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Journal articles on the topic 'Tabernacle'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Mohr, Adam. "Out of Zion Into Philadelphia and West Africa: Faith Tabernacle Congregation, 1897-1925." Pneuma 32, no. 1 (2010): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/027209610x12628362887631.

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AbstractIn May 1897 Faith Tabernacle Congregation was formally established in North Philadelphia, emerging from an independent mission that shortly thereafter became the Philadelphia branch of John Alexander Dowie’s Christian Catholic Church. Faith Tabernacle probably abstained from merging with Dowie’s organization because, unlike the Christian Catholic Church, it rigorously followed the faith principle for managing church finances. Like the Christian Catholic Church, Faith Tabernacle established many similar institutions, such as a church periodical (called Sword of the Spirit), a faith home, and a missions department. After Assistant Pastor Ambrose Clark became the second presiding elder in 1917, many of these institutions began flourishing in connection with a marked increase in membership, particularly in the American Mid-Atlantic as well as in Nigeria and Ghana. Unfortunately, a schism occurred in late 1925 that resulted in Clark’s leaving Faith Tabernacle to found the First Century Gospel Church. This event halted much of Faith Tabernacle’s growth both domestically and in West Africa. Subsequently, many of the former Faith Tabernacle followers in Nigeria and Ghana founded the oldest and largest Pentecostal churches in both countries.

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2

Wonoadi, Jusak Pundiono, and Ester Agustina Tandana. "THE TABERNACLE AS THE PLACE OF GOD'S PRESENCE AMONG HIS PEOPLE: A Tripartite Approach on Temple." QUAERENS: Journal of Theology and Christianity Studies 3, no. 2 (January 2, 2022): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.46362/quaerens.v3i2.75.

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The tabernacle is a Biblical institution as a place of God's presence among His people that was not suddenly created, just as the existence of God's people itself has historical traces and did not suddenly form. This paper provides a chronological view of God's presence until His presence is accommodated by an institution as the place where God dwells called the Tabernacle. The chronology will be discussed from the point of view of Biblical history by presenting facts that state explicitly or implicitly regarding the presence of God, and which are also related to the promise in the "Tabernacle’s Tripartite" formula from Genesis to the book of Revelation, which apparently coincides with "evolution". the place of God's presence, from the Tabernacle which is "non-permanent" to the Temple which is more impressed "permanent", then it is in the "tent" of the body of Jesus, as well as believers so that the place of God's presence becomes spiritual. Then the implications for believers as a "Tabernacle or Temple" where God's presence in the Holy Spirit.

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3

Hrobon, Bohdan. "Shaping up the Form of the Tabernacle." Vetus Testamentum 63, no. 4 (2013): 555–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12301129.

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AbstractSketches of the Tabernacle based on Ex 26 depend on the understanding of the obscure Hebrew termqršymand the even more obscure v. 24 that describes twoqršymof special use. Being a determinative element of a relatively complex construction, the exposition ofqršyminevitably involves some discussion of the other components. Therefore, close attention is paid to the arrangements of the tent curtains as prescribed in vv. 9, 12, and 13, proposing an alternative reading of v. 9 and determining the length of the Tabernacle. Consequently, a novel interpretation of Ex 26:24 that contributes to the Tabernacle’s symmetry and plausibility is suggested.

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4

Mohr, Adam. "Faith Tabernacle Congregation, the 1918–19 Influenza Pandemic and Classical Pentecostalism in Colonial West Africa." Studies in World Christianity 26, no. 3 (November 2020): 219–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2020.0307.

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The 1918–19 influenza pandemic killed between 30 and 50 million people worldwide. In Sub-Saharan Africa, as Terence Ranger points out, the pandemic left an indelible mark, including the unforeseen emergence of anti-medical religious movements. None were as significant as Faith Tabernacle Congregation, the Philadelphia-based divine-healing church that spurred a massive revival in West Africa – and a network stretching from Ivory Coast to Nigeria – without ever sending missionaries. They evangelised through personal letters exchanged across the Atlantic, and Faith Tabernacle literature sent from Philadelphia to various leaders in West Africa. The 1918–19 influenza pandemic was the spark that led to the church's massive growth, from one small branch before the pandemic began in 1918 to 10,500 members and nearly 250 branches of Faith Tabernacle in West Africa at its zenith in 1926. After the church's rapid demise between 1926 and 1929, leaders of Faith Tabernacle established most of the oldest Pentecostal Churches in the Gold Coast and Nigeria – such as the Apostolic Faith, the Apostolic Church, the Christ Apostolic Church and the Assemblies of God (Nigeria). Classical Pentecostalism, therefore, is Faith Tabernacle's legacy in West Africa, while abstinence from orthodox medicine continued to be debated within these Pentecostal circles.

