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ISHIKAWA, Masatoshi, Akira ONO, and Motoyuki AKAMATSU. "Round-table talks." Synthesiology English edition 5, no. 3 (2012): 216–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5571/syntheng.5.216.
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Ho. "Hong Kong's Table Talks." World Literature Today 93, no. 2 (2019): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7588/worllitetoda.93.2.0052.
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Ho, Tammy Lai-Ming. "Hong Kong's Table Talks." World Literature Today 93, no. 2 (2019): 52–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wlt.2019.0110.
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Russell, D. A., and Sven-Tage Teodorsson. "A Commentary on Plutarch's Table Talks." American Journal of Philology 113, no. 2 (1992): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295572.
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Macilwain, Colin. "US sets up ‘round-table’ talks with scientists." Nature 398, no. 6729 (1999): 641. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/19341.
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Kemp-Welch, Tony, Andrzej Korbonski, and Michael Szporer. "Perspectives on Triggering Communism's Collapse." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 2 (2007): 134–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.2.134.
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Marjorie Castle's volume in the Harvard Cold War Studies Book Series, Triggering Communism's Collapse: Perceptions and Power in Poland's Transition, discusses events in the late 1980s that induced the leaders of the Polish Communist party to open negotiations with senior opposition figures, including the head of the still-banned Solidarity trade union. Preliminary talks in 1988 led to agreement on the holding of Round Table talks, which formally began on 6 February 1989 and ended two months later, on 5 April 1989, with arrangements to hold partly free parliamentary elections in early June. Contrary to the expectations of both the regime and the opposition, those elections resulted in an overwhelming victory for Solidarity, starting a chain of events that led to the formation of the first non-Communist government in a Soviet-bloc country since 1948. Three distinguished experts on Poland comment on Castle's analysis of Poland's transition and offer their own assessments of the importance and legacy of the Round Table talks.
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VINITSKY, ILYA. "Table Talks: The Spiritualist Controversy of the 1870s and Dostoevsky." Russian Review 67, no. 1 (2008): 88–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9434.2007.00476.x.
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Shih, Chia-Hui, Han-Lin Li, Chih-Chien Hu, and Bertrand M. T. Lin. "Forming a TED talks sphere for convenient search." Electronic Library 38, no. 2 (2020): 403–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/el-10-2019-0238.
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Purpose TED (Technology, Entertainment, Design, www.ted.com/) Talks has been one of the most popular video systems. However, the current TED Talks system expressed its inquired videos as in a two-dimensional (2D) table, which is inconvenient for searching the relationships among videos and tags. This study converts the TED Talks table into a sphere by using optimization techniques to help users search for preferred videos. Design/methodology/approach There are five phases in this study as follows. Phase 1: Reorganize data of 36 tags and 108 videos; Phase 2: Allocate tags on the TED sphere; Phase 3: Allocate videos on the TED sphere; Phase 4: Develop an online interactive TED retrieval system; and Phase 5: Perform survey and evaluation. Findings One survey demonstrated that the TED Talks sphere is more convenient for searching videos, as it is more user-friendly because of its graphical user interface, more convenient to use, more useful for retrieving information and can facilitate a more responsive search for users’ preferred videos. Research limitations/implications The numbers of tags and videos able to be displayed on a sphere is limited by the capacity of an optimization software and hardware. Practical implications The proposed sphere system can be used by a large number of users of TED Talks groups. Social implications This sphere systems can also be applied to other fields which use 2D forms to display the relationships among objects. Originality/value This study uses an optimization method to convert a 2D form into a 3D sphere to highlight the relationships among numerous objects.
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Taeseok Jeong, 홍일표, Sangchul Yoon, Hyung-Je Jo, SeungWookBaek, and 서동진. "Round-table talks- Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow of Critical Sociological Association." Economy and Society ll, no. 108 (2015): 12–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18207/criso.2015..108.12.
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Muhammad Azhar, Mian, Muhammad Waris, Ali Shan Shah, Abdul Basit, and Zil-i.-Huma Rafique. "US-TALIBAN PEACE TALKS: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 2 (2021): 314–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9231.
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Purpose: The study explores the after-effects of US-Taliban peace talks and how these can bring peace in decades' long war-wracked Afghanistan. It also investigates whether or not the ever-widening trust deficit between the stakeholders be bridged through these talks and in the future, Afghan soil will never be used for transnational activities. How can these talks neutralize and influence militant groups to join mainstream politics?
 Methodology: Relevant data were collected from newspaper articles, editorials, websites, journals, research reports, and magazines and minutely analyzed. The research is qualitative and explanatory cum exploratory in nature. Analytical techniques were utilized to evaluate data on the outcomes of the Doha-based US-Taliban peace talks.
 Main Findings: The study finds that it's easy to conclude table talks but hard to implement on the ground. Decades' long trust deficit will not come to an end until and unless all the stakeholders move forward positively. Intra-Afghan dialogue is the most important step to bring the political instability to an end and constitutional accommodation be made accordingly to space all these in mainstream politics.
 Applications: Findings of the study, to some extent, will be fruitful for the stakeholders to prioritize the steps to bring peace to Afghanistan. It also cautions regional and international actors to pursue their interests without using the soil of Afghanistan for seditious activities in rival countries.
 Novelty: The study is unique in the sense that it explores the ways and means through which decades’ long trust deficit can be bridged by looping into the stakeholders for lasting peace to Afghanistan and the region.
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Hirono, Miwa. "China's Conflict Mediation and the Durability of the Principle of Non-Interference: The Case of Post-2014 Afghanistan." China Quarterly 239 (March 4, 2019): 614–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741018001753.
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AbstractChina's efforts in conflict mediation are an important test of the durability of the principle of non-interference. By analysing the approaches and means of China's post-2014 mediation efforts in Afghanistan, this article finds that China's behaviour shows it engages in medium-level interference in domestic affairs, but mostly with the host government's concurrence. This is because of the two forms China's mediation takes. In a bilateral context, China's mediation takes the form of “incentivizing mediation,” in which its economic power, and its omnidirectional foreign policy, provide incentives or leverage for warring factions to come to the negotiation table, but which also lets the warring factions formulate their own roadmap to peace talks. In a multilateral context, China sometimes engages in “formulative mediation,” in which the mediators, not the disputing parties, formulate a roadmap to peace talks.
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Mathé, Ewy, Ben Busby, and Helen Piontkivska. "Matchmaking in Bioinformatics." F1000Research 7 (February 9, 2018): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.13705.1.
