Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Systemic oppression'

This thesis investigates the representation of systemic oppression in Baum’s The Wonderful Wizard of Oz and Rowling’s Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone. Employing Foucauldian poststructuralism and critical discourse analysis, this research identifies how the social systems of the fantasy texts construct hierarchies based on race and gender, and social norms based on sexuality and disability. Privilege and oppression are identified as the results of the relaying of power relations by social institutions through strategies such as dominant discourses. This study questions the historically understood role of children’s and fantasy literature as socialization tools, and the potential negative consequences of this.
Arts, Faculty of
Library, Archival and Information Studies (SLAIS), School of
Graduate

In this inquiry I used Black Feminist Thought as the interpretive lens to investigate the characterizations and experiences of high achieving Black women undergraduate engineering and mathematics majors at a predominantly white institution. The qualitative inquiry considered intersecting oppressions to evaluate the experiences of this population. In particular, Black women operate in the intersection of race and gender, thus for a thorough analysis of their engineering and mathematics experiences to occur, the historical context of the United States and its oppressive structures must be considered. Stereotypes and systemic oppression follow this socially constructed identity as the participants enter the fields of engineering and mathematics as Black women. In order to develop relevant suggestions to increase the participation of this population in the field, I assert that the social construction of this intersectional identity must be considered. I evaluated the participants' experiences to determine its influence on their academic persistence and overall well-being. I implemented sista circle methodology, an ethnographic method that embodies a gender specific research methodology. Sista circle methodology expands beyond traditional methodology to draw on social relations, the wisdom of Black women in U.S. context, and functions as a medium for mentorship as a Black feminist practice. The data I collected as part of this study included a demographic survey, pre-interview, two sista circles, vision board collage, post-sista circle electronic reflection, "sista circle" alternative interview, and member checking. There were five participants in this study, and three of these participants engaged in the sista circle unity getaway and the remaining two participants completed the sista circle alternative interview. I analyzed the responses of all five participants in the interviews and sista circles to identify themes that emerged in this study. Eight themes emerged from the data: The first finding presented normalized policies and practices that reproduced an unwelcoming academic climate and specifically, 1) access to caring professors and the 2) competitive isolating environment. The academic climate forced the participants to negotiate self-doubt as they question if their program is the appropriate means to pursue their future career endeavors, in the second finding the participants experienced 3) variations in program expectations and reality, 4) a shift in academic self-concept, and 5) negotiated alternatives to persistence. In the third finding the participants responded to the conditions in the academic climate through forms of resistance, which include the construction of a 6) professional persona, 7) sense of community and peer bonds, and identifying 8) academic opportunities as motivational tools.

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) is considered an advanced, developed, and industrialized nation. It is the only Arab nation that is a member of the G20, a group from the world's top 20 industrialized nations. Despite economic advancement, social progress has been stagnant. Saudi women do not enjoy equal rights to men, and gender-based discrimination and mistreatment is integrated into KSA's social, political and economic systems. KSA is the only country in the world which bans women from driving. Additionally, KSA's laws reinforce subservient status of women, such as the "male guardian" legal requirement, which deprives women of autonomy in personal decisions, including the freedom to travel without the company of a man. On the other hand, Saudi women have high literacy rates and education levels by international comparison - more than 57% of Saudi women possess a college degree. In stark contrast, female labor participation rates are among the lowest of any developed nation. There is a glimmer of hope that society is making progress. In 2011, King Abdullah granted women the right to vote and take part in local politics as of the year 2015. This project aims to build momentum and capitalize on KSA's recent societal progress by proposing a comprehensive solution using a system's approach to address gender inequity and women's rights issues in the KSA labor market. Systems Engineering (SE) guides this project's stages and activities. This starts with exploratory research, then defines the problem, identifies key stakeholders and documents requirements. This information will provide the basis for the system concept solution's requirements and architecture. The result of this project is a proposed system solution - a comprehensive program implemented and operated by the KSA government, which has undergone verification and validation to ensure that this system is both "built right" and that "the right system was built."