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5

Payer, Claude, and Daniel Drouin. "Philippe Liébert et l’ancien tabernacle de Saint-Constant." Études 16 (September 14, 2018): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1051323ar.

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En 2016, peu après la parution de l’ouvrage synthèse Les Tabernacles du Québec des xviie et xviiie siècles, un tabernacle méconnu, sculpté vers 1795 par Philippe Liébert (1733-1804) pour l’église de Saint-Constant (Montérégie), est sorti de l’ombre, s’additionnant aux 84 ouvrages déjà recensés. On doit au sculpteur Liébert plus d’une quinzaine d’autels principaux ou encore latéraux, dont l’exceptionnel maître-autel de l’ancien Hôpital Général de Montréal datant des années 1785-1788 et offert par les Soeurs grises au Musée national des beaux-arts du Québec, en 2000. L’ancien tabernacle de Saint-Constant, aujourd’hui en usage dans l’église de Sainte Clotilde (Montérégie), se distingue de la production de Liébert par une architecture inédite et par l’adjonction de deux statuettes atypiques.

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6

Recchia, Remi. "Tabernacle." Prairie Schooner 96, no. 3 (September 2022): 162–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/psg.2022.a904603.

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7

Bruning, B. E. "The Twice-Assembled Tabernacle." Journal of Ancient Judaism 7, no. 3 (May 14, 2016): 288–332. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00703002.

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Exodus 35–40, a text-critical and literary-historical crux, reports the construction of the Tabernacle in two forms, neither of which conforms exactly to the instructions for the Tabernacle that Moses receives in chapters 25–31. The two surviving forms of the construction report differ in both the length and the order of their reports: the shorter form of chapters 35–40, now attested only by the Old Greek (OG) translation of Exodus, and the longer, attested in all known Hebrew manuscripts. The most dramatic difference appears in the two forms of chapters 36–39, the manufacture of the Tabernacle’s components; but a similar pattern is also evident in the two forms of Exodus 40, where the assembly of the Tabernacle is related. In light of the evidence of textual pluriformity of scriptural books in the later Second-Temple claim and increasing scholarly confidence in the testimony of OG translators and its use, many now argue that literary edition, not translation, accounts for the diverging forms of Exodus 35–40. Further examination of Exodus 35–40 in light of this claim remains a desideratum. The present article examines Exodus 40 in its two forms, the shorter in OG and the longer in the Masoretic Text (MT) and the Samaritan Pentateuch (SP), as a means of exploring the implications of the claim that OG and MT (etc.) represent variant literary editions of Hebrew texts of Exodus 35–40. Not only does a shorter Hebrew text of Exodus 40 appear to be both the Vorlage of OG and the basis of a revised, expanded edition now attested in MT and SP, but it also suggests an even earlier form of Exodus 40, part of which is now incorporated into Leviticus 8. Recognition of this multi-stage development of Exodus 40 suggests that an already composite, pre-pentateuchal Tabernacle Account (now found in Exodus–Numbers) stands before the Pentateuch represented by the MT especially in Exodus–Numbers. If so, scholarly accounts of both the composition and the transmission of the Pentateuch – or rather, its composition-and-transmission history – are due significant revision, beginning with reassessment of the textual evidence of the Tabernacle chapters in OG Exodus.

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8

Andersen, Elisabeth. "Closing the Tabernacle European Madonna Tabernacles c. 1150 – c. 1350." Medievalia 23, no. 1 (May 20, 2020): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/medievalia.497.

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9

Maginnis, Hayden B. J. "TABERNACLE 35." Source: Notes in the History of Art 12, no. 4 (July 1993): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/sou.12.4.23203372.

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10

Patterson III, William A., and David R. Foster. ""Tabernacle Pines"." Journal of Forestry 88, no. 12 (December 1, 1990): 23–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jof/88.12.23.

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11

Mohr, Adam. "Faith Tabernacle Congregation and the Emergence of Pentecostalism in Colonial Nigeria, 1910s-1941." Journal of Religion in Africa 43, no. 2 (2013): 196–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12341249.