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Ever return from a meeting feeling elated by all those exciting talks, yet unsure how all those presented glamorous and/or exciting tools can be useful in your research? Or do you have a great piece of software you want to share, yet only a handful of people visited your poster? We have all been there, and that is why we organized the Matchmaking for Computational and Experimental Biologists Session at the latest ISCB/GLBIO’2017 meeting in Chicago (May 15-17, 2017). The session exemplifies a novel approach, mimicking “matchmaking”, to encouraging communication, making connections and fostering collaborations between computational and non-computational biologists. More specifically, the session facilitates face-to-face communication between researchers with similar or differing research interests, which we feel are critical for promoting productive discussions and collaborations. To accomplish this, three short scheduled talks were delivered, focusing on RNA-seq, integration of clinical and genomic data, and chromatin accessibility analyses. Next, small-table developer-led discussions, modeled after speed-dating, enabled each developer (including the speakers) to introduce a specific tool and to engage potential users or other developers around the table. Notably, we asked the audience whether any other tool developers would want to showcase their tool and we thus added four developers as moderators of these small-table discussions. Given the positive feedback from the tool developers, we feel that this type of session is an effective approach for promoting valuable scientific discussion, and is particularly helpful in the context of conferences where the number of participants and activities could hamper such interactions.
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Cheng, Victor Shiu Chiang. "Rethinking the Chongqing Negotiations of 1945: Concession-making, the Trust/distrust Paradox, and the Biased Mediator in China’s Post-war Transitions." Journal of Chinese Military History 9, no. 2 (2020): 168–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-bja10004.
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Abstract This article rethinks what are perhaps the most important attempts at making peace in modern Chinese history: the first post-World War II peace talks convened in Chongqing, between the two old foes of the Chinese Civil War. Previous studies treat the peace conference as a sideshow to the subsequent full-scale civil war. Examining the political and military situation in China toward the end of World War II, this article argues that a peace agreement was needed for both parties. The core of the article examines the hitherto unexplored aspects around the negotiating table: the debate, disagreements, and compromises, and the American mediator’s attempt to alter the dynamics of the peace talks from an inherently biased position. It finds that the history of the Chongqing negotiations is more important to our understanding of China’s struggle between peace and war in the modern era than previously acknowledged.
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Mahoney, T. J. "Marking the 400th Anniversary of Kepler's Astronomia nova." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 5, H15 (2009): 821–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921310011981.
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AbstractSpecial Session 9 of the XXVII General Assembly (11–14 August 2009, Rio de Janeiro) was devoted to the topic “Marking the 400th Anniversary of Kepler's Astronomia nova”. During the two-and-a-half day meeting (spread over four days), there were nine invited and three contributed talks, a round-table discussion on the future of Kepler studies and an open session to propose the setting up of a Johannes Kepler Working Group under the aegis of the IAU.
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Lehrs. "Jerusalem on the Negotiating Table: Analyzing the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Talks on Jerusalem (1993–2015)." Israel Studies 21, no. 3 (2016): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.21.3.09.
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Nikolaidis, A. "Review. A Commentary on Plutarch's Table Talks: Vol. III: Books 7-9. S-T Teodorsson." Classical Review 47, no. 2 (1997): 287–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/47.2.287.
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Sailun, Betty, and Andi Idayani. "THE EFFECT OF TED TALKS VIDEO TOWARDS STUDENTS’ SPEAKING ABILITY AT ENGLISH STUDY PROGRAM OF FKIP UIR." Perspektif Pendidikan dan Keguruan 9, no. 1 (2018): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.25299/perspektif.2018.vol9(1).1423.
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In University level, speaking is one of important skill that used be mastered by the English Students, because it is necessary for them to improve their ability to communicate orally by presenting their ideas in real life. Hence, TED is a series of informative, educational, inspiring and sometimes jaw-dropping talks that present ‘Ideas Worth Spreading’. There is an emphasis on informing, educating and opening people’s eyes to new ideas, making them perfect for the classroom. Therefore, the students will have the opportunity to develop their spoken language competence. In relation to this, the researcher was interested in conducting a study which was focused on the effect of TED Talks Video toward students’ speaking ability at the third semester of English Study Program FKIP UIR. The researchers used experimental research and also used speaking test for pre-test and post-test in both of experiment class and control class as a collecting data of research. Based on the result, it can be seen that the value of t-obs was higher than that of t-table (3,217>2.056). In addition, the value of probability significance (2-tailed) column shows 0.002<0.05. Based on the analysis, those two criteria of rejection are fulfilled. Therefore, it can be concluded that the null hypothesis was rejected and alternative hyphotesis was accepted. Consequently, it could be seen that there was a significant mean difference between the experimental and the control groups. In summary, there was a significant effect of TED Talks video toward students’ speaking ability at English Study Program FKIP UIR
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Nikolaidis, A. G. "Plutarch's Table Talks - S.-T. Teodorsson: A Commentary on Plutarch's Table Talks: Vol. III: Books 7–9. (Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia, 62.) Pp. 426. Gothenburg: Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis, 1996. Paper, SEK 250. ISBN: 91-7346-291-8." Classical Review 47, no. 2 (1997): 287–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00250701.
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Subroto, Farouq Aji, Yazid Basthomi, and Utari Praba Astuti. "Teachers Talking in Very Young Learners Immersion Class: How They Did It." Jurnal Pendidikan: Teori, Penelitian, dan Pengembangan 5, no. 12 (2020): 1694. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/jptpp.v5i12.14210.
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<div align="center"><table width="645" border="1" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0"><tbody><tr><td valign="top" width="439"><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This research aimed to describe the language used by the teachers namely teacher talk in VYL English Immersion class whose students’ age ranges from three to six years old and to describe how the language was used effectively in the class. The results showed that there were four types of teacher talk used frequently to help the teachers teach effectively in the class namely (1) giving directions, (2) giving information, (3) asking questions, and (4) praising and encouraging. Those four talks did not work alone in the class; the teachers also use gesture and demonstration to accompany the talks.</p><p class="Abstract"><strong>Abstrak:</strong><em> </em>Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan tipe-tipe bahasa Inggris yang digunakan guru dalam konteks pengajaran bahasa Inggris pada kelas imersi dengan siswa berusia antara tiga sampai enam tahun dan menjelaskan bagaimana tipe-tipe bahasa tersebut digunakan secara efektif di kelas. Hasilnya, terdapat empat tipe bahasa yang sering digunakan guru untuk menyampaikan materi, yakni (1) pemberian arahan, (2) pemberian informasi, (3) pertanyaan, dan (4) pujian dan dorongan. Keempat tipe bahasa tersebut tidak digunakan secara independen di kelas. Guru juga menggunakan bahasa tubuh serta demonstrasi kegiatan saat menggunakan keempat tipe bahasa tersebut.</p></td></tr></tbody></table></div>
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Goldberg, Arthur J. "The State of Labor-Management Relations, 1958-1959." Commentaires 14, no. 1 (2014): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1022340ar.
