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Journal articles on the topic 'Tacitus, Cornelius. Annales (Tacitus)'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Belchior, Ygor Klain, and Fábio Faversani. "The role of Seneca's clementia in the Annales of Publius Cornelius Tacitus." Revista Archai, no. 3 (2009): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1984-249x_3_14.

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2

Heller, Wendy. "Tacitus Incognito: Opera as History in "L'incoronazione di Poppea"." Journal of the American Musicological Society 52, no. 1 (1999): 39–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/832024.

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This essay considers opera's use of a particular history in seventeenth-century Venice: Cornelius Tacitus's Annals of the Roman Empire as transformed in Monteverdi's and Busenello's L'incoronazione di Poppea. In contrast with a recent hypothesis linking Tacitus, Poppea, and the Venetian Accademia degli Incogniti with Neostoicism, this essay argues that the members of the Accademia degli Incogniti used Tacitus's history of the Julio-Claudians as part of a highly specialized republican discourse on Venetian political superiority and sensual pleasures. After considering Incogniti philosophies and interest in the erotic in the context of Venetian political ideals and the influence of Tacitus on political and moral thought in early modern Europe, this essay places L'incoronazione di Poppea in the context of several other treatments of Tacitus produced during the mid-seventeenth century by Busenello's colleagues in the Accademia degli Incogniti, in which empire and the liabilities of female power are contrasted implicitly with Venice's male oligarchy. The Venetian rejection of Stoic philosophy and fascination with the erotic and the patriotic play themselves out in one of the opera's most peculiar distortions of the historical record-the scene following the death of Seneca in which the philosopher's nephew, the poet Marcus Annaeus Lucanus, known in Venice for his republican ideals, joins the emperor Nero in song to celebrate his uncle's death and Poppea's charms. As transformed by Monteverdi's sexually explicit music, Lucan's endorsement of artistic self-expression, sensual freedom, and republican ideals provides a critical counterpoint to Senecan support of the principate and moral restraint-a view that was far more compatible with Venetian concerns at midcentury.

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3

Miller, N. P. "Tidying up Tacitus - K. Wellesley: Cornelius Tacitus, 1.2: Annales XI–XVI. (Bibl. Teubneriana.) Pp. i–xxi + 202. Leipzig: Teubner, 1986. 45 M." Classical Review 38, no. 2 (October 1988): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00121419.

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4

Heller, Wendy. "Poppea's Legacy: The Julio-Claudians on the Venetian Stage." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 3 (January 2006): 379–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506774929773.

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In a context already established by Claudio Monteverdi's L'incoronazione di Poppea and other Venetian treatments of the Julio-Claudians, Giovanni A. Boretti and Aurelio Aureli's opera Claudio Cesare bears the heavy influence of the Roman historian Cornelius Tacitus. Aureli took extraordinary care to incorporate specific details from Book 12 of Tacitus' Annals into his libretto, deftly blending fact with fanciful supposition in a manner that echoes many of the concerns about women and monarchy explored in Monteverdi's opera. An aria sung by the young Nero to his mother Agrippina demonstrates the complex ways in which music could teach the lessons of history—both seducing the listener and providing a chilling lesson about the political and moral liabilities of empire.

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5

Martin, R. H. "The ‘Leipzig’ Annals Completed - Stefan Borzsák: Cornelius Tacitus, Tom. I.1: Annales I–VI. (Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana.) Pp. xvi + 156. Stuttgart and Leipzig: Teubner1992, DM 68." Classical Review 43, no. 2 (October 1993): 286–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00287349.

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6

Martin, R. H. "A New Text of the Annals - H. Heubner: P. Cornelius Tacitus, Tom. I: Annales. (Bibliotheca scriptorum graecorum et romanorum Teubneriana.) Pp. xi + 481. Stuttgart: Teubner, 1983. Paper, DM. 48." Classical Review 35, no. 1 (April 1985): 38–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00107243.

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7

Philo, John-Mark. "Averrunci or The Skowrers: Ponderous and New Considerations upon the First Six Books of the Annals of Cornelius Tacitus concerning Tiberius Caesar, written by Edmund Bolton, (2017)." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 4, no. 2 (April 22, 2019): 271–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-00402004.

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8

den Hengst, Daan. "Naturalis sermonis pulchritudo?" Grotiana 29, no. 1 (2008): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607508x384706.

