological correlates, such as levels of serotonin and testosterone, of dominant and subordinate status in monkeys and humans, and comparative studies have shown the impact of social hierarchies on health and disease vulnerability. Unlike most human societies that arose after the agricultural revolution of 12,000 years ago, groups of hunter-gatherers actively ostracized any individual attempt to attain dominant status. This ecological condition was wiped out by the agricultural revolution, and the more primitive predisposition toward hierarchical relationships re-emerged in human societies. The final section of the chapter illustrates recent data from psychological studies showing the personality correlates of two types of power that coexist in contemporary social groups: power based on intimidation and oppression, and power based on prestige and self-esteem.

The Romance of the Forest (1791) heralded an enormous surge in the popularity of Gothic novels, in a decade that included Ann Radcliffe’s later works, The Mysteries of Udolpho and The Italian. Set in Roman Catholic Europe of violent passions and extreme oppression, the novel follows the fate of its heroine Adeline, who is mysteriously placed under the protection of a family fleeing Paris for debt. They take refuge in a ruined abbey in south-eastern France, where sinister relics of the past - a skeleton, a manuscript, and a rusty dagger - are discovered in concealed rooms. Adeline finds herself at the mercy of the abbey’s proprietor, a libidinous Marquis whose attentions finally force her to contemplate escape to distant regions. Rich in allusions to aesthetic theory and to travel literature, The Romance of the Forest is also concerned with current philosophical debate and examines systems of thought central to the intellectual life of late eighteenth-century Europe.

This chapter offers a limited defense of a controversial argument put forward by Ted Kaczynski, the “Unabomber,” namely that technological society threatens humanity’s survival. It draws on direct correspondence and prison interviews with Kaczynski and applies his broader views to the robotization of humanity; and it argues that the technological system is so complex that users are forced into choosing between jailed technology controlled by those within existing oppressive power structures, dedicating their lives to building knowledge and understanding of the software and robotics that facilitate participation in the technological system, or otherwise revolting against said system. That is, contra Peter Ludlow, it is not simply a matter of putting technology back in the hands of the people through “hacktivisim” or open-source design and programming. We must either accept revolt as permissible or recover a philosophy of technology truly geared toward human ends—parts set against the dehumanizing whole.

This chapter considers an array of new technologies developed for bulk collection and data analysis that are sometimes connected by critics with mass surveillance. While the use of such technologies can be compatible with democratic principles, the NSA’s system of bulk collection has been likened to that practised by the Stasi in the former German Democratic Republic. Drawing on Pettit’s concept of domination, we dispute the comparison, conceding nevertheless that bulk collection carries risks of intrusion, error, and damage to trust. Allowing that some surveillance is bound to be secret, we insist that secrecy must be limited, and subject to democratic oversight. Even if NSA-type surveillance is not a modern reincarnation of Stasi oppression failures of oversight make it objectionable from the perspective of democratic theory. More generally, surveillance technologies interfere with individual autonomy, which liberal democratic states are committed to protecting, whether the agent making use of them is a state or private company.

This chapter argues that the modernist agenda, currently dominant in mainstream psychiatry, serves as a disempowering force for service users. By structuring the world of mental health according to a technological logic, this agenda is usually seen as promoting a liberation from "myths" about mental illness that led to stigma and oppression in the past. However, it is argued that this approach systematically separates mental distress from background contextual issues and sidelines non-technological aspects of mental health such as relationships, values, and meanings. This move privileges the gaze of the expert doctor who is trained to understand distress in terms of psychopathology. But, as this move empowers the doctor, it disempowers the service user. In part this is because the priorities of modernist psychiatry are generally at odds with the interests and concerns of services users, particularly those who see themselves as survivors of the mental health system. The chapter examines the implications of this for the psychiatrist's role in working with survivors towards recovery.

This book concludes with a discussion of three critical variables that determine the success of any military occupation and whether they were all met in the case of Winsburg after the end of the South African War: the total devastation of a country that compels it to acknowledge its need for help in reconstruction; the perception of a common threat to both parties; and credible guarantees of the occupying power’s intention to withdraw. If an occupying power adds an ideological element to its primary concern of establishing a dispensation that poses no threat to its interests, occupation is prolonged and nationalism is stimulated. This conclusion also shows that blacks continued to suffer after the war, with the Boers and British both blocking any suggestion of advance. Finally, it considers the evolution of a system of racial oppression in South Africa that was to bedevil the country for much of the twentieth century, lending credence to the notion that Britain’s occupation of Winsburg was an imperfect one.

Focusing on 1866 and the Austro-Prussian War fought that year, this chapter examines the political ramification of Saxony’s defeat at the hands of Prussia, which fundamentally changed its international standing and domestic politics. The chapter begins by outlining socio-economic change in the mid-nineteenth century and Saxony’s constitutional system. A second section examines the birth of Conservative, left-liberal, National Liberal, and Social Democratic parties in Saxony under an oppressive Prussian occupation. The chapter next examines Bismarck’s fateful decision to introduce universal manhood suffrage for Reichstag elections. Final remarks identify the suffrage as a key issue in Saxon political discourse—one that remained contentious from 1866 until 1918.