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Sommaire After explaining Sidney Hillman's contribution to labor philosophy and to improved labor-management relations, the author draws a vivid picture of the present state of labor-management relations. Hillman believed in the mutuality of interests between both sides, but there was no question of surrendering to Management. We are a long way from a universal achievement of the type of labor-management relations symbolysed by the Sidney Hillman's tradition. Union organization meets with resistance; all parties toughen their attitudes and restrict their meetings to those around the bargaining table. To bridge the gap and introduce more talks on basic issues between sides, a Labor-Management Assembly is proposed.
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Nishizawa, Hitoshi, Takayoshi Yoshioka, and Yuri Ichikawa. "Book-Talk: An Activity to Motivate Learners to Read Autonomously in a Foreign Language." Journal of Language and Cultural Education 6, no. 1 (2018): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jolace-2018-0010.
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Abstract In the last decade, extensive reading (ER) had been incorporated into English as a foreign language (EFL) education in various Japanese institutions. It restored the once broken balance of accuracy and fluency in traditional English education, and assisted reluctant EFL learners to start reading. However, ER required rather longer term for elementary learners to enjoy its benefits and the learners needed an extra encouragement to continue ER for the longer term. Book-talk was such an activity to encourage learners to read voluntary and to improve their language skills additionally. In a book-talk, several learners sat around a table, introduced the books they had read during the week, and accepted questions and comments from the others in turn. It also fitted well in lessons because 3-minute talks and 2-minute Q&A of six members took only 30 minutes. We will report how the activity motivated elder students, who had three or more years’ experience of ER, to continue their reading outside the class, and how it encouraged autonomous ER of adult EFL learners, who were reading English books borrowing from the college library. A combination of few talks and many readings worked well in EFL settings.
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Savelyev, Alexander. "Triangularity of nuclear arms control: Possible implications of China's involvement in nuclear arms talks." AEI Insights: An International journal of Asia-Europe relations 7, no. 1 (2021): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37353/aei-insights.vol7.issue1.1.
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Beijing explains its firm unwillingness to join the United States and Russia in nuclear arms control talks by the fact that China’s nuclear arsenal is incomparable with respective potentials of the world’s two leading nuclear powers. China urges Russia and the U.S. to go ahead with the nuclear disarmament process on a bilateral basis, and promises it will be prepared to consider the possibility of its participation in the negotiations only when its counterparts have downgraded their arsenals approximately to China’s level. Washington finds this totally unacceptable and demands that China either join the existing Russian-U.S. strategic New START treaty right away or agree to enter into a trilateral nuclear arms control format. This article studies the prospects of China’s involvement in nuclear arms talks and analyzes the true reasons behind Beijing’s desire to avoid any nuclear disarmament deals at this point. The working hypothesis of this paper is that China’s stance on the above issue is by no means far-fetched or propagandistic, and that it is driven by fundamental political, military and strategic considerations. Disregard for this factor and further forceful efforts to bring China to the negotiating table to discuss nuclear arms control will lead to failure.
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Walter, Barbara F. "The Critical Barrier to Civil War Settlement." International Organization 51, no. 3 (1997): 335–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081897550384.
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Unlike interstate wars, civil wars rarely end in negotiated settlements. Between 1940 and 1990 55 percent of interstate wars were resolved at the bargaining table, whereas only 20 percent of civil wars reached similar solutions. Instead, most internal wars ended with the extermination, expulsion, or capitulation of the losing side. In fact, groups fighting civil wars almost always chose to fight to the finish unless an outside power stepped in to guarantee a peace agreement. If a third party agreed to enforce the terms of a peace treaty, negotiations always succeeded regardless of the initial goals, ideology, or ethnicity of the participants. If a third party did not intervene, these talks usually failed.
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Stelgias, Niko. "What Went Wrong in the Cyprus Negotiations? The Three Elements That Led to Failure." Central and Eastern European Review 11, no. 1 (2017): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/caeer-2018-0002.
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AbstractIn the wake of the interruption of the negotiations in mid-2017, this study aims to investigate and underline the reasons that led to the new failure in the Cyprus talks. Why did the negotiations collapse after a remarkable two-year effort? Who were the main protagonists in this fiasco? What were the main points of disagreement at the negotiations’ table? What were the disputes in the fields of security and equality? What was the role of local society in the failure? This analysis attempts to answer the questions mentioned above by putting the official positions of the two sides and the related opinion articles and publications which have had an impact on the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot press, under its microscope.
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Kołodziej-Durnaś, Agnieszka. "The Changing Maritime Industry Sector in Poland." Pomorstvo 33, no. 2 (2019): 241–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31217/p.33.2.15.
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This article outlines the transformations in the maritime industry sector in Poland from the perspective of organizational sociology and maritime sociology. The author attempts to analyze the main tendencies of changes occurring in the Polish maritime economy in the recent decades, and special attention is paid to the phenomena of organizational field and organizational culture. The research results are based on the analysis of documents, literature, and interviews (IDIs). Whereas the situation of the Polish maritime industry during the communist regime is briefly described as the background for further considerations, the author focuses more on the last thirty years of Polish transformation (triggered by the Round Table talks in 1989) and the fifteen years of Poland’s membership in the European Union.
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Jalal, Syed Umair, Nargis Zaman, and Muhammad Usman Ullah. "Dialogues and Peace Treaties in Afghanistan: An Analysis from 2010 to 2019." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, no. I (2021): 82–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-i).09.
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After the American invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, the war-torn nation confronted numerous hardships and adversities in the following decade. US-led NATO forces overthrown the Taliban regime on 13 November 2001. The Taliban encountered severe blows from the US and allied forces, which constrained them to take shelter in the neighbouring countries, besides the hilly areas of Afghanistan (Afridi, Afridi, & Jalal, 2016). The region has witnessed a fierce fight between the Taliban and the NATO troops till 2010. Afterwards, a new phase in the Afghan conflict has begun; a progression of table talks and negotiations was initiated at various fronts. This particular research will focus on the dialogues, treaties, and negotiations among the conflicting parties to find a peaceful solution to the Afghan war.
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신지영. "Disclosed Bondage and Hidden Sympathy: Round-table Talks of the Colonized Concerning Language and Culture under the Imperial Japan." Journal of Seokdang Academy ll, no. 53 (2012): 129–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17842/jsa.2012..53.129.
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Ørebech, Peter. "The Barents Sea 2010 Norway-Russia Border: The Triumph of the Negotiation Principle at the Expense of the Median- and Sector Line Pretentions." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 4, no. 1 (2012): 505–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427-91000101.