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AbstractThe subject of this article is the way in which Grotius imitated his Roman model Tacitus in his own Annales. He does this by quotations and allusions, but also, more subtly, by adopting some of Tacitus stylistic peculiarities like brevitas, inconcinnitas and the insertion of sententiae. The imitation of Tacitus is most conspicuous in important sections of the Annales like the opening chapters and the introductions of the main characters. Tacitus is the prime model of Grotius, but not the only one, as is shown by borrowings from Sallust, Pliny the Younger and Vergil.

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9

Ando, Clifford. "Tacitus, Annales VI: Beginning and End *." American Journal of Philology 118, no. 2 (1997): 285–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.1997.0018.

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10

Böhm, Richard G. "Textkritische Untersuchungen zu Tacitus, "Annales" XV 4." Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica 47, no. 2 (1994): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20547252.

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11

Bosworth, A. B. "Mountain and molehill? Cornelius Tacitus and Quintus Curtius." Classical Quarterly 54, no. 2 (December 2004): 551–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clquaj/bmh057.

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12

Selles, Ramon. "Tacitus en het toneel van Nero." Lampas 53, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2020.1.005.sell.

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Summary On the basis of a broad perspective on theatricality and tragedy in imperial Rome this article argues that theatrical and tragic elements play an important role in the episode on the death of Nero’s mother Agrippina in Tacitus’ Annals 14.1-10. These elements fall into three categories: 1) theatricality, 2) generic, tragic elements and 3) allusions to specific tragic texts. These evocations of the (tragic) stage serve to underscore Tacitus’ characterization of the reign of Nero and of imperial Roman society in general as fundamentally artificial. Tacitus’ use of tragic material does not reflect an Aristotelian, tragic vision of history, but rather stresses the theatricality of the historical events, drawing upon a cultural memory of Nero and Agrippina as the creators of, and actors in, their own farcical world. At the same time the episode is presented by Tacitus as the paradigmatic starting point of Nero’s engagement in various forms of spectacle entertainment (Annales, 14.11-22). In Tacitus’ presentation of the aftermath of the murder theatricality and spectacle represent a moral decline characterized by lascivia and licentia, reflecting Tacitus’ moral concerns.

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13

Simões Rodrigues, Nuno. "A violação de Britânico (Tac. Ann. 13.17) = Britannicus’ Rape (Tac. Ann. 13.17)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 33 (November 1, 2020): 97122. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.33.2020.28472.

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Este estudo foca-se na biografia de Britânico, filho de Cláudio e Valéria Messalina, analisando em particular as informações transmitidas por Tácito nos Annales. Esta obra é também a única fonte que dá conta de que Britânico teria sido sexualmente violado por Nero, seu irmão por adoptio, cunhado e concorrente ao poder. Pretendemos, assim, analisar também a referência ao stuprum do jovem príncipe e o seu significado na historiografia de Tácito.AbstractThis essay focuses on the biography of Britannicus, son of Claudius and Valeria Messalina, considering particularly the information transmitted by Tacitus in the Annales. Tacitus’ work is also the only source that realizes that Britannicus would have been sexually assaulted by Nero, his brother by adoption, brother-in-law and rival as far as power was concerned. Thus, we also intend to analyse the reference to the stuprum of the young prince and its meaning within the historiography of Tacitus.

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14

Gonçalves, Carla Vieira. "Typical portraits of roman historiography in Tacitus’ Annales." Boletim de Estudos Clássicos 59 (2014): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0872-2110_59_5.

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15

O'Gorman, E. "Review. Sententious Tacitus. Tacitus the sententious historian. A sociology of rhetoric in Annales 1-6. P Sinclair." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.251.

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16

Coarelli, Filippo. "P. Faianius Plebeius, Forum Novum and Tacitus." Papers of the British School at Rome 73 (November 2005): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200002981.

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P. FAIANIUS PLEBEIUS, FORUM NOVUM E TACITOUn'iscrizionedi Forum Novum(CILIX 4786) menziona l'attività evergetica di un P. Faianius Plebeius, personaggio eminente e magistrato del municipio all'inizio dell'impero. Si tratta esclusivamente di opere idrauliche (un acquedotto, fontane), in gran parte realizzate a spese di Faianius, utilizzando l'acqua di sorgenti di sua proprietà. Il percorso dell'acquedotto, in parte conservato, permette di identificare il sito di queste sorgenti e il fundus relativo, di cui fanno parte una villa e un grande sepolcro ad esedra. La rarità del gentilizio e una serie di altri indizi giustificano la possibile identificazione del personaggio con il Faianius menzionato da Tacito (Annales 1.73.1-2), accusato di maiestas nel primo anno del regno di Tiberio.