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Abstract Faith Tabernacle literature first spread into the Christian community in Lagos from Western Ghana in the 1910s. By at least 1917 Faith Tabernacle literature was being read in Lagos, and the first formal branch was established in Lagos in 1920. During the early 1920s Faith Tabernacle literature was being spread throughout Nigeria as Faith Tabernacle members traveled across the colony as labor migrants, leading to the rapid spread of the church, particularly in the major cities. By early 1929 Faith Tabernacle had established 61 branches in Nigeria with over 1,200 members. However, due to the schisms of 1925 and 1929, many Faith Tabernacle leaders, members, communicants, and entire congregations left the church to establish the first Pentecostal denominations in Nigeria, which were the Apostolic Faith (1928), the Apostolic Church (1931), the Assemblies of God (1939), and the Christ Apostolic Church (1941).

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12

Kristiyanto, Nikolas. "The Tabernacle and Creation Theology in the Midst of Covid-19 Pandemic in Asia." Journal of Asian Orientation in Theology 03, no. 02 (August 25, 2021): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/jaot.v3i2.3390.

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The important question in this article is “How important is the construction of the tabernacle, on the sanctuary texts, especially in Exod 39:32-43 (in the larger context of Exod 25-31.35-40), for our church today, especially in Asia – in the midst of Covid-19 pandemic?” Therefore, this article tries (1) to develop some theological thoughts of the Construction of Tabernacle in Exod 39:32-43 for Our Church Today; (2) to explore their theological implications for our situation today – in the midst of Covid-19 pandemic; and (3) to improve some theological thoughts on “Tabernacle” in the Catholic Church, especially regarding Sacramentum Caritatis 69 which describes the location of the tabernacle in the church by using the strong words, “The correct positioning of the tabernacle”. We try to go deeper on it by examining the richness of theological thoughts behind “the tabernacle” – not just focus on “the location” but try to go beyond.

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13

Mont Muñoz, Ismael. "El sagrario de la catedral de Ávila: un tabernacolo italiano en España." Laboratorio de Arte, no. 31 (2019): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/la.2019.i31.04.

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14

Mohr, Adam. "The Economic Rationality of Religious-Based Medical Abstinence in the Early Twentieth Century: The Case of Philadelphia’s Faith Tabernacle Congregation." Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 76, no. 2 (February 18, 2021): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhmas/jrab002.

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Abstract At the turn of the twentieth century, Faith Tabernacle Congregation’s commitment to medical abstinence was an economically rational practice. To the working poor of Philadelphia, who constituted the earliest members, Faith Tabernacle’s therapy was financially attainable, psychologically supportive, and physically rejuvenating. Orthodox medicine was deficient in these three areas based on the patient narratives (i.e., testimonies) published in the church's monthly periodical Sword of the Spirit and testimony book Words of Healing. First, some early members spent all their money on orthodox medical care without relief causing significant financial hardship, while others found medical care prohibitive. Second, many early members experienced a great loss of hope because orthodox physicians ended treatment due to chronic or critical illness, both of which were interpreted as psychologically harmful. Third, early members of the church perceived getting physically worse by physicians because of low quality care, which was compounded by low access to orthodox medicine. Faith Tabernacle alternatively provided care that – in the patient narratives of the earliest members – helped them improve and get back to work faster.

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15

Pummer, Reinhard. "Samaritan Tabernacle Drawings." Numen 45, no. 1 (1998): 30–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527981644392.

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AbstractDrawings of the Israelite tent sanctuary, the Tabernacle, and its implements are the main expression of representional art among the Samaritans. They are based on the descriptions in Exodus and are expressions of central tenets of the Samaritan faith—belief in the special status of Moses, in the Tabernacle as the only legitimate sanctuary in the history of Israel, and in the end times for which the restoration of the Tabernacle is expected. The paper is an attempt to probe the question of the age of the Samaritan tradition of depicting the Tabernacle in different media.Archaeological excavations have revealed synagogue mosaics and clay lamps from the Byzantine period that represent various elements of this artistic tradition. However, the main specimens date from the early sixteenth to the early twentieth century. It is these representations, executed on metal, cloth, parchment and paper, which are the focus of this article. The discussion is based on an examination of all extant and publicly accessible samples (see the Inventory at the end of this article).A great chronological and artistic gap separates the representations on the mosaics and oil lamps of the Byzantine period from the drawings of modern times. No continuous line exists between the two groups. The parchment in Moscow that allegedly dates from 32 A.H., i.e., 652/653 C.E., must be assigned to a much later period.There are obvious similarities of the Samaritan drawings with Jewish representations of the Tabernacle/Temple, yet it is impossible to identify a time or place where cross-fertilization may have taken place.At the present state of our knowledge, therefore, neither the mosaics from the Byzantine period nor the similarities with Jewish representations enable us to determine the time at which the Samaritan tradition of making Tabernacle drawings may have originated. It is probable, though, that the tradition had its beginnings well before the oldest extant samples from the early sixteenth century.