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Abstract The delimitation line that after 40 years of negotiation (2010) marks the offshore border between Norway and Russia is resulting from longstanding talks according to the negotiation principle as manifest in UNCLOS (1982) Article 74 and 83. Beyond the territorial sea the function of the median (equidistance)- and the sector line is nothing but diplomatic pretensions at the negotiation table. This article illustrates the demise of the sector line as a delimitation principle of the law of the sea in the Barents Sea. The reference point of the outcome of the negotiation is not geodetic nor geographic physical points, but simply the “half way solution” between two politically based claims, the sector line (Russia) and the median line (Norway). This solution is not contradictory to court practice.
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Fusco, Vittorio, Giuseppina Campisi, Paola Carcieri, et al. "ONJ (MRONJ) Update 2021—Osteonecrosis of Jaw Related to Bisphosphonates and Other Drugs—Prevention, Diagnosis, Pharmacovigilance, Treatment: A 2021 Web Event." Oral 2, no. 2 (2022): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/oral2020014.
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On the 8th and 9th of May 2021, an online conference was organized to connect Italian physicians, dentists and oral care specialists, students, nurses, psychologists, dental hygiene experts, and other professionals to discuss controversial issues about Medication-Related Osteonecrosis of Jaw (MRONJ). The first section evaluated differences between Italian recommendations, released on 2020 by Italian Societies of Oral Pathology and Medicine (SIPMO) and Maxillofacial Surgery (SICMF), and other international practice guidelines or documents. A first round table gathered expert opinions about MRONJ definitions and staging systems. Another round table was dedicated to opinion of drug prescribers (oncologists, hematologists, rheumatologists, and other physicians treating osteoporosis). Educational sessions illustrated the main differences between previous (2013) and more recent (2020) Italian recommendations. A large space was dedicated to the presentation of scientific contributions from centers in Italy, divided in specific sessions (epidemiology; case series; special case reports; prevention experiences; MRONJ treatment). Conclusions: in an innovative web conference, talks and scientific reports underlined importance of adequate imaging study of bone in definition and staging of MRONJ cases, the role of surgery in treatment of the disease, and the value of oral hygiene in the prevention.
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Dolunay, Ayhan, and Fevzi Kasap. "Still Unrecognized State “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” in the Context of the Cyprus Negotiations: Status of the TRNC’ Court Decisions." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 3 (2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n3p1.
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The issue of the recognition of the TRNC brings specific constraints because of the influence of the Cyprus peace talks, which have been ongoing for 50 years. After the new era started in 2014, the TRNC authorities&rsquo; efforts to reach an agreement and their struggle to make the TRNC recognized have been obstructed by barriers placed by the southern Cyprus administration. Each of the sides in the peace talks approaches each other&rsquo;s demands positively or negatively. One of the other important problems is whether the decisions given by the TRNC Courts would create an effect like the court decisions given by the courts of any recognized states or not. In order for the court decisions of the TRNC judiciary to have the necessary effects, the TRNC must become effectively an equal on the negotiation table and a directly recognized state. Turkey has enabled the TRNC judiciary decisions to have an effect in Turkey by signing protocols with the TRNC, but what is the status of related court decisions in other countries? In this framework, this study aims to analyse the court decisions in other unrecognized states via the document analysis method. According to the findings, the TRNC&rsquo;s judiciary decisions can have an effect in other countries. Additionally, the TRNC is a recognized state at least in a limited (indirect) manner and has political equality, but this needs to be improved further via direct recognition.
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Lin, Lin, Yali Zhao, Masato Ogawa, and John D. Hoge. "Teaching Historical and Current Events from Multiple Perspectives The Korean War and Six-Party Talks." Social Studies Research and Practice 4, no. 3 (2009): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ssrp-03-2009-b0006.
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Comparing international history textbooks creates a perfect opportunity for students to see the complexity and controversy of history interpretation of certain events. Such a critical comparative approach helps students understand how people in different countries perceive and interpret the Korean War, its aftermath, and its effects on current international relation-ships. In this article, we suggest that teachers approach the Korean War and the Six-Party Talks in two ways: Six-Party Discussion Table motivation activities and analysis of middle school history textbook excerpts about the Korean War in the six countries. Detailed lesson plans and handouts are provided for teachers to facilitate these discussions. These include the directions and procedures for the activities, teachers' guide, suggested answers, textbook excerpts from the United States, and textbook excerpts translated into English China, Japan, Russia, North Korea, and South Korea.
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Zhang, Jun, Wei Wang, Min Qian, Ren Ke Kang та Zong Jin Ren. "Development of Piezoelectric Three-Dimensional Dynamometer for Φ300mm Wafer Grinder". Advanced Materials Research 945-949 (червень 2014): 2017–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.945-949.2017.
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Due to the requirements of on-line detection of grinding force in the grinding process, this paper utilizes the structural characteristics of ultra-precision grinder with double-spindle and single-workstation, and then presents a grinding dynamometer based on piezoelectric effect of quartz crystals. Besides, the grinder dynamometer can measure grinding force in three directions, and the static properties of dynamometer are experimentally tested in a special experiment table. Moreover, the on-line static calibration and the actual grinding experiment of dynamometer installed in the silicon wafer grinder are performed. The results indicate that the grinding dynamometer has satisfactory static properties, that is, the linearity and repeatability are less than 1%, and the cross-talks are also less than 5%. As a result, each indicator has full reached the operating requirements in using of large diameter silicon wafer grinding force measuring.
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Richter, Solveig. "Missing the Muscles? Mediation by Conditionality in Bosnia and Herzegovina." International Negotiation 23, no. 2 (2018): 258–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-23021155.
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Abstract In October 2009, the European Union, in conjunction with the United States, launched a high-level mediation effort in Butmir, Bosnia and Herzegovina, to reform the political structure of the state. Since 2005, the constitution which was included in the Dayton Peace Accord has been widely perceived as dysfunctional. In two negotiation rounds, the EU and the US put a comprehensive proposal on the table and showed strong leverage. However, the talks ended without a tangible result. To explain this failure, a theoretical model is developed based on both mediation and Europeanization literature to explore mediation by conditionality as a type of ‘directive mediation’ in a systematic way. Contrary to the argument that the EU lacked muscle, it is argued that pre-conditions for political conditionality were not fulfilled and strong leverage proved ineffective and counterproductive. These results question conditionality as an effective mediation strategy when state-building is contested between local parties.
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Zab Un Nisa, Gul e Zahra, and Syed Waqas Ali Bokhari. "The Syrian Peace Process: How Syria Can attain Perpetual Peace?" Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review V, no. III (2020): 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2020(v-iii).09.