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17

Ferri, Rolando. "Octavia's Heroines: Tacitus Annales 14.63-64 and the Praetexta Octavia." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 98 (1998): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/311347.

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18

Pagán, Victoria E. "Beyond Teutoburg: Transgression and Transformation in Tacitus Annales 1.61-62." Classical Philology 94, no. 3 (July 1999): 302–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449444.

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19

Philo, John-Mark. "Elizabeth I’s Translation of Tacitus: Lambeth Palace Library, MS 683." Review of English Studies 71, no. 298 (November 29, 2019): 44–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz112.

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Abstract Preserved at Lambeth Palace Library is a manuscript translation of Tacitus’s Annales, completed in the late sixteenth century. The translation was undertaken, this essay argues, by Elizabeth I. The article makes the case for the queen’s authorship with an appeal to paper stock, provenance, style of translation, and, above all, to the handwriting preserved in the manuscript. The queen’s late hand was strikingly idiosyncratic and the same features which characterize her autograph works are also to be found in the Lambeth translation of Tacitus. The manuscript’s transmission is traced from the Elizabethan court to Lambeth via the collection of Archbishop Thomas Tenison (1636–1715), whose acquisition of Francis Bacon’s (1561–1626) manuscripts helped to make Lambeth Palace Library one of the largest collections of State Papers from the Elizabethan era. The article then compares the authorial corrections made to the Lambeth Tacitus with those which Elizabeth made to her other translations with a special focus on the idiosyncrasies of the queen’s late hand. Finally, Elizabeth’s translation is compared with Richard Greenway’s translation of the Annales (1598), highlighting the methods of translation adopted by either translator. While Greenway expands for the sake of clarity, reworking Tacitus’s remarkably terse prose, Elizabeth preserves something of the historian’s celebrated brevity, closely reproducing the syntax of the original. By examining both the material aspects of the manuscript and the stylistic qualities of the translation itself, this article offers the first study of Elizabeth I’s translation of Tacitus.

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20

Blom, Willem J. C. "Why the Testimonium Taciteum Is Authentic: A Response to Carrier." Vigiliae Christianae 73, no. 5 (October 9, 2019): 564–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341409.

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Abstract The reference to Christ in Tacitus’ Annales is one of the earliest references to Jesus by a non-Christian author. Although this so-called “Testimonium Taciteum” is generally accepted as authentic, arguments against the authenticity of the passage given by Richard Carrier have not yet received a thorough response. In this article, I will argue that the arguments against authenticity of the Testimonium Taciteum do not rest on solid ground, nor does the alternative interpretation of the passage by Carrier. On the other hand, it is probable that Tacitus referred in his passage to the persecution of Christians, although that persecution may have been less connected with the fire of Rome than is commonly suggested. There are also four arguments that favour the authenticity of the Testimonium.

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21

Champion, Craige, and Patrick Sinclair. "Tacitus the Sententious Historian: A Sociology of Rhetoric in "Annales" 1-6." Classical World 90, no. 4 (1997): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351952.

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22

Ash, Rhiannon. "Waving the White Flag: Surrender Scenes at Livy 9.5–6 and Tacitus, Histories 3.31 and 4.62." Greece and Rome 45, no. 1 (April 1998): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/45.1.27.

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Intertextuality in Classical Literature can operate on different scales. Even a single distinctive word or string of words may briefly conjure up an isolated phrase from another author. For example, when Tacitus says at Histories 2.12.2 that the Othonians approached northern Italy and ‘tamquam externa litora et urbes hostium urere vastare rapere’, ‘burned, devastated, and plundered as if they were attacking foreign shores and enemy cities’, the text may momentarily recall a fragment from Naevius’ epic, the Bellum Punicum: ‘transit Melitam exercitus Romanus. insulam integram urit populatur vastat’ ‘The Roman army crossed to Malta. It burned, ravaged, and devastated the whole island.’ If the Bellum Punicum had not been reduced to such a fragmentary state, then it doubtless would have been possible to detect further evocative Naevian phrasing in Tacitus and other authors. Alternatively, intertextuality can be more cohesive and sustained, as when Tacitus at Histories 3.84 invests his description of the capture of Rome by the Flavians with echoes from Virgil's account of the fall of Troy in Aeneid 2. Of course this was not the end of the chain: Virgil himself probably describes the fall of Troy in terms which evoked Ennius’ account of the fall of Alba Longa in the Annales.