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16

Witcher, T. R. "Salt Lake Tabernacle." Civil Engineering Magazine Archive 87, no. 3 (March 2017): 44–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/ciegag.0001181.

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17

Donnelly-Lewis, Brian. "The Tabernacle Manual: Exodus 25:1–31:18 in Light of the Cuneiform Procedural Genre." Journal of Biblical Literature 141, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 617–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1414.2022.2.

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Abstract The end of the book of Exodus centers on the construction of the tabernacle, both the divine commands and the descriptive fulfillment. While several studies have attempted to explain the form and function of the descriptive fulfillment, the form-critical features of the divine commands have eluded explanation. In this article, I present a form-critical reanalysis of the tabernacle instructions, suggesting that the most salient features of the instructions (second-person directives, technical vocabulary, and descriptive nonrestrictive clauses) accord well with the features of the procedural genre known from Akkadian literature. I compare grammatical, lexical, and pragmatic aspects of the tabernacle instructions to the central features of a variety of “instruction manuals,” which include glassmaking and perfume-production manuals. I argue that the similarities between the tabernacle instructions and these manuals from Mesopotamia evidence a shared genre background, making the tabernacle instructions a tabernacle “manual” of sorts. The consistency in features additionally presents new evidence for the formal unity of a broad core of texts throughout Exod 25:1–30:10, shedding new light on various segments of the text broadly considered secondary (29:10–46; 30:1–10, 11–17, 23–38; and 31:2–6). The conclusion of the study presents avenues for future inquiry.

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18

Pasaribu, George Rudi Hartono, Steven, and Andreas Eko Nugroho. "PEMULIHAN PONDOK DAUD DALAM KISAH PARA RASUL." JURNAL TABGHA 4, no. 1 (May 1, 2023): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.61768/jt.v4i1.67.

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The Tabernacle of David is the name given to the tent that King David erected on Mount Zion in Jerusalem as a place to place the Ark of the Covenant. It became the center of a new order of joyful worship in stark contrast to the solemn worship at the Tabernacle of Moses. Instead of animal sacrifices, the sacrifices offered at the Tabernacle of David were sacrifices of praise, joy, and thanksgiving (Psalm 95:2,100:4, 141:2). The Tabernacle of David is a type of Church worship. Jesus fulfilled the Old Testament sacrificial system by His death on the cross (Hebrews 1:3, 7:27, 9:12, 9:24-28). The sacrifice of the Church, the New Testament priesthood, is a sacrifice of praise, joy and thanksgiving (Hebrews 13:15, 1 Peter 2:9). This article parses the words of James at the Church Council in Jerusalem in Acts 15:13-18; To show that the salvation of the Gentiles was a fulfillment of Old Testament prophecy, and that they lived during the restoration of the Tabernacle of David. The Apostles knew that the Church was the restored Tabernacle of David, the place where Christ was worshiped, spoke prophetically and walked in His authority. The result of the Church flowing in “School of David” worship, prophecy and authority is a great harvest of souls.

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Dokuchaeva, E. E. "“GIFTED” DOVES IN THE RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCHES OF THE FIRST HALF XIX CENTURY." EurasianUnionScientists 6, no. 4(73) (May 12, 2020): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/esu.2413-9335.2020.6.73.690.

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The purpose of this article is to describe examples of usage in the first half of the XIX century in Russian churches, the Shrine in the form of a dove – one of the earliest types of liturgical vessels in Christian worship and to determine in what cases the Synodal period of the Russian Christian Church appeal to this form. Based on the cultural and historical method, the article examines the sources and provides preserved information about such tabernacles in ancient times, as well as describes the use of tabernacles in the form of a dove in the design of thrones in Christian churches in the first half of the XIX century. The study concluded that the tabernacle in the form of a dove at that time was perceived as archaic liturgical utensils and used it in cases when it was necessary clearly to Express the idea of a conscious reference to ancient national traditions in Christian rituals or to demonstrate the political continuity of the ruling dynasty.

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20

Gleason, Michael, Bede, and Arthur G. Holder. "Bede: On the Tabernacle." Classical World 90, no. 1 (1996): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351912.

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21

Bruning, B. E. "The Twice-Assembled Tabernacle." Journal of Ancient Judaism 7, no. 3 (December 4, 2016): 288–332. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/jaju.2016.7.3.288.