This thesis problematizes to relationship between gender based poverty and exclusion and urban space. Five forms of oppression, namely exploitation, powerlessness, cultural imperialism, violence, marginalization, faced by women in highly patriarchal urban setting are examined to identify the spatial dynamics of each forms of oppression. A field research was carried out in one of the poor neighborhood of Ankara
nearby Siteler where male dominated furniture production is carried out. Through the in-depth interviews, women&rsquo
s perception and experience of spatializedoppression is documented and used to develop the arguments put forward in the theoretical section.

In this study I attempt to shed light on the experiences of the teacher researcher and university students who explored social justice issues in an art education course. The primary purpose of this study is to provide insights in teaching practice and students' learning processes when the course is designed to examine systems of oppression through class discussions and art-based assignments. The study delves into what challenges and rewards the teacher and students experience in an art class focusing on social injustice. I conducted this study in a semester-long art education course, where I taught as an instructor, with twelve university student participants. The questions that guided by study were: 1) How do I understand my experience of teaching social justice issues through art in an undergraduate art education course and what do I continue to learn from it?; 2) In what ways do undergraduate students navigate and learn about social justice issues through class discussions, writing and art-based assignments? I utilized two methodologies, autoethnography and case study, in order to provide in-depth descriptions of the participants' and my perspectives. The theoretical frame I used was critical race feminism, which highlights the intersectional experiences of females of color. For the autoethnographic study, I collected data from the artifacts I created during the study period including researcher’s journals, visual journals, and audio narratives. I also collected data from the participants, such as pre-course questionnaires, reading responses, reflection notes, personal narratives, peer interview responses, audio narratives, and final art projects. The findings of the study reflect different challenges and rewards that the student participants and I experienced in the university course on social justice art. Themes included student resistance, the teacher's self-doubt, the students' vague understanding of social justice, a difficulty to understand the concept of privilege, and the lack of hands-on activities. The participants also addressed significant learning moments including, learning about colorblindness, personal reflections about their own social identities in relation to systems of oppression, and various art-based assignments they created during the course. Both the participants and I found strong connections between the teacher and students, a sense of learning community, and student empowerment as the rewarding experiences. These findings suggest the need for teachers to reconsider the meaning of a safe space, student resistance, and the role of emotions when they teach social justice issues. Furthermore, the findings suggest that female teachers of color need to positively acknowledge our racial, sexual, cultural, and linguistic identities and envision our roles as border-crossers and agents of change.

Depression is a prominent issue in the African American community. However, there are significant gaps in the literature on the delivery and outcomes of culturally relevant mental health psychotherapy to African Americans. Cultural variables, such as worldview, have been noted to impact an individual's overall psychosocial functioning and have significant implications for mental health service delivery. The purpose of this study was to use archival data to analyze the impact of African-centered therapeutic services on depressive symptoms and on Africentric worldview among African Americans. Archival data on 38 African American adults, recorded from 2012-2015, were obtained from a community mental health agency in the Midwest. Each of the adults received therapy via an African-centered treatment modality. The study was grounded in the cognitive theory of depression and optimal theory. The dependent treatment outcome variables were (a) depressive symptomology, as measured with the depression subscale of the Symptom Checklist-90-Revised and (b) Africentric worldview as measured by the Belief Systems Analysis Scale. The dependent variables were measured twice: once in the beginning and once at the end of a year's treatment. A dependent, paired t tests indicated a significant reduction in depressive symptoms but no significant increase in adherence to Africentric worldview. This study has implications for positive social change by: providing increased insight on the need for culturally relevant services to African Americans, which can subsequently lead to culturally relevant social change in the delivery of mental health services to diverse populations.