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23

Waszink, Jan. "Shifting Tacitisms. Style and Composition in Grotius's Annales." Grotiana 29, no. 1 (2008): 85–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607508x384715.

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AbstractThe purpose of this article is to assess the nature and proper context of Grotius's imitation of Tacitus. It starts by establishing how the Tacitean style is characterised in the literary criticism around 1600. It then explores the qualities of Grotius's imitation from both the seventeenth-century and the modern perspective. It concludes that Grotius's imitation shows Tacitus's style in a characteristically seventeenth-century mirror, in that it emphasises Tacitean syntax, brevity and choice of words (the stylistic micro-level), as well as political edge and iudicium, but overlooks the narrative and structural qualities of the longer lines of composition in Tacitus's works, that are recognised in modern interpretations.

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24

Martin, R. H. "A New Teubner of Tacitus' Histories - Kenneth Wellesley (ed.): Cornelius Tacitus, II. 1: Historiae. (Bibl. Teubneriana.) Pp. xxii + 222. Leipzig: Teubner, 1989. DM 48." Classical Review 41, no. 1 (April 1991): 74–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00277329.

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25

Damon, Cynthia. "Aske Damtoft Poulsen. Accounts of Northern Barbarians in Tacitus’ Annales: A Contextual Analysis." Mouseion 16, no. 2 (August 2019): 379–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/mous.16.2.br06.

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26

Buongiorno, Pierangelo. "The Roman Senate and Armenia (190 BC–AD 68)." Electrum 28 (2021): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.21.008.13366.

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Even with the Principate, the Senate kept a major role in Rome’s diplomatic relations with Armenia. This paper will examine the extant evidence of the senatorial decrees, paying a special attention to the decrees dating to the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. These decrees can be reconstructed analysing some relevant epigraphic texts (the Res Gestae divi Augusti, the Senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre, the Senatus consultum de honoribus Germanico decernendis) and a source of absolute importance as the Annales of Tacitus.

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27

Laupot, Eric. "Tacitus' Fragment 2: the Anti-Roman Movement of the Christiani and the Nazoreans." Vigiliae Christianae 54, no. 3 (2000): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007200x00143.

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AbstractThere is little consensus as to the historical nature of the sect identified by Tacitus in Annales 15.44 as the Christiani. Nor is there any firm consensus on the authenticity and historicity of all of that fragment known as Tacitus' fragment 2 (= Sulpicius Severus (Chronica 2.30.6-7), whose references to "Christiani" are widely suspected of being later Christian interpolations. Much of this fragment is thought, nevertheless, to be from the lost portion of the fifth book of Tacitus' Historiae. A solution can be found to both of these problems by adducing from fragment 2 new evidence indicating that this fragment indeed represents a primary historical source. This new evidence takes the form of the discovery of a significant statistical relationship among the following three words: (1) The metaphor stirps (branch, descendants) used to describe the Christiani in fragment 2, (2) and (3) Nαζωραîoζ and Nαζαρηνoζ (Nazorean), describing the New Testament sect associated with the of Acts 11.26. The connecting link among, as well as the common source for, the three words listed above appears to be the Hebrew netser (branch, descendants-apparently influenced by Isa 11.1), which both translates into stirps and translitcrates into N It is mathematically extremely unlikely that this link with netser represents a random coincidence. Also, it appears that a later Christian redactor of fragment 2 or his target audience would not have known of this connection. Because of this and other contextual explanations, the possibility is largely eliminated that fragment 2 could have been significantly redacted by a later Christian. We are thus left with the substantial probability that this fragment constitutes a primary historical source, most likely via Tacitus. In turn this source supplies us with a probable solution to the problem of the Christiani's identity by depicting them in fragment 2 as being major participants in the first Jewish revolt against Rome in 66-73 CE.

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28

Waddell, Philip. "Eloquent Collisions: The Annales of Tacitus, the Column of Trajan, and the Cinematic Quick-Cut." Arethusa 46, no. 3 (2013): 471–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2013.0024.