This chapter assesses Khrushchev's reforms in the penal sphere. The reforms of the Khrushchev period had an important lasting effect on the Soviet penal system. This certainly holds true in terms of the Gulag's permanent reduction in size, but it also applies to the reorientation of Gulag aims and the resultant improved conditions experienced by its inmates. Although certain inmate privileges were reduced or eliminated in the early 1960s at the culmination of the “camp is not a resort” campaign, many of the most important prisoner-friendly reforms of the 1950s, such as parole and the eight-hour workday, remained. Despite certain continuities, therefore, the Gulag did not return to a state of unchecked (and even abetted) violence, grueling labor, and oppressive living conditions—the defining features of the Stalinist penal system. De-Stalinization in the penal sphere was a real and enduring legacy of the Khrushchev era.

This chapter analyses the pervasive impact of the Charter on the Canadian criminal justice system. Active judicial interpretation of Charter rights has put in place distinctive constitutional standards of substantive law, including those of fault, and struck down oppressive laws for arbitrariness and overbreadth. Also examined are new standards for police powers to stop, search, detain and interrogate, fair trial rights such as the duty of full Crown disclosure, and for assessing mandatory minimum sentences. This chapter describes and welcomes a robust exclusionary discretion for evidence obtained in violation of the Charter. It is suggested that the Canadian Charter standards are no panacea and are sometimes too weak but that they have often provided a welcome balance to the expedient lure of law-and-order politics.

Women with Serious Mental Illness: Gender-Sensitive and Recovery-Oriented Care calls attention to a topic and a population that have been overlooked in research and psychotherapy—women with serious mental illnesses (schizophrenia, severe depression, bipolar disorder, and complex post-traumatic stress disorder). The book focuses on the history of mistreatment, marginalization, and oppression women with serious mental illness have encountered, not only from the general public but within the mental health system as well. This book provides an overview of recovery-oriented care for women with serious mental illness—a process of seeking hope, empowerment, and self-determination beyond the effects of mental illness. The authors provide a historical overview of the treatment of women with mental illness, their resilience and recovery experiences, and issues pertaining to relationships, work, class, culture, trauma, and sexuality. This book also offers the new model, the Women’s Empowerment and Recovery-Oriented Care intervention, for working with this population from a gender-sensitive framework. The book is a useful tool for mental health educators and providers and provides case studies, clinical strategies lists, discussion questions, experiential activities, diagrams, and worksheets that can be completed with clients, students, and peers.

In the late 1960s, internationally renowned activist Fannie Lou Hamer purchased forty acres of land in the Mississippi Delta, launching the Freedom Farms Cooperative (FFC). A community-based rural and economic development project, FFC would grow to over 600 acres, offering a means for local sharecroppers, tenant farmers, and domestic workers to pursue community wellness, self-reliance, and political resistance. Life on the cooperative farm presented an alternative to the second wave of northern migration by African Americans--an opportunity to stay in the South, live off the land, and create a healthy community based upon building an alternative food system as a cooperative and collective effort. Freedom Farmers expands the historical narrative of the black freedom struggle to embrace the work, roles, and contributions of southern black farmers and the organizations they formed. Whereas existing scholarship generally views agriculture as a site of oppression and exploitation of black people, this book reveals agriculture as a site of resistance and provides a historical foundation that adds meaning and context to current conversations around the resurgence of food justice/sovereignty movements in urban spaces like Detroit, Chicago, Milwaukee, New York City, and New Orleans.

This introductory chapter examines the politicizing effects of American popular culture during the Cold War era. The U.S. government tried to show that American policies were supportive of the liberation and rise of all people of color worldwide via the use of popular culture. By overemphasizing the extent to which social mobility was achievable for African Americans, the State Department sought to influence diasporic political alignments during the Cold War by sending African American athletes on goodwill tours, placing sports at the forefront of American propaganda efforts. Yet as these athletes become increasingly politicized, they soon sought to produce a counternarrative to the State Department's story of racial progress. Rather than celebrating the suggestion that sports were at the forefront of racial advance, the athletes increasingly came to assert that sports were tied to a racist, oppressive system.

White liberal race fiction has been an enduringly popular genre in American literary history. It includes widely read and taught works such as Huckleberry Finn and To Kill a Mockingbird along with period bestsellers now sometimes forgotten. Hollywood regularly adapted them into blockbusters, reinforcing their cultural influence. These novels and films protest slavery, confront stereotypes, dramatize social and legal injustices, engage the political controversies of their time, and try to move readers emotionally toward taking action. The literary forms and arguments of these books derive from the cultural work they intend to do in educating the minds and hearts, and propelling the actions, of those who think they are white—indeed, in making the social construction of that whiteness readable and thus more susceptible of reform. The white writers of these fictions struggle with their own place in systems of oppression and privilege while asking their readers to do the same. The predominance of women among this tradition’s authors leads to exploring how their critiques of gender and race norms often reinforced each other. Each chapter provides a case study combining biography, historical analysis, close reading, and literary theory to map the significance of this genre and its ongoing relevance. This tradition remains vital because every generation must relearn the lessons of antiracism and formulate effective cultural narratives for passing on the intellectual and emotional tools useful in fighting injustice.

