Academic literature on the topic 'Tag Heuer'

AbstractDer Kieler Matrosenaufstand von 1918 ist bis heute die größte Meuterei in der deutschen Geschichte. Aus einzelnen Matrosenerhebungen entwickelte sich binnen weniger Tage eine landesweite Revolte in Marine und Heer, die in der Novemberrevolution gipfelte. Die deutsche Militärgeschichtsschreibung hatte jahrzehntelang große Schwierigkeiten mit diesem Ereigniskomplex, wobei das Quellen- und Deutungsmonopol der von Akteuren in Offiziersuniform dominierten amtlichen Kriegshistoriografie stark ins Gewicht fiel. Christian Lübcke kann auf der Basis bislang kaum beachteter Dokumente zeigen, dass in der Weimarer Republik, im Dritten Reich und noch in der jungen Bundesrepublik Sichtweisen dominierten, die wenig mit Wissenschaft, aber umso mehr mit Selbstrechtfertigung, Revisionismus und Apologie zu tun hatten

Supervisée conjointement par Richard King et Hans Zimmer, la partition sonore et musicale de Dunkerque sous-tend l’élaboration d’un récit complexe, articulé autour de trois unités spatiotemporelles distinctes : une semaine sur la jetée, une journée en mer, une heure dans les airs. Les événements qui se déroulent au sein de chaque espace narratif obéissent à leur propre chronologie ; cependant, au fil de la narration, des croisements s’opèrent entre les personnages et des correspondances de situations s’établissent. L’action se décline au présent – un présent ubiquitaire, sans cesse renouvelé –, dans une temporalité dilatée par la charge émotionnelle et sensorielle véhiculée par la bande-son. Nous montrerons que la conception sonore et musicale de Dunkerque répond à une volonté manifeste de conjuguer réalisme historique et spectacle immersif, dans une approche résolument novatrice et expérimentale. Outre le fait que la puissance sonore semble croître indéfiniment au gré des péripéties rencontrées par le jeune soldat anglais, la force et l’originalité de cette composition hybride résident dans la complémentarité et l’imbrication d’éléments constitutifs a priori disparates, tels que le chromatisme, la pulsation donnée par le tic-tac d’une montre, le sinistre gémissement des bateaux engloutis par la mer, ou encore les premières mesures de la variation « Nimrod » d’Edward Elgar.

&nbsp; <p>I. Dimitroukas</p><p>Angaben &uuml;ber die Dauer der Landreisen und Bewegungen in Byzanz (6.- 11. Jh). </p><p>Im Rahmen der vorliegenden Untersuchung wurden die Landreisenzeiten in Byzanz vom Anfang des 6. bis in die Mitte des 11. Jh.s eingehend er&ouml;rtert. Zu den Faktoren, die auf die Reisegeschwindigkeit entscheidenden Einflu&szlig; aus&uuml;bten, geh&ouml;rten die Absicht des Reisenden, die naturr&auml;umlichen und klimatischen Voraussetzungen, die jeweilige milit&auml;risch-politische Situation, die Benutzung von gepflasterten Stra&szlig;en oder Maultierwegen, die Reisemittel, die auch vom (privaten oder offiziellen) Charakter der Reise abh&auml;ngig waren und die Art der Reise (einzeln bzw. in mehr oder weniger kleinen oder gro&szlig;en Gruppen). Die auf sechs Gruppen verteilten Reisen weisen s&auml;mtlich ein breites Spektrum von Zeiten auf, weshalb die Berechnung von Mittelwerten &auml;u&szlig;erst problematisch ist. Weniger gilt dies f&uuml;r Reisen einer und derselben Gruppe. Mit Hilfe solcher Erfahrungswerte konnte der Regierungsapparat, aber auch das einfache Volk Unternehmungen, Umz&uuml;ge und Reisen mit ziemlicher Genauigkeit vorplanen und erfolgreich durchf&uuml;hren bzw. durchf&uuml;hren lassen. Im allgemeinen k&ouml;nnen folgende Schl&uuml;sse gezogen werden: </p><p>Bei Privatreisen -dazu geh&ouml;rten auch die Pilgerreisen- und Truppenbewegungen wurde allgemein sehr langsam und geruhsam gereist, au&szlig;er wenn es bestimmte Gr&uuml;nde f&uuml;r das Gegenteil gab. Eine 15 km-Tagesleistung galt noch in der Zeit Justinians als normal f&uuml;r das Heer (";;;iter iustum";;;). Vergleichbare Leistungen werden bei Verbannungen ber&uuml;hmter Str&auml;flinge (wie z. B. des Theodoros Studites) festgestellt. Unter den dienstlich Reisenden reisten Gesandte, insbesondere die sog. ";;;Gro&szlig;gesandten";;;, die von einer zahlreichen Dienerschaft begleitet wurden, am langsamsten. Weniger wichtige und deshalb zahlenm&auml;&szlig;ig kleinere Delegationen und Delegationen, die zeitbefristete Auftr&auml;ge durchf&uuml;hrten, erreichten zeitweise Leistungen, die der ";;;Tagesleistung eines