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The Civil wars only can end by the total victory of one party against the other or through the table-talks. The progress about the political settlement of the Syrian crisis has stalled, and the Syrian regime did not show preparedness to accompanying its opponents. The regime cannot provoke directly with turkey and United States to asserts its influence in the north and eastern part of Syria. There is no political peace process to bring the fruits to date. As laid out under the United Nations Security Council UNSC in pursuance of 2254 resolution, the Geneva process has stuck. The mediation process under the United Nations is centrally focusing on establishing the legally bounded committee with the equal presentation of all stakeholders in this legal body or committee, significantly the regime, the opposition and the civil society inside Syria. The resolution was passed totally in December 2015, the said resolution drawn on four steps to ensuring the long-lasting resolution of the Syrian conflict.
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Borowiec, Steven. "Making foes out of friends: North Korea’s grave human rights record is off the negotiation table in talks with South Korea. Why?" Index on Censorship 49, no. 1 (2020): 28–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306422020917607.
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최지현. "The memories of student soldiers and the nation: Based on the round-table talks and notes by the student soldiers in the 1940s." Studies in Korean Literature ll, no. 32 (2007): 459–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.20881/skl.2007..32.012.
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김, 정인, 태우 고, 종림 박, et al. "Memory and Commemoration of the 100 years of March 1st Independence Movement : Round-table Talks by KHS Centennial Anniversary Committee of March 1st Movement." YŎKSA WA HYŎNSIL : Quarterly Review of Korean History 114 (December 31, 2019): 373–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.35865/ywh.2019.12.114.373.
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Lanz, David. "Who Gets a Seat at the Table? A Framework for Understanding the Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion in Peace Negotiations." International Negotiation 16, no. 2 (2011): 275–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138234011x573048.
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AbstractWho gets a seat at the table and who does not is an important consideration for successful peacemaking. However, current research does not provide sufficient guidance for understanding the politics of participation in peace negotiations. This article develops a conceptual framework for understanding these dynamics. Its central theme is that the inclusion or exclusion of a given actor in peace negotiations is affected by two independent factors. One factor pertains to the practical requirements of the peace process and addresses the following question: does the participation of a given actor augment the chance of reaching a sustainable peace settlement? The other factor relates to the normative dimension of peace talks: is the participation of a given actor consistent with the values of international mediators and sponsors of peace negotiations? The article argues that the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion result from the interplay of these two factors. The most straightforward situation for mediators is when practical requirements and international norms are mutually reinforcing. Difficulties arise from scenarios where practical effectiveness and norms contradict each other. This is the case when the involvement of a given person (or group) is imperative in terms of the peace process, but difficult to justify politically because this person has committed terrorist acts or is indicted by an international court.
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Idrees, Muhammad, Ashfaq Rehman, and Manzoor Ahmad Naazer. "Afghan Peace Process and the Role of Pakistan in Engaging the Stakeholders." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 3, no. 2 (2020): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/3.2.3.
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The Afghan people suffered a lot from war on terror, security issues, and political and economic instability since US invasion in 2001. Pakistan being an important neighbouring country of Afghanistan can play a vital role in bringing amity and stability through facilitating peace process. Both the US administration and Afghan government demand Pakistan to influence and bring the Taliban to the table talks. In this context, this study aims to explore Pakistan’s role in the ongoing peace process that has so far created an understanding among the stakeholders that a peaceful and stable Afghanistan is in the interest of the region. The study finds that there are greater issues to be dealt with carefully e.g., the governance system of the country, the constitution, and a viable power-sharing formula to be acceptable to all the stakeholders. Any successful peace deal needs a strong commitment on the part of all the stakeholders. Peace is the need of the hour not only for Afghanistan but for the whole region as well. Pakistan needs to continue her support to the Afghanistan’s stability and play its due role in the peace negotiations in the greater regional interests.
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Caveman, A. "A speaker's contract with the audience." Journal of Cell Science 114, no. 9 (2001): 1599–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1242/jcs.114.9.1599.
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An occasional column, in which Caveman and other troglodytes involved in cell science emerge to share their views on various aspects of life-science research. Messages for Caveman and other contributors can be left at caveman@biologists.com. Any correspondence may be published in forthcoming issues. Previous Sticky Wickets can be viewed at: www.biologists.com/JCS/caveman/index.html I've had it with the big invited, rock-star speaker at meetings. The last straw was at a small meeting last summer. Participation was limited, and the format was designed to provoke interactions and discussion between scientists from different disciplines. Talks were short (~20 minutes), and the Chair of each session was asked to give a general introduction so that the subsequent speakers could focus on ideas, data and models. I thought that it was a privilege to be asked to participate. Clearly, this was not the case for some of the big shots. Three problems arose at this meeting that are symptomatic of meetings in general. First, the Chair of each session did not present a coherent introduction, at least not one that summarized the topic in an unbiased manner or one that helped place the subsequent talks in any sort of context. The introduction invariably comprised short, seemingly off-the-cuff remarks about the speakers that did little more than announce the titles of their talks and their professional affiliations (which were noted in the program). Any summary was restricted to out-takes from the Chair's talk. A consequence was that the subsequent speakers, who had not included an introduction (‘focus on ideas, data and models’), were left scrambling to put their talk in some sort of context. Second, the Chair was usually the first speaker. Never have the Chair of a session as one of the speakers. The Chair's talk invariantly went over time - well, who was there to keep track of the time? The consequence of the Chair's speaking too long was that the rest of the speakers now felt that, if the Chair went over time, then they could too. However, the Chair, realizing that too much time had been taken, tried to reduce the time allotted to each speaker either by cutting the talk off early or reducing the discussion to one or two short questions. The former was simply unfair, and the latter was contrary to the purpose of the meeting (‘provoke interactions and discussions’). Third, many of the invited speakers turned up the day before their talks and then left the following day. In one session, two of the speakers left immediately following their talks and were not available for the ‘round-table’ discussion at the end of the session (i.e. ~40 min later!). These ‘shift’ changes in speakers, as one group rotated out and was replaced by the next, were very frustrating - with the decreased discussion time caused by the Chairs and speakers' being present only for a short time, there was never time for discussion. Those who went to the meeting to learn, discuss and interact were let down. What sort of level of arrogance does it take to go to a meeting to present a (canned) talk and then leave without answering questions, discussing ideas or contributing to the interactions? What's the point? I suggest that there should be a Speaker's Contract with the Audience. *The speaker will attend the whole meeting and be available for discussions. *The speaker will prepare a talk that reflects the theme of the meeting/session. *The speaker will keep to the allotted time. *The Session Chair will not speak in the session and will keep time fairly. *The Session Chair will provide a summary of the session that blends ideas, directions and the topics covered by the speakers. *The Session Chair will provoke questions and discussion, and have at least one question ready after each talk in order to start the question period. The speaker should sign the contract in advance of the meeting. Speakers who break the contract will forfeit their honorarium and reimbursement (and probably should have to pay the registration of some of the audience!), and hopefully their lack of participation will be reflected in a decline in speaking engagements. Let's put the audience first, for a change, and the rock-star speakers second.