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29

van der Poel, Marc. "Tacitean Elements in Grotius's Narrative of the Capture of Breda (1590) by Stadtholder Maurice, Count of Nassau (Historiae, Book 2)." Grotiana 30, no. 1 (2009): 207–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016738309x12537002674600.

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AbstractThis article is part of the Dossier on Tacitus published in last year's issue of Grotiana. It offers a combined study of both the content and the language and style of Grotius' account of the capture of Breda in the second book of the Historiae, published in 1657 together with the Annales under the title Annales et Historiae de rebus Belgicis. A thorough analysis of Grotius' account of this eventful and dramatic turning point in the Dutch revolt reveals that it is nothing but a defective and occasionally unclear rehearsel of the standard narrative of the capture based on the well-known and in Grotius' day widely read history-books written in French and Dutch. The rather artificial imitation of Tacitus's brevitas on the stylistic level does not suffice to qualify Grotius's account as a masterful piece of Tacitean writing, because it does not highlight the motives of the chief characters in the story nor the connection between the events and their effects, and because Grotius fails to present his own perspective on this important episode in the war against Spain.

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30

Baldwin, Barry. "Fulgentius and His Sources." Traditio 44 (1988): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900007005.

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Any late writer who quotes from an alleged Jokebook of Cornelius Tacitus is doomed to incur suspicion, and the culprit Fulgentius has duly met his fate. In the words of one distinguished scholar he was ‘something of a fraud; many of the learned titles he quotes he had certainly never read, many never even existed,’ whilst another characterises his work as ‘a curious mixture of genuine citation and cool forgery, none of it trustworthy without external confirmation.’ Both were writing on other matters, which enhances the need for a full consideration of Fulgentius‘ methods. The problem has been looked into before, but not in the wider context required. Thus, for easy instance, editors of Petronius still print the fragments of their author cited by Fulgentius without reflecting upon their authenticity. And devotees of that more famous fraud, the Historia Augusta, could profit more than they have done from a closer look at our man.

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31

Curran, John E. "Averrunci, or The Skowrers: Ponderous and New Considerations upon the First Six Books of the “Annals” of Cornelius Tacitus Concerning Tiberius Caesar (Genoa, Biblioteca Durazzo, MS. A IV 5). Edmund Bolton. Ed. Patricia J. Osmond and Robert W. UleryJr. Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 508; Renaissance English Text Society 38. Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2017. xvi + 266 pp. $80." Renaissance Quarterly 71, no. 4 (2018): 1434–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/702043.

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32

Rehak, Paul. "The fourth flamen of the Ara Pacis Augustae." Journal of Roman Archaeology 14 (2001): 284–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400019930.

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Four patrician flamines maiores appear in the center of the S frieze of the Ara Pacis, in a group between the figures of Augustus and Agrippa (fig. 1). These are thought to represent the flamines Dialis, Martialis, Quirinalis, and Iulialis, who were in charge, respectively, of the worship of Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus (the deified Romulus), and (after 42 B.C.) of the deified Julius Caesar. Following the death of Augustus in A.D. 14, a fifth (Augustalis) was added for his cult. The presence of the four Augustan flamines on the S frieze has been considered a historical crux. The current consensus is that the procession represents a general religious celebration of thanksgiving (supplicatio) in 13 B.C., on the occasion of Augustus's return from an extended stay in Spain and Gaul, rather than another one in 9 when the altar was dedicated. But Tacitus and Dio report that the office of flamen Dialis was vacant between the suicide of Cornelius Merula in 87 and the appointment of Servius Cornelius Lentulus Maluginensis in 11 B.C. Therefore, the presence of the fourth priest seems to argue against the frieze's portrayal of an event in 13. In order to resolve this problem, G. Bowersock argued on textual grounds that Servius Maluginensis became flamen Dialis in 14, not 11 — an idea that has not won wide acceptance. I suggest instead that there is a technical, sculptural explanation for the inclusion of the fourth flamen.

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33

Ash, Rhiannon. "F. Santoro L'Hoir, Tragedy, Rhetoric and the Historiography of Tacitus' Annales. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2006. Pp. viii + 401. ISBN 978-0-472-11519-8. £52.50/US$85.00." Journal of Roman Studies 98 (November 1, 2008): 250–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435800002227.