r&uuml;stigen Wanderers";;; nahekamen (40-50 km). Mit diesem technischen Begriff wird die gr&ouml;&szlig;te Tagesleistung eines Fu&szlig;wanderers bezeichnet, der ohne Gep&auml;ck reist. Brieftr&auml;ger und kleine Gruppen legten pro Tag 60 bis 100 km zur&uuml;ck, w&auml;hrend Depeschentr&auml;ger und die &uuml;brigen Beamten der Staatspost dank dem Gebrauch von robusten, in den einzelnen Stationen befindlichen Pferden noch h&ouml;here und bisweilen Rekordzeiten erreichen konnten. Bei der Beurteilung der Zuverl&auml;ssigkeit entsprechender Informationen mu&szlig; man sehr vorsichtig vorgehen, da ihre Zeitangaben manchmal &uuml;bertrieben und von der Aura des Wunderbaren umwoben sind. </p><p>Im relativ langen Zeitraum, der uns hier interessiert, sind zwei Bl&uuml;tezeiten des byzantinischen Verkehrswesens zu unterscheiden: Die erste reicht bis in die 70er Jahre des 6. Jh.s und h&auml;ngt mit der Perfektion des r&ouml;mischen <em>cursus</em> <em>publicus</em> eng zusammen, die zweite umfa&szlig;t das 9., 10. und 11. Jh. und f&auml;llt mit einer Neugliederung der Staatspost als <em>&Delta;&eta;&mu;ό&sigma;&iota;&omicron;&sigmaf;</em> <em>&Delta;&rho;ό&mu;&omicron;&sigmaf;</em> zeitlich zusammen. Diese Entwicklung ist klar an den Gegebenheiten zu erkennen, die den Verkehr auf einem &nbsp;bestimmten Verkehrsader, n&auml;mlich der Via Egnatia, betreffen. Im 10. Jh. ben&ouml;tigte man ungef&auml;hr 25. Tage, um sie zu befahren; etwas besser waren die Reiseleistungen auf derselben Stra&szlig;e im 6. Jh., wie die Reisen des Brieftr&auml;gers Paulinus und des agens in rebus Eulogius zeigen k&ouml;nnen. Dies ist darauf zur&uuml;ckzuf&uuml;hren, da&szlig; nach der Krise der sog. ";;;dunklen Jahrhunderte";;;, die auch als Krise des byzantinischen Verkehrswesens verstanden werden mu&szlig;, die technische Perfektion der alten r&ouml;mischen Reichs-stra&szlig;en trotz anzunehmender Reparaturen nie g&auml;nzlich wiederhergestellt werden konnte. Manche Indizien sprechen daf&uuml;r, da&szlig; sich in der Zeit der Krise die Reisegeschwindigkeit verschlechterte, was mit der Verschlechterung des Stra&szlig;enzustandes, der allgemeinen Unsicherheit und der Ben&uuml;tzung von langen Umwegen (z. B. zwischen Italien und Byzanz und zwischen Byzanz und dem Norden) erkl&auml;rt werden kann. </p><p>&nbsp;</p>

Problems 1, 8, 10, and 24 were submitted by Stanley F. Taback, Lehman College—CUNY, Bronx, NY 10468-1589, and Jennifer Taback, University of Chicago. Problems 2–5 appear in the article “Mathematics Competitions for Students under 15 in Austria,” which appears in Mathematics Competitions (8 [1995]), a journal of the World Federation of National Mathematics Competitions. The authors, Robert Geretschläger and Gottfried Perz, granted permission to include the problems. Robert Geretschläger may be reached at Bundesrealgymnasium, Keplerstrasse 1, A-8020 Graz, Austria. Gottfried Perz teaches at Pestolozzigymnasium in Graz, Austria. Problems 6 and 7 were contributed by Alton T. Olson and Lynn Gordon, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB T6G 2G5. Problems 9, 14, 16, and 28 were originally prepared by Eileen Shannon for the Hamilton Junior Mathematics Contest. They were subsequently contributed for the February Calendar by Eileen Shannon, Westmount Secondary School, Hamilton, Ontario. Problems 11–13 were contributed by Catherine Gorini and Eric Hart, Maharishi International University, Fairfield, IA 52557-1052, and Teddy Hirsch, Maharishi School, Fairfield, IA 52556. Problems 15, 17–20, 22, 25, and 26 were submitted by Patricia A. Brosnan, Ohjo State University, Columbus, OH 43210-1172. The problems were created by students James A. FitzSimmons, Ji Yon Kim, Marsha Nichol, and Ronnie Pavlov. Problems 21 and 23 were contributed by William K. Tomhave, Concordia College, Moorhead, Minnesota. Major assistance was provided by Charles Heuer, Gerald Heuer, and Roger Ragland, all of Concordia College. Problem 27 appeared ill the 1995 Invitational Mathematics Challenge (Grade 10), a contest prepared by the Canadian Mathematics Competition, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, ON N2L 3Gl.