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22

MOHR, ADAM. "CAPITALISM, CHAOS, AND CHRISTIAN HEALING: FAITH TABERNACLE CONGREGATION IN SOUTHERN COLONIAL GHANA, 1918–26." Journal of African History 52, no. 1 (March 2011): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853711000090.

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ABSTRACTIn 1918, Faith Tabernacle Congregation was established in southern colonial Ghana. This Philadelphia-based church flourished in the context of colonialism, cocoa, and witchcraft, spreading rapidly after the 1918–19 influenza pandemic. In this context, several healing cults also proliferated, but Faith Tabernacle was particularly successful because the church offered its members spiritual, social, and legal advantages. The church's leadership was typically comprised of young Christian capitalist men, whose literacy and letter writing enabled the establishment of an American church without any missionaries present. By 1926, when Faith Tabernacle began its decline, at least 177 branches had formed in southern Ghana, extending into Togo and Côte d'Ivoire, with over 4,400 members.

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23

Evendi, Yuliono Evendi. "Upaya Badan Pengurus Daerah dalam Meningkatkan Kinerja Pelayanan Majelis Gereja Kemah Injil Indonesia Kecamatan Kelam Permai Kabupaten Sintang." Jurnal Kala Nea 1, no. 01 (June 2, 2020): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.61295/kalanea.v1i01.37.

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Abstract: Local Church Leaders are one component of spiritual leaders who are responsible for church growth, specifically among the Gospel Tabernacle Church of Indonesia in Sintang Regional West Kalimantan. The aims of this study is to examine and describe the efforts that have been made by the Sintang Regional Gospel Tabernacle Church Indonesia Management in improving the performance of the services of the local church leaders in the district Kelam Permai. The method in this research is an explanatory sequential and then arranges the results to explan the more detail with qualitative reasearch. The samples are Local Church Leader of Dait Kelam Permai, Genezaret Kebong and Karunia SP 7 Sepan Lebang purposively selected. All local church leaders in these 3 churches have received training and guidance from Sintang Regional of Gospel Tabernacle Church of Indonesia Management. Data collection techniques are through observation, quesionnaires, and interviews. Data is collected and analyzed quantitativly, through the relative frequency distribution table, dan described qualitatively. The results showed that, 12 local church leaders from the Gospel Tabernacle Church Indonesia of Dait Kelam Permai have the ability to carry out their duties and functions, 14 local church leaders in Genezaret Kebong can carry out their duties and functions, 7 local church leaders in Karunia SP 7 Sepan Lebang can carry out their duties and funtions properly. All the knowledge and skills possessed by local church leaders in these 3 churches are the real impact of all the efforts made by the Sintang Regional Gospel Tabernacle Church of Indonesia Management. The efforts made by the Gospel Tabernacle Church Indonesia of Sintang Regional Management are providing seminars and training, mentoring, preparing supporting facilities and infrastructure, and coordinating, communicating and evaluating the services of local church leaders.

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Widianto, Kasiatin, and Johannes Augustinus. "The Influence Of Spirituality On The Giving Of Tithing." Journal Didaskalia 5, no. 2 (October 30, 2022): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33856/didaskalia.v5i2.282.

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Tithing is a part of Christianity itself. Even so, the debate about the teachings of tithing among theologians is still ongoing, giving rise to two opposing camps, pros, and cons of tithing with their respective reasons. As for what is the main core of writing this research is to find out whether there is an influence of spirituality on tithing, and if there is, how much influence the spirituality of tithing. This study used a sample of 83 members of the Bethel Tabernacle Church in Surabaya who are already earning. Data collection techniques through questionnaires and analysis techniques data, namely using statistical analysis with the SPSS 19.0 program. As for the results of this study, it was found that the influence of spirituality on the tithe offering of the Congregational Bethel Tabernacle Congregation of Kalam Hidup Surabaya was included in the intense/high category. Second, the contribution of the spirituality variable in forming the tithing variable for the congregation of the Bethel Tabernacle Church of Kalam Hidup Surabaya is 36%. Third, from the resulting linear equation, it is found that if this spirituality is increased once, the development of the tithing congregation of the Bethel Tabernacle Church of Kalam Hidup Surabaya will increase by 0.588 times.

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25

Gutiérrez Baños, Fernando, Justin Kroesen, and Elisabeth Andersen. "Tabernacle-altarpieces: Variety within Unity." Medievalia 23, no. 1 (May 20, 2020): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/medievalia.518.

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26

Brochu, André. "La poésie tel un tabernacle." Voix et Images 24, no. 2 (1999): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/201437ar.

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27

Dayhuff, Zach. "The Noise of His Tabernacle." Missouri Review 38, no. 3 (2015): 16–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mis.2015.0036.