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34

Pomeroy, Arthur J. "TACITUS, ANNALS 4 - C. Formicola (ed., trans.) Tacito. Il libro quarto degli Annales. (Studi Latini 83.) Pp. 285. Naples: Loffredo Editore, 2013. Paper, €18.50. ISBN: 978-88-7564-635-6." Classical Review 65, no. 1 (October 27, 2014): 155–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x14001954.

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35

Hilhorst, A. "H. HEUBNER und W. FAUTH, P. Cornelius Tacitus, Die Histonen. Kommentar von Heinz Heubner. Band V: Fünftes Buch (Wissenschaftliche Kommentare zu griechischen und lateinischen Schriftstellern), Carl Winter Universitatsverlag, Heidelberg 1982, 178 pp., paper DM 125,- cloth DM 150." Journal for the Study of Judaism 16, no. 1 (1985): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006385x00159.

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36

Khellaf, Kyle. "TACITUS THE TRAGEDIAN - (F.) Galtier L'image tragique de l'Histoire chez Tacite. Étude des schèmes tragiques dans les Histoires et les Annales. (Collection Latomus 333.) Pp. 344. Brussels: Éditions Latomus, 2011. Paper, €53. ISBN: 978-2-87031-274-2." Classical Review 64, no. 1 (March 20, 2014): 151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x1300276x.

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37

Martin, R. H. "The Germania - Allan A. Lund (ed., tr.) P. Cornelius Tacitus, Germania. Interpretiert, herausgegeben, übertragen, kommentiert und mit einer Bibliographic versehen. (Wissenschaftliche Kommentare zu griechischen und lateinischen Schriftstellern.) Pp. 284; 24 plates. Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1988. DM 194 (Paper, DM 165)." Classical Review 40, no. 2 (October 1990): 287–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00253729.

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38

Goncharova, Olena. "CHARIOT RACING AS THE ENTERTAINMENT FORM OF ANCIENT ROME EVENTS IN THE CULTURAL STUDIES DIMENSION." National Academy of Managerial Staff of Culture and Arts Herald, no. 1 (April 20, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.32461/2226-3209.1.2021.229443.

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The purpose of the article is the introduction into the cultural discourse of analytically processed and summarized information on the genesis and evolution of chariot racing as the form of entertainment events in ancient Rome, their functional features, specific features of mass events of Antiquity in the context of entertainment culture of Rome. The methodological basis consisted of the methods of critical analysis of cultural, historical, and literary sources, specific and historical analysis, and interdisciplinary synthesis, induction, and deduction. The problematic and chronological, system and structural, comparative, descriptive methods and methods of social and phenomenological analysis were applied from specific and scientific methods. Scientific novelty. The article analyzes the genesis and evolution of chariot racing as a form of events in the context of entertainment culture in ancient Rome. Based on the ancient literary reflection, through the prism of works of culturologists, philosophers, historians, poets, writers of the ancient Rome Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, annals of Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Cassius Dio, ethic works of Lucius Annaeus Seneca, letters of Gaius Pliny the Younger, poetry pages of Publius Ovidius Naso, epigrams of Marcus Valerius Martialis and others. The author revealed the essence and content of chariot racing as an entertainment form of events in ancient Rome, statistics, and specific features of entertainment events and instruments of ruling the Roman emperors. The author describes the moral aspects of chariot racing in the context of the entertainment culture of antiquity. Conclusions. The place of entertainment culture of Antiquity in the system of cultural knowledge and cultural tradition of their social universe is revealed. The transformations of chariot racing as a social and humanitarian experience of ancient society, the political instrument of government in Rome are explored. The role of entertainment of Antiquity for modern cultural practices is established.

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39

"V. Tacitus." New Surveys in the Classics 27 (1997): 88–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0533245100030261.

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The younger Pliny in one of his letters repeats a story which had been told to him by Tacitus (Ep.9.23.2-3):I have never derived more pleasure than from a recent exchange with Cornelius Tacitus. He was saying that a Roman knight had sat next to him at the last races: after various learned exchanges he had asked ‘Are you Italian or provincial?’, and Tacitus had replied ‘You know me – from your reading’. To this he had said ‘Are you Tacitus or Pliny?’Engaging though it is to visualize the seemingly austere historian as a racing devotee, Pliny’s delight at the knight’s uncertainty was perhaps not reciprocated by Tacitus. Nevertheless Pliny elsewhere makes out that the two authors were fellow spirits and the best of friends (Ep.7.20.4), and it is from references in Pliny’s correspondence that we know the period during which Tacitus was writing hisHistories.