This exciting new Handbook offers a comprehensive overview of the contemporary state of the field. The editors’ introduction and forty-five essays cover feminist critical engagements with philosophy and adjacent scholarly fields, as well as feminist approaches to current debates and crises across the world. Authors cover topics ranging from the ways in which feminist philosophy attends to other systems of oppression, and the gendered, racialized, and classed assumptions embedded in philosophical concepts, to feminist perspectives on prominent subfields of philosophy. The first section contains chapters that explore feminist philosophical engagement with mainstream and marginalized histories and traditions, while the second section parses feminist philosophy’s contributions to with numerous philosophical subfields, for example metaphysics and bioethics. A third section explores what feminist philosophy can illuminate about crucial moral and political issues of identity, gender, the body, autonomy, prisons, among numerous others. The Handbook concludes with the field’s engagement with other theories and movements, including trans studies, queer theory, critical race, theory, postcolonial theory, and decolonial theory. The volume provides a rigorous but accessible resource for students and scholars who are interested in feminist philosophy, and how feminist philosophers situate their work in relation to the philosophical mainstream and other disciplines. Above all it aims to showcase the rich diversity of subject matter, approach, and method among feminist philosophers.

Seeking to consolidate the state socialist framework of government, individual regimes developed, in dialogue with social scientific research, peculiar disciplines of state socialist governance and authoritarian socio-technics. With the help of political economy, socialist jurisprudence, political sociology, or “prognostics,” late socialist regimes tried hard to stabilize their rule. At the same time, knowledge production catalyzed from above gave rise to a critical potential that caused a majority of the experts to endorse wholeheartedly first perestroika and glasnost coming from the Soviet Union and later also the radical break with the state socialist political system. Another effort to boost the failing legitimacy of the regime was a reconfiguration of national communism. Whereas the earlier, “liberalizing” variant was turning to the liberal nationalist tradition for inspiration, linking the cause of individual and national liberty, the later, “homogenizing” version drew more on the romantic nationalist identification of the ethnic Other as the oppressor.

Wrapped in moral judgments about sexual conduct and shrouded in titillating intrigue, legal prostitutes in Nevada’s brothels frequently face oppression and unfair labor practices while managing stigma and isolation associated with their occupational identities. Rooted in organizational communication and feminist theories, this book engages with stories of women living and working in these “hidden” organizations to interrogate issues related to labor rights, stigma, secrecy, privacy, and discrimination in the current legal brothel system. Widespread beliefs about the immorality of selling sexual services have influenced the history and laws of legal brothel prostitution. Moral judgments about legal prostitutes are so pervasive that many women struggle to engage in their communities, conduct business, maintain personal relationships, and transition out of the industry. At the same time, legal brothels operate like other kinds of legal entities, and individuals must contend with balancing work and nonwork commitments, organizational cultures, and managerial relationships. Although legal prostitutes are independent contractors, they often live in their workplaces and must adhere to scheduling requirements, mundane job tasks, and emotional labor, like employees in other organizational settings. Ethnographic observations in the brothels and interviews with current and ex-brothel workers, brothel owners, madams, local police, lobbyists, and others provide a broad data set for analysis. The book includes a photo-elicitation project, featuring images captured by legal prostitutes about their lives in the brothels. Thorough archival research fills in gaps left from inconsistencies, illegal practices, and laws about brothel prostitution. In addition, the third author works as a legal prostitute, providing a deep (and deeply personal) autoethnographic insider look at the industry. As such, this book serves as both an updated resource about the laws and policies which guide legal prostitution in Nevada, and an intimate look at life and decision-making for women performing sex work.

Much has been written about deaf identities; however, no single book has focused specifically on how different academic disciplines conceptualize deaf identities in one fell swoop. This book does exactly that. It is a unique compilation of multidisciplinary perspectives on the lens of deaf identities written by scholars representing a variety of disciplines, including anthropology, counseling, education, literary criticism, practical religion, philosophy, psychology, sociology, social work, and Deaf Studies. Nowhere else can one find careful scrutiny of the meaning of deaf identities within, for example, the disciplines of philosophy and religion. Where else can one find a sense of identity in “passing” as a deaf person instead of “almost passing” as a hearing person? Where else can one examine mutating identities in progressing from Spiderman to the Incredible Hulk? The book focuses on how the contributors perceive what deaf identities represent, how these identities develop, and the societal influences that shape these identities. Intersectionality; examination of medical, educational, and family systems; linguistic deprivation; the role of oppressive influences; what the “deaf body” is about; strategies to facilitate positive deaf identity development; and how ethical values are interpreted are among the multiple topics examined in the search to better understand how deaf identities come into being. In presenting their deaf identity paradigms, contributors have endeavored to intertwine both scholarly and personal perspectives in their efforts to personalize academic content. The result is a book that reinforces the multiple ways in which deaf identities are manifested.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.