In western cultures, neoliberalism has resulted in a shift from collective risk responsibility to individual risk responsibility; one in which individuals are expected to manage their risks for the collective good (O’Malley 61). A good citizen of the 21st century is one who accepts responsibility for their own personal health, well-being, and success. Individuals who require structural support, or refuse to (re)produce white, cis, able-bodied, and heteronormative, systems threaten the status quo and face marginalisation. Fat people, for example, are viewed as irresponsible citizens. They consume too many resources and fail to uphold the revised social contract (the moral obligation to be healthy). Furthermore, capitalism, according to Jones (32), relies on the apparatus of desire; more specifically, heterodesire. Fatness, therefore, is considered a threat to this apparatus, as it is excluded from heteronormative desire (Murray 239). Instead, fatness is positioned as a category for regulation (and legislation), that demands individuals to undertake the “uncompensated, unending work of individualist self-improvement…a condition of both the body and of labour under neoliberal capitalism” (Wykes, Queer 7). Fat bodies are monitored by their governments, their families, and their workplaces. They are regulated by friends and strangers alike; fat bodies are public property to shame and scold for the betterment of the individual. In the intersection of neoliberalism and capitalism, fatness is read “as a moral failing and as an aesthetic affront” (Murray 14). This results in hostile environments in which fat people are exposed to negative bias, hostile attitudes, and legalised discrimination (Puhl and Heuer 941). Living in such a context requires fat people to develop, maintain, and revise, identities in the shadow of internalised oppression. Many fat people, unsurprisingly, experience negative weight and/or body identities that often eclipse other identities held. And these weight identities are spoiled identities; stigmatised identities in which the bearer is held responsible for the stigma (Courtot 201; Kent 368). Goffman (42, 130) argued that individuals living with spoiled identities engaged in identity management strategies, including withdrawing (removing oneself from public interaction), passing (camouflaging the stigma), and covering (engaging in behaviours that made the stigma less offensive). More recently, scholars have argued that a fourth identity management style of coming out is available to individuals as well. Coming out has been explored in individuals with discreditable (non-visible) stigmas (Sánchez et al 17; Schrimshaw, Siegel, Downing, and Parsons, 143) and those with discredited (visible) stigmas (Howarth 444; Titschkoshy 135). Coming out as fat has been empirically explored by Saguy and Smith (53) and Pausé (Coming out, 50). Individuals in the Fatosphere, an online community of people who have come out as fat, are engaging in anti-assimilationist activism (Cooper 17-18). They queer fat embodiment, disrupting the normative obesity discourse and rejecting the demands of the neoliberal system. They are defiant resistors, performing their fatness in inappropriate ways (Wykes, Neoliberalism). They are, in short, doing fatness wrong. Consider, for example, Jenn Leyva, of The Fat and the Ivy, and her online project aimed at responding to neoliberal messages of responsibility. The project, But What about Your Health? is hosted on Tumblr, a Web 2.0 tool that allows for user created content to be blogged and reblogged. Tumblr allows for text posts, video posts, picture posts, audio posts, link posts, and quotes. According to information on But what about your health?, Leyva uses the site to respond to messages she receives that concern her health. “Every time you tell me I'm unhealthy or ask, I mean concern-troll about my health, you have to watch me eat something ‘unhealthy’”, the site informs. Some of the questions that Leyva receives include, “Have you had a stroke yet?”, “I’m not out to police your body, but how do you not feel sick after that much sugar that fast?” “…what if your doctor told you that should lose weight to have a better life quality or improve your health?”, and the old standby, “But what about your health?!” Some commenters do not ask a question, but leave a declarative statement instead (“You are so unhealthy”). In the project, Leyva shares the comments she has received, and responds by posting videos and gifs of her eating. And not just eating, but eating junk food such as donuts, hash browns, brownies, chocolate covered cinnamon rolls, and