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Janzen, David. "Israel's Tabernacle as Social Space." Biblical Interpretation 19, no. 1 (2011): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851510x503208.

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FILLERUP, LISA OTTESEN. "Wasatch Stake Tabernacle — Redefining Pioneers." Utah Historical Quarterly 78, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 275–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/45063270.

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30

Amzallag, Nissim. "Beyond Prestige and Magnificence: The Theological Significance of Gold in the Israelite Tabernacle." Harvard Theological Review 112, no. 3 (July 2019): 296–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816019000130.

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AbstractExamination of Exodus 25–31 and 35–40 shows that preciousness and aesthetic considerations were not the main precipitants of the use of gold in the tabernacle. Rather, the distribution of this metal in both the tabernacle and the priestly garments reveals a theological criterion for its use and distribution. It is suggested here that this criterion is rooted in pre-Israelite Yahwism, and that it emanates from the parallel of gold, approached as the metal produced by YHWH, and copper, its human-made counterpart. Accordingly, YHWH’s residence within the tabernacle is associated with pure gold, whereas the function of communion with the Israelites in this facility is attached to a gold-copper alloy (ordinary gold). It is shown that the theological significance of gold related in Exodus contrasts with the considerations of prestige and magnificence associated in Kings with the use of gold in the Jerusalem temple. These observations reveal a divergence between the Priestly and the Deuteronomistic sources in regard to the status of gold and, by extension, of the pre-Israelite background of Yahwism. It is concluded that the description of the tabernacle in Exodus challenges the abandonment of the theological dimension of gold and metallurgy in the Jerusalem temple in the late monarchic period or, alternately, serves as fundament for a theodicy that justifies the fall of the city.

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Sommer, Benjamin. "CONFLICTING CONSTRUCTIONS OF DIVINE PRESENCE IN THE PRIESTLY TABERNACLE." Biblical Interpretation 9, no. 1 (2001): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851501300112353.

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AbstractThe tabernacle described in the Pentateuch's P source yields two distinct and opposing interpretations. When compared with the tent found in the E collection of documents, P's tabernacle represents a classic example of what the historian of religions Jonathan Z. Smith terms a "locative" worldview. As an ideology of the center, this understanding of the priestly tabernacle asserts divine immanence and celebrates the sacrality of a particular space. When compared with the theology of the Jerusalem temple, however, P's tent seems to exemplify what Smith terms a "utopian" worldview, or what we might call a "locomotive" ideology. This construction of the tent eschews the notion of sacred center and emphasizes the periphery. Tension between texts exemplifying each of these two theoretical models is found throughout the Hebrew Bible (and throughout the history of religions), but in P, a single symbol encompasses both. The significance of this symbol depends on which of two different overlapping contexts (Torah and Tanakh) a reader privileges and which elements of its presentation in P one accentuates. Thus the priestly tabernacle works against itself, at once presenting and critiquing a theology of immanence. This ambivalent symbol suggests that God is present even as it intimates that God's presence in the world is inappropriate. Thus P is forerunner of postbiblical texts that describe God's exile in the created world.

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Kuwissy, David. "Analisa Ibadah Menurut Mazmur 100:1-5." TELEIOS: Jurnal Teologi dan Pendidikan Agama Kristen 1, no. 1 (June 23, 2021): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.53674/teleios.v1i1.31.

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Abstrak Ide dasar dari Artikel ini, adalah tata cara ibadah yang dilakukan oleh setiap denominasi gereja berbeda-beda. Mazmur 100:1-5 memberi petunjuk tentang bagaimana cara beribadah kepada TUHAN. Firman Tuhan: “Beribadahlah kepada TUHAN dengan sukacita, datanglah ke hadapan-Nya dengan sorak-sorai!” (Maz 100:2), menunjukkan bahwa beribadah adalah perintah TUHAN yang harus dilakukan oleh setiap orang percaya. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan kepustakaan, disertai dengan wawancara terhadap beberapa pelayan di gereja-gereja. Penilitian ini adalah untuk menunjukkan bagaimana ibadah yang sesuai dengan firman TUHAN. Hasil analisa dan kajian menunjukkan bahwa ibadah yang sesuai Alkitab adalah ibadah yang diawali dari pintu gerbang dengan nyanyian syukur, ke pelataran-Nya dengan puji-pujian. Ibadah yang dimulai dari pintu gerbang ke pelatarannya, menurut Mazmur 100:1-5 mengindikasikan bahwa ibadah menurut pola Tabernakel. Pola ibadah Tabernakel adalah pola ibadah yang awali dari pintu gerbang, pelataran, ruang kudus dan ruang maha kudus. Kata Kunci: Ibadah, Nyanyian Syukur, Puji-pujian, Penyembahan. AbstractBasic idea of this article is the different way “Serve the Lord has done by churches. Psalm 100:1-5 give instruction how to serve the Lord. Words of God: “Serve LORD with gladness, come before His presence with singing” (Psalm 100:2). To show that serve the LORD is commands who done by every believer. Research method of this Article, use the qualitative method with library approach and interviews to several churches servant. This research show how to worship LORD accordance with the Word of God. The result of analyst and study show that worship accordance the Words of God are starting from the gate with song of gratitude to His court with praise. Worship that begins from the gate to the court accordance Psalm 100:2 indicate tabernacle worship pattern. Tabernacle worship pattern at the beginning of the gate, court, very holy space, and the most holy space. Keywords: Service the Lord, Sing, Praise, Worship.