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The master's degree dissertation demonstrates disabled person path in search of the rights recognition. It analyzes the law evolution and the international standard. It concerns in analyzing the affirmative actions, especially the legal quote system enlarging the Law nº 8.213/91, beyond to find the relevance of the others instruments for the disabled person in the market work, as an example, the habilitation and the rehabilitation, the apprentice contract, the traineeship. The legal quote system is justified. Finally, to guarantee the efficiency of the disabled person inclusion in the market work measures, it proposes the simultaneous adoption of other public polices that, truly, makes the disabled person social participation able, among them, there are the inclusive education, accessibility measures and polices in tax incentives.
A dissertação de mestrado demonstra a trajetória das pessoas com deficiência na busca do reconhecimento pelos seus direitos. Analisa a evolução do ordenamento jurídico interno juntamente com os diplomas normativos internacionais. Define deficiência, aponta as concepções históricas da deficiência, analisa as causas da exclusão do grupo como forma de opressão, refletida pela discriminação. Preocupa-se em analisar a aplicabilidade das medidas de discriminação positiva, especialmente o sistema de reserva legal de cotas, previsto na Lei nº 8.213/91, além de constatar a relevância de outros instrumentos destinados à inclusão da pessoa com deficiência no mercado de trabalho, como por exemplo, a habilitação e reabilitação, a aprendizagem, o contrato de estágio. Justifica a legitimidade do sistema de reserva legal de cotas. Por fim, para garantir a eficiência das medidas destinadas à inclusão social das pessoas com deficiência no mercado de trabalho, propõe-se a adoção concomitante de outras políticas públicas que, na verdade, viabilizam a participação social das pessoas com deficiência, dentre elas, tem-se a educação inclusiva, medidas de acessibilidade e políticas de incentivos fiscais.

The aim of the study is to analyse the stories of four homosexual women with Muslim backgrounds about coming out as homosexuals, from an intersectional perspective. The experience of coming out as lesbian and the intersectionality are related to different social contexts. The homosexuality becomes a problem in connection to family and countrymen while the Muslim background becomes more of a problem in relationships. Heteronormativity and gender system appear to be cooperating systems of oppression. These women don’t describe themselves as oppressed, but potential oppression is still something that influences their lives. They strive for freedom to be themselves in all everyday situations. The quest for freedom to be able to express their sexuality risks relationships with families and girlfriends. But freedom and symbiosis don’t have to be in opposition. These women have found contexts, for example among friends, where none of the social categories are problematic and where they can experience symbiosis. They can choose certain contexts where they are allowed to express their sexuality. The experiences of coming out is analysed as linked to development in late modernity.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2008.
Title from file title page. Brian J. Dew, committee chair; Kris Varjas, Barbara Gormley, Catherine Cadenhead, Leslie Jackson, committee members. Electronic text (169 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed July 7, 2008. Includes bibliographical references.

What is the nature of agency under oppressive social conditions? Oppressive structures inhibit our agency in ways to which we are often blind, yet social movements demonstrate that as agents we can bring about emancipatory change. My dissertation articulates a social ontology to account for this conflict between structure and agency. I analyze structures in terms of practices built around implicit values, which require agents to occupy valued or denigrated statuses. Agents participate in practices without becoming conscious of their oppressive frameworks, thereby unwittingly perpetuating oppression. Making these frameworks explicit can lead to social change but, as oppressive practices shape agents’ senses of value and status, practices themselves must also change.

In this dissertation, I articulate what I call a personal-is-political ethics, suggesting that the realm of human affairs long called ethics is inseparable from that which is today normatively called psychology. Further, I suggest that these names for this shared realm are situated in different discursive traditions which, therefore, provide different parameters for possible action and understanding. In my exploration of what it is to be human, I strategically centre ethical transgressions, particularly those that are mappable onto systemic forms of oppression. I explore personal-is-political enactments of sexism, ableism, racism, colonization, classism, ageism, and geopolitics, including situations in which several of these intersect with one another and those in which therapeutic, pedagogical, or parenting hierarchies also intersect with them. Without suggesting this is ‘the whole story,’ I closely read people’s narrations of ethical transgressions that they – that we – commit. I claim that such narrations shape our possibilities for harming others, for taking responsibility, and for intervening in others’ lives in an attempt to have them take responsibility (e.g., therapy with abuse perpetrators and critical pedagogy). I work to demonstrate the ethical and political importance of: the impossibility of exhaustive knowledge, the illimitable and contingent power relations that are ever-present and give shape to what we can know, and the ways our possibilities in life are constituted through particular contact with others. I explore ethical transgressions I have committed, interrogating these events in conversation with explorations of resonant situations in published texts, as well as with research conversations with friends about their ethical transgressions and how they make sense of them. I tentatively advocate for, and attempt to demonstrate, ways of governing ourselves when we are positioned ‘on top’ of social hierarchies – in order to align our responses and relationships more closely with radical political commitments.