the ubiquitous McDonald’s fried apple pie. Leyva is pushing back and rejecting the discourse of the obesity epidemic. Similar to those who use the #obeselifestyle tag in Twitter and Instagram, Leyva is flaunting her irresponsible choice; doing fatness wrong by gleefully consuming foods she should deny herself. Fat people are not supposed to take pleasure in their fatness, they are supposed to feel shame. They are not allowed to embrace their size, they are to be burdened with the work of becoming less than who they are. One commenter felt that Leyva is not only performing her fatness wrong, but performing her fat activism wrong as well, this is really upsetting to me. its not about ‘fat acceptance’ this is encouragement of poor and deteriorating health conditions among people everywhere…Please dont encourage people to neglect their health, have respect for your body and nourish it with exercise and healthy clean food. The commenter is suggesting that Leyva is tarnishing the fat civil rights movement with her unapologetic performance, and setting a dangerous example for others (glorifying obesity, anyone?) Is this commenter seeking for Leyva to engage in a different identity management style? Would they take comfort if Leyva was apologetic, or consuming a salad as a gesture of penance? Maybe satisfaction would only occur if Leyva removed herself from the Internet entirely. Or perhaps this respondent is hoping that Leyva will change her performance to that of the good fatty. A good fatty is an apologetic fat person who takes “care” of themselves (read: is well groomed, fashionable, and active) and acknowledges that they could and should be pursuing lifestyle choices that are socially palatable. Stacy Bias has suggested that there are many versions of the good fatty in her comic blog, 12 Good Fatty Archetypes, including the fat unicorn (a healthy eating, daily exercising, metabolically healthy fatty), the work in progress (“the fatty in the process of becoming not-a-fatty”), and the no fault fatty (the fatty who can trace their fatness to a genetic or biological (pre)disposition, thereby shifting the blame to out of their control). Each of these performances, notes Bias, seeks to legitimise their existence with the larger fat hating culture. This is the opposite of the performance of the rad fatty, the dangerous fat person who rejects cultural expectation and stigma. In choosing to eat junk food in response to moralising questions about her health, Leyva is performing the rad fatty; she is “engaging in performative displays of behaviours that are discourages or considered stereotypical of fat people but with intention and a tone of rebellion” (Bias). Bias’ comic draws to mind Graham’s (178) work on lipoliteracy. Lipoliteracy, according to Graham, is the act in which people read fat bodies, believing the visual inspection of a fat body provides the viewer information about the individual’s lifestyle choices, health status, and moral character (Graham 179). In this comic, Bias illuminates how lipoliteracy may operate and the power structures it reinforces. It also highlights the danger the good fatty archetype(s) present to the fat civil rights movement. These acceptable versions of fatness may open the door for those who perform them, but they also ensure that the frame is not wide enough for other kinds of fatness to push through. Bitchtopia argued that in putting good fatties on a pedestal as acceptable forms of fatness, “our media is alienating the bodies who aren’t glowing white, able-bodied, smooth-skinned, and only slightly chubby”. Because the correct performance of fatness is not just about behaviours and attitudes, but also the privileges attached to race, class, and cis gender, that many recognized good fatties embody. It Gets Fatter (IGF) is a group that works to promote the issues of fat queer people of colour by unpacking body positivity and challenging the conflation between weight and health. IGF represents a community that is often ignored or overshadowed in fat activism, people of colour. The creators share, “This project was born out of the frustration and the isolation that a lot of fat, brown queer folks face in their communities, and in an attempt to find a way of feeling less alone in ours. While there is a thriving online community of white fat people, we know that there is something uniquely different about