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Jamieson, R. B. "Hebrews 9.23: Cult Inauguration, Yom Kippur and the Cleansing of the Heavenly Tabernacle." New Testament Studies 62, no. 4 (September 14, 2016): 569–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688516000199.

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Theprima faciesense of the assertion of Hebrews 9.23 that the heavenly things themselves needed to be cleansed is often rejected as fantastic or preposterous. Consequently, the verse is often read as describing the cleansing of conscience or the inauguration, not purification, of the heavenly tabernacle. Both interpretations are critiqued here. Positively, this essay argues that in Heb 9.23 Christ's sacrifice cleanses the tabernacle in heaven from antecedent defilement in order to inaugurate the new covenant cult. I argue that the structure of 9.23–8 and the manner in which Hebrews appropriates both cult inauguration and Yom Kippur support this conclusion.

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ROSENTHAL, DAVID. "‘Every sort of manual type, and mostly foreigners’: migrants, brothers and festive kings in early modern Florence." Urban History 37, no. 3 (November 15, 2010): 360–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926810000507.

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ABSTRACT:In 1522, the artisan festive ‘kingdom’ of the Biliemme put up the biggest street tabernacle in Florence. German textile workers were behind the tabernacle and this article argues that, at a time of crisis for German workers, these men looked to reassert their place in Florence through their participation in a citywide artisan festive subculture. Forty years later, Germans in the Biliemme district had largely been replaced by textile migrants from other parts of Italy. Nonetheless the kingdom remained a important vehicle for creating neighbourhood solidarities and for incorporating these new migrants into the artisan and civic world.

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Du, James Xianxing. "Biblical Etymology of Tabernacle and Altar." International Journal of Linguistics 12, no. 3 (May 10, 2020): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v12i3.17012.

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Regarding the linguistic origin, Genesis claims that ancient languages were divinely created and diversified. In consistence, this testimony presents systematic evidence of biblical etymology related to tabernacle and altar in numerous words. The biblical etymology of time and season is also presented. These support a crucial discovery in human civilization that Bible is the definitive dictionary of etymology for languages.

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Osborn, Andrew E. N., and Brian Newswanger. "Restoration of the Highway Tabernacle Church." APT Bulletin 21, no. 1 (1989): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1504219.

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Lindquist, Benjamin. "The Mormon Tabernacle Choir: A Biography." Utah Historical Quarterly 84, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 89–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/utahhistquar.84.1.0089.

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Abunuwara, Kim. "The Provo Tabernacle and Interfaith Collaboration." Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 51, no. 2 (July 1, 2018): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/dialjmormthou.51.2.0041.

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Osborn, Noel D. "Tent or Tabernacle? Translating two Traditions." Bible Translator 41, no. 2 (April 1990): 214–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026009439004100203.

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Bogdan, Mirosław. "The Role of the Altar and Tabernacle in the Catholic Church Interior in the Light of Post-conciliar Recommendations and Architectural Arrangement of the Church Interior." Kwartalnik Naukowy Fides et Ratio 48, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 250–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.34766/fetr.v48i4.940.

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The article defines the role of the altar and tabernacle in the contemporary architectural sacred interior treated as domus ecclesiae, designed to fulfill liturgical functions in accordance with the post-conciliar renewal of Vatican II. The article takes into account the problem of celebrating Holy Mass. by the celebrant with his back to the tabernacle located centrally behind the post-conciliar altar. With reference to the irreversibility of the liturgical renewal, apart from the ordinary form of the Roman rite, the existence of the extraordinary (Tridentine) form of this rite, also accepted by Vatican II, is taken into account. By presenting the presence of the post-conciliar altar brought closer to the zone of the faithful, the meaning of the Code of Canon Law is defined. The article, defining the irreversibility of the liturgical renewal, presents the location of the tabernacle separated from the altar, built architecturally in the nave or chapel of the church. At the same time, the aesthetic beauty of the liturgical interior furnishings is determined, when all this exists in accordance with the post-conciliar ordinances and serves to build a community of faith.