This analysis is concerned with the spatially-anchored hierarchies of power that organize Ontario’s current schooling model. Using the experiences of four young Latina girls, it questions how current school safety discourses function as barriers to educational success, vis-à-vis their role in reconfiguring these students’ identities through narratives of danger, menace, and unruliness. Specific safety and security related practices are explored as sites through which marginalized students are produced as dangerous bodies who are undeserving of full educational opportunities. It is argued that these practices (as manifest in current approaches to surveillance, policing, discipline and punishment, and the restriction of educational mobility) all work to produce the school space as dominant space. Rather than offering youth the opportunity to overcome inequalities, schools and education instead play a definitive role in their continued propagation by sanctioning the control, containment, and eviction of those who are deemed to be deviant.

This thesis deals with state Church policy from the end of the World War II, with emphasis on the gradual seizure of power by the communist party and the process of systematic oppression of Church which resulted in passing the so-called Church laws and creation of the State bureau of Church affairs in 1949. The goal of the thesis is to map the relationship between the state and Church, to relate the systemic and administrative changes in the political and religious context which resulted in the State bureau of Church affairs representing the peak of state Church oppression. Keywords Catholic Church; Czechoslovakia; Communism; state and church; systemic oppression

abstract: This paper is seeking to use exploratory factor analysis to construct a numeric representation of Hill Collin's matrix of domination. According to Hill Collins, the Current American matrix of domination, or the interlocking systems of oppression, includes race, gender, class, sexual orientation, religion, immigration status, disability, and age. The study uses exploratory factor analysis to construct a matrix of domination scale. The study launched an on-line survey (n=448) that was circulated through the social network Facebook to collect data. Factor analysis revealed that the constructed matrix of domination represents an accurate description of the current social hierarchy in the United States. Also, the constructed matrix of domination was an accurate predictor of the probability of experiencing domestic abuse according to the current available statistics.
Dissertation/Thesis
M.A. Social Justice and Human Rights 2011

Le sous-continent latino-américain vit dans une pauvreté endémique où la lutte pour la survie est au quotidien. Les peuples deviennent de plus en plus pauvres et la vie de la personne humaine est méprisée. Est-il question d’une carence de biens matériels ou d’une mauvaise répartition de la richesse? Nous affirmons qu’il s’agit d’une situation de domination, d’oppression et d’injustice institutionnalisée. Ce mémoire tend à faire une lecture de l’éthique théologique de la libération d’Enrique Dussel dans une perspective émancipatoire. Nous partons du principe que cette éthique matérielle de la vie peut donner une réponse à la morale dominatrice établie et peut contribuer à la transformation de la situation injuste. L’éthique théologique de la libération dusselienne analyse l’être latino-américain considéré comme autre par le système en vigueur et cherche à changer qualitativement les conditions réelles de vie de chaque personne en communauté. Pour ce faire, elle repense de façon critique la totalité des principes de la morale dominatrice à partir de la négation de la vie des victimes et propose une alternative qui doit se réaliser ici maintenant dans l’histoire : la libération des victimes dans n’importe quel système de domination. Ce projet tient compte de la dimension spirituelle du peuple latino-américain. Un sous-continent dit majoritairement chrétien se questionne sur la présence de Dieu et de son agir dans la lutte quotidienne pour la libération. Il se demande comment vivre la foi en Dieu dans une situation d’oppression et de lutte pour la libération. C’est à ce parcours que ce mémoire nous convie en nous rappelant constamment qu’un monde meilleur est possible et que le Dieu de la vie n’abandonne pas sa création.
The Latin American subcontinent lives in an endemic poverty; hence the fight for survival is a day-to-day activity. The people become increasingly poorer, and the human life is despised. Is it a question of material goods’ shortage or simply a matter of inequitable distribution of wealth? We assert that it is more about a threefold situation of domination, oppression, and institutionalized injustice. This thesis (dissertation/essay) aims at an exhaustive reading of Enrique Dussel’s theological Ethic from an emancipating perspective. We start from the intuition (hypothesis) that this material Ethics of life may bring about a response to the established prevailing moral system, and may be instrumental in transforming the unjust situation. The Dusselian theological Ethic of Liberation analyzes the Latin American being that is considered as “the other” by the long-standing system, and devote itself to changing qualitatively everyone’s actual conditions of life. In doing so, this theological Ethic rethinks in a critical fashion the totality of the principles of the prevailing morals from the negation of the victims’ life, and postulates an alternative, which must be materialized in History’s hic et nunc -that is in the here and from the now of History: The Liberation of the victims of any given system of domination. This project takes into account the spiritual dimension of the Latin American people. These people from the subcontinent, which claims to be Christian in an overwhelming majority, question themselves about God’s presence and work in the daily struggle for liberation. They wonder about the way they should live out their faith in God in such a situation of oppression and struggle for liberation. This is the pathway the present paper calls us to explore while inviting us to bear in mind that a better world is possible, and to remember that the God of life never abandons His creation, nor does he ever forsake it.