experiencing fatness as a person of colour” (It Gets Fatter). It Gets Fatter hosts a Facebook page (see above link), a Tumblr, and a series of videos on vmeo. The group also hosts events in Canada, including workshops. Information about the events are posted across the group’s social media platforms, making their work a note of difference in the Fatosphere as visible Fat Studies scholarship and activism is dominated by individuals in the United States (Cooper 328). On the IGF Tumblr, individuals who identify as fat and a person of colour are invited to make submissions; submissions may be text, video, audio, and photos. The purpose of these submissions is to provide a repository of fat positive material that highlights the experiences and lives of fat queer people of colour. Sites such as this strive to provide a community for others and allow for representations from individuals who may marginalised within the larger fat community. They note, “We will show preference to submissions from queer, trans*, disabled and poor/working class folks. If you don’t fit into one of these categories just be aware of the space you’re taking up in the movement and consider submitting something to another fat positivity thingy if it feels relevant!” In this, It Gets Fatter speaks directly to tensions within the fat civil rights movement, as white cis straight fat people often have their voices amplified at the expense of other voices within the movement. One member of IGF, Asam Ahmad, has reflected on this in a piece on Marilyn Wann’s blog, Fat!So?. Ahmad notes that the media/community organisations usually approach white fat people to speak on the issues of fat politics. He argues that in doing so, only certain kinds of fatness are presented to the larger public; only certain kinds of voices get heard. In these conversations, considerations of how fatness intersects with race, class, orientation, and ability, are rarely brought to the fore. He implores well known fat activists to ask themselves, “Is your voice really that idiosyncratic and fabulous? Or is it more likely that you are benefitting from white privilege and other structural systems of oppression?” (Ahmad). Fat Studies scholarship and activism are making many of the same mistakes as second wave feminism, as white voices and issues are presented as the voices and issues of fat people. Many scholars and activists also fail to acknowledge and authentically engage with their white privilege; their straight privilege; their cis privilege. For scholars and activists alike to continue to push back against neoliberal responsibility and capitalism’s heterodesire, a commitment must be made to do better at recognizing the value of an intersectional lens (Pausé, Intersectionality 83). And acknowledgement that responsibility for highlighting voices of fat people of colour, voices of fat working poor, voices of fat queers, does not fall to those groups alone. The power transferred through white supremacy places the largest burden on white people within Fat Studies scholarship and activism to ensure that spaces are made and held for people of colour. The power transferred through capitalism places the largest burden on middle and upper class people within Fat Studies scholarship and activism to ensure that spaces are made and held for people from working and poorer classes. And the power transferred through the academy places the largest burden on those within academia to ensure that spaces are made and held for those denied entry to the Ivory Tower. For many outside of the academy, the emergence of Web 2.0 tools have allowed for spaces to be created, maintained, and shared, that amplify voices of disparate individuals across social platforms. For fat people, the rise of the Fatosphere has ensured that oppositional fat politics may be engaged with by anyone with access to the Internet (Pausé, Express 1; Pausé, Commotion 76). And with the technological advance, the conversation around fatness is changing. It has been argued that spoiled identities, especially visible ones, present a situation where “all other narratives are impossible” (Kent 368). But fat people online have (co)constructed ways to present opposing narratives of fatness. And many are rejecting dominant discourses and appropriate ways of being, delighting in the opportunities to perform their fatness wrong. References Ahmad, Asam. “Dear White Fatties (and Other Socially Visible Fat Activists).” Fat!So? 23 Jan. 2015. Bias, Stacy. “12 Good Fatty Archetypes.” Stacy Bias 4 June 2014. Bitchtopia. “How the Inspiring Good Fatty Hurts the Body Positive Movement.” Bitchtopia 10 Mar. 2015. Cooper, Charlotte Rachel Mary. “Maybe It Should Be Called Fat American Studies?” The Fat Studies Reader, eds. Esther Rothblum and Sandra Solovay. New York: New York University Press, 2009. 