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Nóvoa Medina, F. J., F. Rubiño, B. Tejera-Segura, B. Romero Díaz, S. Machín García, and I. Rua-Figueroa. "AB0524 ANCA ASSOCIATED VASCULITIS IN GRAN CANARIA: THE IMPORTANCE OF THE INTERSTITIAL LUNG DISEASE." Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 79, Suppl 1 (2020): 1559.1–1559. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2020-eular.3268.
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Background:ANCA-associated vasculitis (AVV) are a heterogeneous group of systemic diseases that needs a better knowledge and approach due to the high mortality it presents.Objectives:Describe the clinical characteristics of patients with AAV assessed by the Rheumatology services in two university hospitals in Gran Canaria in the last decade, as well as clinical differences between the AAV subtypes.Methods:Characteristics of 34 patients diagnosed with AAV between January 2011 - December 2018 were collected retrospectively. The patients met ACR classification criteria and consensus criteria from Chapell Hill-2012. Variables are compared using the χ2 test for dichotomous variables or the t-Student test for continuos variables. For non-continuous variable, Mann-Whitney U or a logarithmic transformation was usedResults:21 (61.7%) patients were women. We found 14 granulomatosis with polyangeiitis (GPA 41.2%), 10 microscopic polyangeiitis (MPA) and 10 eosinophilic granulomatosis with polyangeiitis (EGP) (29.4%). They presented an average follow-up time (±SD) of 46.3 months (±26.8). Patients with MPA presented an older age at diagnosis and a higher proportion were diagnosed with age> 65 years (p = 0.003).The mean (±SD) of the BVAS index of activity at diagnosis was 15,7 (± 7.9). 80,5% of the patients presented positivity against ANCA: 34,4% c-ANCA and 65.5% (Clinical manifestations in Table 1).TABLE 1.INITIAL CLINICAL MANIFESTATIONSALL THE PATIENTS (n=34)GPA (n=14)MPA (n=10)EGP (n=10)p valueOtolaryngological involvement13(92.9%)2(20%)6(60%)0.001Interstitial lung disease5 (14.7%)05 (50%)0Renal involvement0.027- Reno-pulmonary syndrome6 (17,6%)3 (21.4%)2 (20%)1 (10%)- Renal Involvement - glomerulonephritis10 (29.4%)3 (21.4%)6 (60%)1 (10%)- Basal proteinuria >1 gr/24 hs13 (38.2%)4 (28.5%)7 (70%)1 (10%)Alveolar pulmonary hemorrhage not associated with renal involvement2 (5.8%)01 (10%)1 (10%)Manifestations Peripheral Nervous System10 (29.4%)2 (14.2%)4 (40%)4 (40%)Cardiomyopathy3 (8.8%)003 (30%)Eye involvement (scleritis/conjunctivitis/keratitis/uveitis)6 (17.6%)6 (42.8%)000.0121 (61.7%) patients received cyclophosphamide and 3 (8.8%) patients received rituximab as induction treatment. Azathioprine was the most commonly used maintenance treatment (41,1%). 16 (47%) patients had renal involvement. An improvement in proteinuria was observed, both in GPA (p=0.008) and in MPA (p=0,03) (Renal outcomes in Table 2). No patient received kidney transplant.TABLE 2.RENAL OUTCOMESGPA (n= 6)MPA (n=8)p VALUEBasal serum creatinine, mean (SD), mg/dl2.07 (1.1)3.08 (2.06)0.3934Basal proteinuria, mean (SD), mg/dl2264 (1391.5)2731.2 (1334.7)0.8348Last serum Creatinine, mean (SD), mg/dl2,2 (1.4)2,1 (1.5)0.5577Last proteinuria, mean (SD), mg/dl485 (457.9)326 (110.4)0.4704Interestingly, 5 patients (14.7%), all of them MPA, presented interstitial lung disease (ILD), 3 of them (60%) prior to systemic involvement (9, 10 and 82 months). 3 patients had an usual interstitial pneumonitis (UIP) pattern, none had a non-specific interstitial pneumonia (NSIP) pattern and two had other patterns.15 patients had 17 relapses. Five (14.7%) patients had serious infections. Eight (23.5%) patients died: 4 due to progression of ILD, 2 due to vasculitis manifestations.Conclusion:ILD can be considered a relatively frequent manifestation of this group of diseases. A high percentage of patients had recurrences. Mortality remains high in AAV and in our series ILD is a frequent cause of death.Disclosure of Interests:Francisco Javier Nóvoa Medina Speakers bureau: I have been paid as a speaker for a few medical talks, Francisco Rubiño: None declared, Beatriz Tejera-Segura Speakers bureau: I have been paid as a speaker for a few medical talks, Beatriz Romero Díaz: None declared, Sergio Machín García: None declared, Iñigo Rua-Figueroa: None declared
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Chusniyah, Tutut, Fattah Hidayat, and Maulanal Kirom Firdaus. "Perbedaan Intoleransi Politik Jamaah Nahdlatul Wathan Terhadap Jamaah Ahmadiyah Ditinjau Dari Gender." Ulumuddin : Jurnal Ilmu-ilmu Keislaman 10, no. 2 (2020): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47200/ulumuddin.v10i2.427.
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Political intolerance in this study is the unwillingness of a person or group to accept the actions, talks and views of the Ahmadiyya congregation which include disrespecting the civil rights of others, disrespecting freedom of expression, and disrespecting the beliefs of others. Gender roles are roles played by women and men in accordance with the status of the environment, culture and society structure. The aim of research to find out the differences of political intolerance in the congregation of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Nahdlatul Wathan Pancor, Lombok if the terms of gender. This study has 1 dependent variable, namely political intolerance with 1 independent variable, namely gender. The subjects of this study were 90 members of the Nahdlatul Wathan Jamaah, consisting of 45 men and 45 women. The research instrument used was the political intolerance scale (α = 0.837). The results showed that there was no difference in political intolerance between male and female Nahdlatul Wathan congregations against the Pancor Ahmadiyah Community, East Lombok with t count <t table (-0.362 <1.987) and P value (0.718> 0.05). Recommendations for future research to examine other variables that influence political intolerance, such as authoritarian variables, contacts or relationships, education, government policies and ethnic diversity.
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Shull, J. Michael. "Radiation Hydrodynamics: Conference Themes and Unsolved Problems." International Astronomical Union Colloquium 89 (1986): 440–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0252921100086218.