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"Tragedy, rhetoric, and the historiography of Tacitus' Annales." Choice Reviews Online 44, no. 07 (March 1, 2007): 44–4010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.44-4010.

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Kotzé, A. "TACITUS SE ANNALES I.1: 'N NARRATOLOGIESE ANALISE." Akroterion 38, no. 1 (March 30, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.7445/38-1-553.

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Seidman, Jessica. "A Portrait of Grief: Tacitus' Ecphrasis in Annales I.61." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1604715.

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RAMSEY, JOHN T. "VIRILE AC MULIEBRE SECUS: A REGRESSION TO APPOSITIONAL USE IN TACITUS, ANNALES 4.62." Philologus 149, no. 2 (January 1, 2005). http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/phil.2005.149.2.321.

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Waddell, Philip Thomas. "The Quick-Cut in the Annales of Tacitus and the Column of Trajan." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1600872.

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Bhatt, Shreyaa. "The Augustan Principate and the Emergence of Biopolitics: A Comparative Historical Perspective." Foucault Studies, January 6, 2017, 72–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/fs.v0i0.5244.

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This paper uses Foucault’s concepts “discipline” and “biopower” to expose the complexity of power relations in Augustan Rome and its historiography. Focusing on Augustus’ Res Gestae and Tacitus’ Annales, I argue that the absolute sovereignty of the emperor did not preclude the advancement of techniques to classify, hierarchize and normalize individuals, nor did Imperial sovereignty work against the development of a discourse about the enhancement and protection of the population. By demonstrating the conceptual and historical relevancy of Foucault’s modern power triad of “sovereignty-discipline-government” to first century CE Rome, the paper suggests that biopolitical societies have a far more extensive history than the one said to have started around the turn of the eighteenth century.

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Cox Jensen, Freyja. "Edmund Bolton, AVERRUNCI or The Skowrers. Ponderous and New Considerations upon the First Six Books of the Annals of CORNELIUS TACITUS concerning TIBERIUS CAESAR (Genoa, Biblioteca Durazzo, MS. A IV 5), ed. with introd. and comment. by Patricia J. Osmond and Robert W. Ulery, Jr., Tempe AZ: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2017, xv + 265 pp., 9 b/w illustrations, ISBN 9780866986535, £69 (hb)." International Journal of the Classical Tradition, July 19, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12138-019-00539-x.

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Alston, Richard. "Foucault’s Empire of the Free." Foucault Studies, January 6, 2017, 94–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/fs.v0i0.5246.

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This essay argues that the engagement with Greece and Rome after The Will to Knowledge allowed Foucault to bring clarity to his conception of limited freedom in complex societies. The Classical fulfilled this function paradoxically by being jarringly different from and integral to the discourses of modern sexuality. Foucault’s engagement with the Classical in The Use of Pleasure and The Care of the Self continued his established method of uncovering the development of a discourse, or set of discourses, over time. He thereby demonstrated the historical specificity of understandings of sexuality and the self. It follows that if the ancient self was a historical construct, then the modern self must also be such. But Foucault’s Classical engagement leads him to an innovative position in which the disciplinary dynamics of ancient self-knowledge offer a practical philosophy. Foucault’s Greek philosophy could have effects through two related mechanisms: the care of the self through askesis (discipline) and the speaking of truth to power through parresia (free speech). Through the rigors of askesis, the self can be rendered an object of analysis and hence a critical position external to the self can be achieved. Externality allows the philosopher to exercise parresia since the constraints of society have been surpassed and consequently offers a prospect of agency and a measure of freedom. The second part of the essay questions the extent of that freedom by reading Foucault against Tacitus, particularly the Agricola and the mutinies episode in the Annales. These episodes show the limitations of parresia and how parresia is bound into the workings of imperial power (and not a position external to that power). In the Tacitean model, externality is a viable political stance (achieved by Agricola), but is problematic ethically. The essay concludes by contrasting Foucauldian and Tacitean models of historical change.

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SANCHEZ OSTIZ, ALVARO. "Josef Delz (ed.), P. Cornelius Tacitus. Libri qui supersunt: II,3, Agricola, Bibliotheca scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana, Berlin – New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2010 [2ª edición revisada por J. von Ungern-Sternberg], pp. XVIII + 41." Exemplaria Classica 15 (January 23, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.33776/ec.v15i0.1191.

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