327-333. Cooper, Charlotte Rachel Mary. "What’s Fat Activism?" University of Limerick Department of Sociology Working Paper Series, 2008. Courtot, Martha. “A Spoiled Identity”. Shadow on a Tightrope: Writings by Women on Fat Oppression, eds. Lisa Schoenfielder and Barb Wiser. San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books, 1983. 199-203. Dickins, Marissa. Weight-Related Stigma in Online Spaces: Challenges, Responses and Opportunities for Change. Diss. Monash University, 2013. Goffman, Erving. Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1963. Graham, Mark. “Chaos.” Fat: The Anthropology of an Obsession, eds. Dan Kulick and Anne Meneley. New York: Penguin, 2005. 169-184. Howarth, Caroline. “Race as Stigma: Positioning the Stigmatized as Agents, Not Objects.” Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology 16.6 (2006): 442-451. It Gets Fatter. “It Gets Fatter! Fat Queers of Color Take on Fat Phobia in Our Communities.” Black Girl Dangerous 1 Oct. 2012. Jones. Stefanie. “The Performance of Fat: The Spectre Outside the House of Desire.” Queering Fat Embodiment, eds. Cat Pausé, Jackie Wykes, and Samantha Murray. Surrey: Ashgate, 2014, 31-48. Kent, Le’a. “Fighting Abjection: Representing Fat Women.” The Body Reader: Essential Social and Cultural Readings, eds. Lisa Jean Moore and Mary Kosut. New York: New York University Press, 2010. 367-383. Murray, Samantha. "Pathologizing 'Fatness': Medical Authority and Popular Culture." Sociology of Sport Journal 25.1 (2008): 7-21. Murray, Samantha. “Locating Aesthetics: Sexing the Fat Woman.” Social Semiotics 14 (2004): 237–247. O'Malley, Pat. "Neoliberalism and Risk in Criminology." The Critical Criminology Companion (2008): 55-67. Pausé, Cat. “Express Yourself: Fat Activism in the Web 2.0 Age.” The Politics of Size: Perspectives from the Fat-Acceptance Movement, ed. Ragen Chastain. Santa Barbara: Praeger Publishing, 2014. 1-8. Pausé, Cat. “X-Static Process: Intersectionality within the Field of Fat Studies.” Fat Studies (2014): 80-85. Pausé, Cat. “Causing a Commotion: Queering Fatness in Cyberspace”. Queering Fat Embodiment, eds. Cat Pausé, Jackie Wykes, and Samantha Murray. Surrey: Ashgate, 2014, 75-88. Pausé, Cat. “Live to Tell: Coming Out as Fat.” Somatechnics 2.1 (2012): 42-56. Puhl, Rebecca M., and Chelsea A. Heuer. "The Stigma of Obesity: A Review and Update." Obesity 17.5 (2009): 941-964. Saguy, Abigail C., and Anna Ward. “Coming Out as Fat: Rethinking Stigma.” Social Psychology Quarterly 74.1 (2011): 53-75. Sánchez, Mónica, Esteban Cardemil, Sara Trillo Adams, Joanne L. Calista, Joy Connell, Alexandra DePalo, Juliana Ferreira, Diane Gould, Jeffrey S. Handler, Paula Kaminow, Tatiana Melo, Allison Parks, Eric Rice, and Ismael Rivera. “Brave New World: Mental Health Experiences of Puerto Ricans, Immigrant Latinos, and Brazilians in Massachusetts.” Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 20.1 (2014): 16-26. Schrimshaw, Eric W., Karolynn Siegel, Martin J.Downing Jr, and Jeffrey T. Parsons. “Disclosure and Concealment of Sexual Orientation and the Mental Health of Non-Gay-Identified, Behaviourally Bisexual Men.” Journal of Consulting Clinical Psychology 81.1 (2013): 141-153. Titchkosky, Tanya. “From the Field – Coming Out Disabled: The Politics of Understanding.” Disability Studies Quarterly 21.4 (2001): 131-139. Wykes, Jackie. “Introduction: Why Queering Fat Embodiment.” Queering Fat Embodiment, eds. Cat Pausé, Jackie Wykes, and Samantha Murray. Surrey: Ashgate, 2014. 1-12. Wykes, Jackie. “Fat Bodies Politic: Neoliberalism, Biopower, and the ‘Obesity Epidemic’.” Massey University. Executive Seminar Suite, Wellington, New Zealand. 12 July 2012.