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This paper will be a short review of the topics covered at this conference on “Radiation Hydrodynamics in Stars and Compact Objects.” Rather than attempt to cover all the talks and posters, I will describe what I saw as the main themes and then summarize selected topics that provided unsolved questions. Finally, I will try to decide whether we strayed too far from the original purpose of the meeting. Or, put as a question: Does Radiation Hydrodynamics play a major role in solving a wide range of astrophysical problems?As described in Mihalas’ introductory talk, radiation can affect an astrophysical plasma, flow, or object in several fashions. First, it can influence the kinematics through ionization, dissociation, and other gas-phase processes that depend on chemistry, ionization state, or excitation. But second, it can influence the dynamics of the flow, through deposition of momentum. Examples of the latter are shock waves, accretion disks, novae, supernovae, and hot-star winds. One can, therefore, divide the topics at this meeting into “active” and “passive” classes of radiation hydrodynamic problems (Table 1). The term “active” implies dynamic pressure from the radiation, whereas the term “passive” allows the radiation to affect the state of the gas, particularly its spectral emissivity, without affecting its motion appreciably.
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Regulski, J. "Polish Local Government in Transition." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 7, no. 4 (1989): 423–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c070423.
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Poland is undergoing important political changes. The evolution of legal, political, and financial resources of local government since 1950 is discussed in this paper. In the last section are presented the Solidarity programme and governmental response at the historic ‘Round Table’ talks between the ruling Communist Party and the Polish opposition, which opened the way to the opposition's magnificent victory in the parliamentary elections in June 1989. In 1950 a very centralized organization of the state was imposed. But the postwar history shows expansions and limitations of local government power. These shifts and their causation are analyzed. The poor quality of the urban fabric, the need of social support for the ruling party, and important economic tasks of local government call for decentralization. Its implementation requires overcoming the barriers, which result from resistance by political and bureaucratic structures, bad economic situation, and lack of public interest in local democracy. Recently a decentralization policy is being implemented. Many legal openings have been made, but the political organization is still very centralized. It is argued that a deconcentration of tasks and means cannot be effective without changes in political structures. Therefore Solidarity asks for full self-government at the communal level, but the ruling Party has strong reservations against this.
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Kotras, Marcin. "Narracje i strategie argumentacyjne w dyskursie IV RP jako narzędzia wyznaczania granic wspólnot w polskim społeczeństwie." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 62, no. 1 (2018): 141–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2018.62.1.5.
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This article concerns discourse in the 4th Republic and its role in creating the divisions and cleavages of Polish society. The author analyzes the argumentation strategies used by the press supporting the government and its so-called “good change” (the weeklies Sieci and Uważam Rze, which were published in the years 2012–2017). He concentrates on selected rhetorical practices such as labeling, categorization, and discrimination, and determines that the center of the argumentation strategy of the weeklies analyzed is a discursively constructed division between the “elites” and the “masses” ordinary people”). This type of strategy allows the building of a Me-Them dichotomy, which serves not only to strengthen divisions but also to de-legitimize the social space of the 3rd Republic and give legitimacy to the “good change” of the 4th Republic. These activities are exemplified by the manner in which the writers in opinion-forming weeklies describe and explain selected topics and events, such as the Round Table Talks or the migration crisis. The author finds that in the argumentation strategies analyzed, the “nation” is understood as an exclusive community defined from an essentialist perspective. He relates these and other findings to the problem of the new, simplified form of political rivalry and contemporary election campaigns.
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Putri, Ni Putu Oka Anggi Carissa. "Pendidikan Seks dalam Lontar Smara Krida Laksana." Dharma Sastra: Jurnal Penelitian Bahasa dan Sastra Daerah 1, no. 2 (2021): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.25078/ds.v1i2.2939.
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<table width="0" border="1" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0"><tbody><tr><td valign="top" width="604"><p>In the lontar contains a lot of education as contained in the Smara Krida Laksana lontar, the Smara Krida Laksana lontar contains knowledge about sexual intercourse etiquette, drugs, ingredients, and spells used as sexual treatment. Sex is not only known to married people but sex can also be known by teenagers as knowledge when married. So that in modern times like today teenagers are not exposed to free sex. As explained above, the contents of this lontar can be said to be unique because it talks about the treatment of sexuality. So that the research is said to be valid, the method of collecting data is used. The type of data used is qualitative data because the data obtained is in the form of sentences, not numbers. The methods used to collect data are literature, documents, and interviews. In the data analysis, data reduction, data presentation, data conclusions were used. The results of this study were in the manners and sex treatment system, it was found that the manners of sexual intercourse were good for married people and the drugs, ingredients, and spells used as treatment. The second problem formulation discusses sex education, religious education and ethics education are obtained, and the last problem formulation deals with the behavior of teenagers' sexual relations today and the relationship between Smara Krida Laksana's lontar with married people, especially teenagers today.</p><p><em> </em></p></td></tr></tbody></table>
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Osek, Ewa. "Starzec w polityce. Zmienne poglądy Plutarcha z Cheronei." Vox Patrum 56 (December 15, 2011): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4212.
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Plutarch of Chaeronea (ca. 45-122/125) changed his attitude to on old age in the successive stages of his life and literary production. In the period between AD 85 and 95 the middle-aged author inclined to the Stoic theory on old age. According to the Stoic doctrine his Table talks (Symposiacs) show an old age of man as a heatless and moistures state causing the physical and mental degeneracy. In the next phase – the time of working on the Parallel Lives (AD 96-117) Plutarch hesitated between the pessimistic Stoic view and the neo-Stoic conception of the eugeria („the beautiful ageing”), whose embodiment and ideal was Cato the Elder. The ultimate Plutarch’s position is contained in his last work entitled Whether an old man should engage in public affairs. This treatise on old age, being the only such a work extant in Greek language, was written in AD 119/120, when Hadrian appointed over seventy-year-old Plutarch to a governor of Greece. The author argues now that an old statesman is much better than a young one and that a politician doesn’t have to finish his public career because of his old age. The Plutarch’s sources are not Peripatetic, as most of the scholars suppose, but Epicurean and perhaps also Middle Platonic. The thesis of this article is that the philosopher of Chaeronea always oscillated between Stoicism and Epicureanism in his approach to old age.
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Markov, A. V. "NON LYRICAL AND NON EPICAL DIARY: AT THE BORDER OF GENRES." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 30, no. 2 (2020): 289–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2020-30-2-289-295.