Στην εργασία αυτή προσπαθούμε να προσεγγίσουμε την περίοδο της Ιταλικής Κατοχής στα Επτάνησα, από τον Απρίλιο του 1941 ως το Σεπτέμβριο του 1943,όχι από τη συνήθη πλευρά των στρατιωτικών και πολιτικών γεγονότων, αλλά από τη σκοπιά της καθημερινής ζωής στα νησιά και τον τρόπο που οι αρχές κατοχής προσπάθησαν να εφαρμόσουν το σχέδιό τους για την προσάρτηση των νησιών στην Ιταλική επικράτεια.Συγκεκριμένα επικεντρωθήκαμε στο προπαγανδιστικό πλαίσιο εντός του οποίου κινήθηκαν οι αρχές, επιθυμώντας να αφελληνίσουν τις συνειδήσεις των κατοίκων, άλλοτε μέσω της πειθούς και άλλοτε μέσω της βίας και της καταπίεσης. Η εργασία χωρίζεται σε 4 ενότητες: η πρώτη περιλαμβάνει το θεωρητικό πλαίσιο, τα μεθοδολογικά και ερευνητικά ζητήματα και τους εννοιολογικούς προσδιορισμούς. Η δεύτερη ενότητα καταγράφει το ιστορικό πλαίσιο πριν από την ιταλική κατάληψη των Επτανήσων και αφορά γεγονότα του Μεσοπολέμου στη Ευρώπη και την Ελλάδα, τα οποία προετοίμασαν το Β΄Π Π και ανέδειξαν το Φασισμό, ο οποίος επρόκειτο να εμπλέξει πολεμικά, στα ιμπεριαλιστικά του σχέδια, ολόκληρη σχεδόν την ανθρωπότητα. Η τρίτη ενότητα περιλαμβάνει τα αντιστασιακά κινήματα των πολιτών και τις περιπτώσεις συνεργασίας Ελλήνων με τον κατακτητή. Η τέταρτη ενότητα περιλαμβάνει τα αποτελέσματα της έρευνας που διενεργήθηκε σε πρωτογενείς και δευτερογενείς πηγές, τα καθαυτό ιστορικά δεδομένα και την εξαγωγή των συμπερασμάτων μας. Ακολουθεί η καταγραφή της σχετικής βιβλιογραφίας, ελληνόγλωσσης και ξενόγλωσσης. Ειδικότερα μελετήσαμε τα τεκμήρια που απηχούσαν την προπαγανδιστική πολιτική των Ιταλών, επικεντρώνοντας περισσότερο στο θέμα της αγωγής των νέων, η οποία εξετάστηκε και με τη στενή έννοια του εκπαιδευτικού συστήματος και με την ευρύτερη της διαπαιδαγώγησης. Ανακαλύψαμε ότι στη βάση της της πολιτικής των Ιταλών βρίσκεται το ιδεολόγημα της ιστορικής συνέχειας της παρουσίας τους στα Επτάνησα, το οποίο εξυπηρετούσε εξαρχής τη σκοπιμότητα της διαμόρφωσης μιας ανθελληνικής εθνικής συνείδησης, αρχικά στους νέους και κατόπιν σε ολόκληρο τον πληθυσμό. Οι αναφορές στο παρελθόν και η προβολή ενός καλύτερου μέλλοντος, σε επίπεδο ατομικό και συλλογικό, αποτέλεσαν τα κύρια μέρη της τακτικής τους. Η μετάδοση της επιλεκτικά ιεραρχημένης και κατάλληλα διαμορφωμένης γνώσης από τους εκπαιδευτικούς - υποστηρικτές του φασισμού- θα μπορούσε να φέρει εις πέρας το σχέδιο των αρχών.Όλα αυτά σε συνδυασμό με το στραγγαλισμό της οικονομίας των νησιών και την τελεία εξαθλίωση του πληθυσμού,ο οποίος θα έπρεπε να εμπιστευτεί το πατερναλιστικό κράτος πρόνοιας των Ιταλών Φασιστών, προκειμένου να επιβιώσει.
In this project wy try to approach the Italian occupation of the Ionian Islands from April 1941 till September 1943, not the military and the political events, but the everyday lives on the islands and the way the authorities used wishing to remove the Greek idenity of the consciousness of people,sometimes by persuasion and sometimes through violence and oppression. The project is divided in four units. The first involves the theoretical framework, the methodological research iusses and concept definitions. The second unit refers to the historical framework of the Ionian Islands before the Italian occupation, and has to do with events of the interwar in Europe and in Greece which prepared World War II and distinguished Fascism, which was going to involve in its imperialistic prans almost all humanity. The third unit includes resistance movements of people and cases of cooperation with the conqueror. The fourth unit contains the results of research which was carried out from primary and secondary sources, the historical facts and our conclusion. A reference of the Greek and foreign bibliography which were used follows. We mainly studied the presumption which reflected the propagandist policy of the Italians, focused more on the issue of treatment for young people, which was examined in a close conception of the educational system and the wider education. We discovered that the ideology of the historical continuation of their presence in the Ionian Islands is found in the basis of the Italian policy, which from the beginning served the feasibility of building the anti-hellenic national consciousness, firstly to the young people and later on all the population. A reference in the past and a showing of a better future in an individual and association level consisted the main parts of their tactics. The spread of the selective hierarchy and suitably formed knowledge from the educators-supporters of fascism could accomplish the plan of the authorities. All this in combination with the strain of economy of the islands and the total improverishment of the population who would have to trust the paternalistic providence-state of the Italian fascism so as to survive.