Introduction Many people’s knowledge of history is gleaned through popular culture. As a result there is likely a blurring of history with myth. This is one of the criticisms of historical romance novels, which blur historical details with fictional representations. As a result of this the genre is often dismissed from serious academic scholarship. The other reason for its disregard may be that it is largely seen as women’s fiction. As ‘women’s fiction’ it is largely relegated to that of ‘low culture’ and considered to have little literary value. Yet the romance genre remains popular and lucrative. Research by the Romance Writers of America in 2016 found that the genre represents 23% of the US fiction market and generates in excess of US$1 billion per year (Romance Writers of America). Since the onset of COVID-19, sales of romance novels in the US have soared, increasing by 17% between January and May 2020. The most popular genre was the historical romance genre. In total during that period, 16.2 million romance e-books were purchased by consumers (NPD). Yet despite its popularity, romance fiction remains stuck in the pulp fiction bubble. This article draws upon an international survey conducted in June 2020 by the authors. The study aimed to understand how readers of historical romance novels (n=813) engage with historical representations in popular culture, and how they navigate issues of authenticity. Consuming History through Popular Culture: “Historical Romance Novels Bring History to Life” Popular culture presents a tangible way in which audiences can engage with history and historical practices. “The spaces scholars have no idea about – the gaps between verifiable fact – are the territory for the writer of fictional history” (de Groot 217). Historical romance writer Georgette Heyer, for example, was influenced by her father’s conviction that “the historical novel was a worthy medium for learning about the past” (Kloester 102), and readers of historical romance often echo this view. One participant in this study considered the genre a way to “learn about history, the mores and customs, the food and clothing of that particular era … and how it contrasts to modern times”. For another participant, “most historical romances are set in countries other than my own. I like learning about these other countries and cultures”. The historical romance genre, in some instances, was not the reason for reading the novel: it was the historical setting. The romance itself was often incidental: “I am more interested in the history than the romance, but if the romance is done well … [then] the tensions of the romance illustrate and highlight historical divisions”. While a focus on history rather than romance, it posits that authors are including historically accurate details, and this is recognised by readers of the genre. In fact, one contributor to the survey argued that as a member of a writers’ group they were aware of that the “majority of the writers of that genre were voracious researchers, so much so that writers of other genres (male western writers for one) were going to them for information”. While fiction provides entertainment and relaxation, reading historical romance provides an avenue for accessing history without engaging it in a scholarly environment. Participants offered examples of this, saying “I like learning about the past and novels are an easy and relaxing way to do it” and “I enjoy historical facts but don’t necessarily need to read huge historical texts about Elizabeth Woodville when I can read The White Queen.” Social and political aspects of an era were gleaned from historical romance novels that may be less evident in historical texts. For one respondent, “I enjoy the description of the attire … behaviours … the social strata, politics, behaviours toward women and women who were ahead of their time”. Yet at the same time, historical fiction provides a way for readers to learn about historical events and places that spurred them to access more factual historical sources: “when I read a novel that involves actual historic happenings, it drives me to learn if the author is representing them correctly and to learn more about the topics”. For another, the historical romance “makes me want to do some more research”. Hence, historical fiction can provide new ways of seeing the past: “I enjoy seeing the similarities between people of the past and present. Hist[orical] Fic[tion] brings us hope that we can learn and survive our present.” A consciousness of how ancestors “survived and thrived” was evident among many participants. For one, history is best learned through the eyes