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The «from the diary» genre is difficult to study, since the indication of the origin is more significant than formal or substantial features, and the relationship between such an enhanced appeal to the origin and the development of creative design remains unclear. On the example of the use of this genre in the works by O. Sedakova, who designated a number of poetic and prosaic texts in this way, the characteristic of this genre is given as special type of literary reflection, comparable to table-talks (conversations easily), but distinguished by a more strict compositional organization. A comparison of poetic and prose works «from the diary» in the works of O. Sedakova allows to show general compositional principles of this genre, which are determined by the peculiarity of argumentation, and to explain some features of poetics. It is proved that the «from the diary» genre turns out to be a study of how non-semiotic meaning (or sense itself) is possible, not obeying the usual patterns of meaning production, but arising as a gap of experience. This genre is far from fragment or lyrical sketch, but it is, on the contrary, a thoughtful and consistent manifesto of understanding meaning as event, a special philosophy of the event and thing, stemming, inter alia, from the work of the diary organization itself. Thus, this genre, despite the marginality, is highly auto-reflective and should be considered as a productive version of autofiction.
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Corbacho, Alejandro Luis. "Prenegotiation and Mediation: Anglo-Argentine Diplomacy After the Falklands/Malvinas War, 1983–1989." International Negotiation 13, no. 3 (2008): 311–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180608x365244.
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AbstractThis paper studies the process of prenegotiation and the role of mediators between the Argentine and British governments concerning the sovereignty dispute of the Falkland/Malvinas Islands between 1982 and 1990. During this period, the relationship between both governments evolved from rupture and norelations to an agreement on the conditions to negotiate the renewal of full diplomatic relations which was concluded in early 1990. In a preliminary process of prenegotiation, the governments of Switzerland, initially, and the United States played a role in helping to reach an agreement. The former failed when the talks ended abruptly in July 1984. The latter succeeded in getting both parties to the table and keeping them there, thus avoiding a potential rupture until the two parties reached an agreement in principle. During the prenegotiation stage, the principal parties were able to reduce the risks of escalation; they defined and narrowed the boundaries of the dispute, clearly identified the trade-offs, and structured the agenda of formal negotiations. Consequently, the likelihood of successful negotiation improves significantly when the parties reach an agreement during prenegotiation on what will be discussed later. This case also illustrate that sometimes, when negotiations reach a point of stalemate, a mediator can help to find a “zone of agreement.” When this situation occurs, the degree of involvement and the resources of the mediator are particularly important. Finally, this case confirms the assertions that effective mediation is more a matter of leverage and influence than a matter of impartiality.
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Menninga, Elizabeth J., and Alyssa K. Prorok. "Battles and Bargains: Escalation, Commitment, and Negotiations in Civil War." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 2 (2021): 406–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab013.
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Abstract Why do some civil war peace processes stall, while others build momentum? This paper examines how combatant behavior surrounding previous negotiations influences future talks during civil war. We argue disputants learn about the severity of the commitment problem based on whether their opponent escalates or de-escalates violence immediately after negotiations. While de-escalation reveals the opponent is willing and able to negotiate in good faith, escalation reveals the commitment problem to be severe. Post-negotiation escalation is perceived as a sign of bad faith or dissent within the opponent's ranks over the decision to negotiate. We hypothesize, therefore, that escalation after prior negotiations reduces the likelihood of subsequent talks relative to de-escalation. As a consequence, reviving a peace process after post-negotiation escalation may require external pressure to bring the disputants back to the table. We expect third-party involvement to mitigate the negative effect of prior escalation by providing incentives to revive talks or alleviating fears of defection. We test our expectations on monthly data on civil conflicts in Africa, finding post-negotiation escalation decreases the probability of subsequent negotiations, conditioned by third-party involvement. These findings are robust to a variety of operationalization and model specification choices. ¿Por qué algunos procesos de paz de las guerras civiles se detienen, mientras que otros generan impulso? Este ensayo analiza cómo la conducta combatiente que rodea las negociaciones previas influye en las conversaciones futuras durante la guerra civil. Sostenemos que los contendientes aprenden sobre la gravedad del problema de compromiso en función de si su oponente intensifica la violencia o frena su escalada inmediatamente después de las negociaciones. Mientras que frenar la escalada de violencia revela que el oponente está dispuesto a negociar de buena fe, intensificar la violencia pone de manifiesto que el problema de compromiso es grave. La intensificación de la violencia posnegociaciones se percibe como una señal de mala fe o disidencia en los rangos del oponente respecto de la decisión de negociar. Por consiguiente, hipotetizamos que la intensificación de la violencia después de las negociaciones previas reduce la probabilidad de que haya conversaciones posteriores, comparada con la desintensificación. En consecuencia, reactivar un proceso de paz tras la intensificación de la violencia posnegociaciones puede requerir una presión externa de lograr que los contendientes vuelvan a la mesa de negociaciones. Esperamos la participación de terceros para mitigar el efecto negativo de la intensificación previa proporcionando incentivos para retomar las conversaciones o aliviar los temores de defección. Analizamos nuestras expectativas con los datos mensuales sobre conflictos civiles en África y descubrimos que la intensificación de la violencia posnegociaciones disminuye la probabilidad de que haya negociaciones posteriores, condicionadas a la participación de terceros. Estas conclusiones son valederas independientemente de diversas elecciones de puesta en práctica y especificación de modelo. Pourquoi certains processus de pacification de guerres civiles s'immobilisent alors que d'autres s'accélèrent ? Cet article examine la façon dont le comportement des combattants dans les négociations précédentes influence les pourparlers futurs lors d'une guerre civile. Nous soutenons que les participants à la négociation prennent conscience de la gravité du problème d'engagement en se basant sur l'escalade ou la désescalade de la violence de leur adversaire immédiatement après les négociations. Bien que la désescalade de la violence révèle que l'adversaire est désireux et capable de négocier de bonne foi, son escalade révèle que le problème d'engagement est grave. L'escalade post-négociation de la violence est perçue comme un signe de mauvaise foi ou de désaccord par rapport à la décision de négocier dans les rangs de l'adversaire. Nous émettons donc l'hypothèse que contrairement à la désescalade de la violence, son escalade après des négociations réduit la probabilité de pourparlers ultérieurs. Par conséquent, la relance d'un processus de paix après une escalade post-négociation de la violence peut exiger une pression extérieure pour ramener les parties prenantes à la table des négociations. Nous pensons que l'implication d'un tiers atténue l'effet négatif d'une précédente escalade de la violence en fournissant des incitations à relancer les pourparlers ou en réduisant les craintes de défection. Nous avons mis nos points de vue à l’épreuve en nous basant sur des données mensuelles sur les conflits civils en Afrique, et nous avons constaté que l'escalade post-négociation de la violence réduisait la probabilité de négociations ultérieures, qui était alors conditionnée par l'implication d'un tiers. Ces résultats sont robustes face à divers choix d'opérationnalisation et de spécification de modèles.