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Mandell, Alice. "Writing as a Source of Ritual Authority: The High Priest's Body as a Priestly Text in the Tabernacle-Building Story." Journal of Biblical Literature 141, no. 1 (March 15, 2022): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1411.2022.3.

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Abstract Past works have connected the design, execution, and content of Aaron's inscribed clothing in the tabernacle-building narrative in Exod 28 and 39 to different types of ancient Near Eastern inscriptions. This largely form-critical enterprise sheds light on their power as inscriptions that draw authority from diverse text-types, including dedications, seals, and amulets. Yet the inscriptions set into Aaron's clothing do more than tell us about the types of textual practices priests may have known about or engaged in—they project a priestly ideal of writing as a source of ritual authority. When the narrative description of these inscriptions is theorized through the framework of multimodality, we can see that they communicate through their semantic content and through their design, but also through their display features on Aaron's body and their movement with him in the tabernacle. Exodus 28 and 39 embed a host of inscriptional practices into Aaron's uniform in a way that transforms it into an archetypical priestly text, one that is mobile yet tied to the priesthood. In the story of the building of the tabernacle, this literary representation of Aaron's inscribed clothing both anticipates and affirms the ritual authority of texts in priestly communities in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem's temple in the Neo-Babylonian period.

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Tulić, Damir, and Mario Pintarić. "Gli angeli zaratini a Ceregnano: una proposta per Gregorio Morlaiter." Ars Adriatica 7, no. 1 (December 19, 2017): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.1394.

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In the small town of Ceregnano, not far from Rovigo in Veneto, a new parish church was built in the 18th century. Its richly ornamented high altar has a monumental tabernacle with two large marble angels in adoration. The author has established that the altar was made in the tradition of analogous works produced by Giorgio Massari, and that the accurate date of its construction is 1778, the year carved at the rear of the tabernacle dome. Moreover, models have been found for the Ceregnano angels, namely the marble statues of angels at the high altar of the Benedictine church of St Mary in Zadar, produced between 1759 and 1762 by the famous Venetian sculptor Giovanni Maria Morlaiter. More precisely, the Ceregnano angels were made after Morlaiter’s terracotta models for the angels of Zadar, preserved at the Ca’Rezzonico museum in Venice. A stylistic analysis of sculptural decoration at the Ceregnano altar has allowed the author to attribute it to Giovanni Maria’s son Gregorio Morlaiter (Venice, 1738 – 1784), heir to his father’s workshop. The same master has been attributed with a small tabernacle with putti installed in 1776 on the high altar of the church of Sant’Andrea della Zirada in Venice.

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Hurowitz, Victor (Avigdor). "The Priestly Account of Building the Tabernacle." Journal of the American Oriental Society 105, no. 1 (January 1985): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/601537.

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Ralcheva, Pavla. "(Dis)closed: Tabernacle Altarpieces in the Rhineland." Medievalia 23, no. 1 (May 20, 2020): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/medievalia.504.

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Bekker, Matthew F., and David M. Heath. "Dendroarchaeology of the Salt Lake Tabernacle, Utah." Tree-Ring Research 63, no. 2 (December 2007): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3959/1536-1098-63.2.95.

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WISEMAN, James A. "Freedom in Jan van Ruusbroec's 'Spiritual Tabernacle'." Louvain Studies 16, no. 1 (March 1, 1991): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ls.16.1.2013840.

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Elnes, Eric E. "Creation and Tabernacle: the Priestly Writer's "Environmentalism"." Horizons in Biblical Theology 16, no. 1 (1994): 144–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187122094x00088.

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Tlili, Abderrahman, Ghazali, and Roger Deladriere. "Le Tabernacle des Lumieres: Michkat Al-Anwar." Studia Islamica, no. 61 (1985): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1595420.

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Cassidy, Brendan. "THE FINANCING OF THE TABERNACLE OF ORSANMICHELE." Source: Notes in the History of Art 8, no. 1 (October 1988): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/sou.8.1.23202517.

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Stevens, Marty. "Book Review: Israel's Tabernacle as Social Space." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 65, no. 3 (July 2011): 306–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096431106500315.

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