En s’inscrivant dans la perspective du féminisme intersectionnelle et en mobilisant des méthodes mixtes, cette recherche tente de mieux comprendre la violence domestique envers les femmes au Mexique, à la fois à travers une analyse du discours des féministes mexicaines et d’une analyse statistique multidimensionnelle de données d’enquête identifiant les facteurs institutionnels, économiques et socioculturels associés au risque de vivre de la violence domestique. Cette thèse se démarque des réflexions féministes traditionnelles faites au Mexique puisqu’elle approche les rapports de genre en lien avec d’autres systèmes d’oppression et de subordination, fondés notamment sur les rapports de classe et l’ethnicité. Ainsi, elle appréhende la violence faite aux femmes en lien avec le patriarcat, sans réduire ce dernier à quelques indicateurs sociodémographiques et comportementaux mesurés au niveau individuel, mais en tenant compte du contexte d’inégalité de genre au niveau régional. Ce faisant, la recherche tente de réconcilier les deux grandes perspectives théoriques qui expliquent la violence conjugale, soit les approches de la violence familiale (qui s’attardent à des facteurs au niveau microsocial) et les approches féministes (qui mettent l’accent sur la structure patriarcale, c’est-à-dire le contexte plus large des inégalités de genre). Les résultats des entretiens réalisés avec des féministes représentant les trois branches du féminisme mexicain (féminisme hégémonique, populaire et autochtone) ont révélé les fractures existantes à l’intérieur du mouvement féministe au Mexique (antagonisme entre l’institutionnalisation et l’autonomie du mouvement féministe). De façon générale, l’analyse des entretiens a montré que l’engagement des féministes envers la cause des femmes est en accord avec les «idéaux types» des trois branches du féminisme mexicain. Les féministes hégémoniques mettent surtout l’accent sur la structure patriarcale de la société mexicaine et sur les inégalités de genre lorsqu’il s’agit de trouver des causes à la violence faite aux femmes. Pour les féministes du secteur populaire, la violence faite aux femmes s’explique autant par les inégalités de genre, que par les effets du système économique capitaliste. Le discours des femmes autochtones semble, quant à lui, tenir davantage compte de l’articulation des rapports de genre, des rapports ethniques, ainsi que des rapports socio-économiques. Néanmoins, nous constatons que les féministes de la branche hégémonique et populaire semblent de plus en plus sensibles à l’entrecroisement de systèmes de domination et d’oppression. Par ailleurs, l’analyse multiniveau effectuée à partir des données de l’Enquête nationale portant sur la dynamique des relations dans les ménages (2006), a révélé plusieurs résultats importants qui méritent d’être soulignés. D’abord on constate que les différences de prévalence des violences entre les municipalités mexicaines sont en grande partie expliquées par leur composition sociale, c’est-à-dire par des caractéristiques des femmes et de leur couple (niveau micro), plutôt que par des différences entre le niveau des inégalités de genre dans les municipalités mexicaines mesurées par l’ISDH (Indice Sexospécifique du Développement Humain). Les résultats des analyses montrent que les femmes autochtones ont en général des taux de violences moins élevés que les femmes métisses (groupe majoritaire). Enfin, en ce qui a trait à la relation entre le contexte d’inégalité de genre et la violence conjugale, les résultats suggèrent que plus l’ISDH d’une municipalité est élevée, plus il y a de femmes qui subissent les formes de violences. Cela va à l’encontre des postulats habituels des théories féministes et suggèrent que les progrès récents de la situation de la femme en matière de santé, d’éducation et de revenu n’ont pas bouleversé les rapports de genre encore très patriarcales qui continuent à privilégier la suprématie des hommes (Casique, 2004).
By adopting the intersectional feminist approach and mobilizing mixed methods, this research seeks to better understand partner violence in Mexico, both through a discourse analysis of the Mexican feminist movement and a quantitative multidimensional level of analysis by identifying the institutional, economic and socio-cultural factors associated with the risk of experiencing domestic violence. This research differs from the traditional feminist reflections made in Mexico because it takes into consideration gender inequality in interaction with other systems of oppression and subordination, mainly based on social class and ethnicity. Thus, it captures partner violence in relation to patriarchy, without reducing it to sociodemographic and behavioral indicators measured at the individual level, but by taking into account the structural context of gender inequality at the regional level. By integrating individual and contextual factors, this research attempts to reconcile the two major theoretical perspectives that explain partner violence, which are the family violence approach (that linger to factors at the micro level) and feminist approaches (which focus on the patriarchal structure, in other terms the broader context of gender inequality). The results of the discursive analysis from the interviews with the feminists representing all three branches of the Mexican feminism (hegemonic, popular and indigenous feminism) revealed existing fractures within the feminist movement in Mexico (antagonism between institutionalization and autonomy of the feminist movement). In general, this analysis showed that the feminists’ gender struggle and their demands are consistent with the "ideal types" of the three branches of the Mexican feminism. Hegemonic feminism focuses mainly on the patriarchal structure of Mexican society and gender inequality when it comes to finding the causes of violence against women. For the popular feminism, violence against women is explained by both gender inequalities and the vulnerable economic situation. The discourse of indigenous women emphasizes the articulation of gender, ethnic and socio-economic inequalities. However, we found evidence that hegemonic and popular feminism seem increasingly sensitive to the intersection of systems of domination and oppression. In addition, multilevel analysis using data from the National Survey of Dynamics of Relationships within Households (2006) revealed several important findings that deserve to be highlighted. Firstly, we show that differences in the prevalence of partner violence among Mexican municipalities are largely explained by their social composition, that is to say, by the characteristics of women and their relationship (micro level), rather than differences between the level of gender inequality in the Mexican municipalities measured by the GDI (gender-Human Development Index). In addition, the results show that indigenous women generally have lower rates of violence that the rest of mestizas Mexican women (majority group). Finally, in regard to the relationship between the context of gender inequality and domestic violence, and contrary with what would be expected, violence is higher in municipalities with higher GDI. This result seems to contradict feminist assumptions. It would seem that despite recent progress in women’s situation in areas such as health, education and income in Mexico, it has not been able to transform the gender order.