of the people who lived through the era. School doesn’t teach history in a way that I can grasp, but putting myself into the shoes of the ordinary people who experienced, I have a better understanding of the time. Being able to access different perspectives on history and historical events and make an emotional connection with the past allowed readers to better understand the lived experiences of those from the past. This didn’t mean that readers were ignoring the fictional nature of the genre; rather, readers were clearly aware that the author was often taking liberties with history in order to advance the plot. Yet they still enjoyed the “glimpses of history that is included in the story”, adding that the “fictional details makes the history come alive”. The Past Represents a Different Society For some, historical romances presented a different society, and in some ways a nostalgia for the past. This from one participant: I like the attention to eloquence, to good speech, to manners, to responsibility toward each other, to close personal relationships, to value for education and history, to an older, more leisurely, more thoughtful way of life. A similar view was offered by another participant: “I like the language. I like the slowness, the courtship. I like the olden time social rules of honour and respect. I like worlds in which things like sword fights might occur”. For these respondents, there is a nostalgia where things were better then than now (Davis 18). Readers clearly identified with the different social and moral behaviours that they experienced in the novels they are reading, with one identifying more with the “historical morals, ethics, and way of life than I do modern ones”. Representations of a more respectful past were one aspect that appealed to readers: “people are civil to each other”, they are “generally kinder” and have a “more traditional moral code”. An aspect of escapism is also evident: “I enjoy leaving the present day for a while”. It is a past where readers find “time and manners [that are] now lost to us”. The genre reflects time that “seemed simpler” but “of course it helps if you are in the upper class”. Many historical romance novels are set within the social sphere of the elites of a society. And these readers’ views clearly indicate this: honestly, the characters are either wealthy or will be by the end, which releases from the day to day drudgeries and to the extent possible ensures an economic “happily ever after” as well as a romantic one … . I know the reality of even the elite wasn’t as lovely as portrayed in the books. But they are a charming and sometimes thrilling fantasy to escape inside … It is in the elite social setting that a view emerges in historical romance novels that “things are simpler and you don’t have today’s social issues to deal with”. No one period of history appears to reflect this narrative; rather, it is a theme across historical periods. The intrigue is in how the storyline develops to cope with social mores. “I enjoy reading about characters who wind their way around rules and the obstacles of their society … . Nothing in a historical romance can be fixed with a quick phone call”. The historical setting is actually an advantage because history places constrictions upon a plot: “no mobile phones, no internet, no fast cars. Many a plot would be over before it began if the hero and heroine had a phone”. Hence history and social mores “limit the access of characters and allow for interesting situations”. Yet another perspective is how readers draw parallels to the historic pasts they read about: “I love being swept away into a different era and being able to see how relevant some social issues are today”. There are however aspects that readers are less enamoured with, namely the lack of sex. While wholesome, particularly in the case of Christian authors, other characters are heroines who are virgins until after marriage, but even then may be virgins for “months or years after the wedding”. Similarly, “I deplore the class system and hate the inequalities of the past, yet I love stories where dukes and earls behave astonishingly well and marry interesting women and where all the nastiness is overcome”. The Problem with Authenticity The results of the international historical romance survey that forms the basis of this research indicate that most readers and writers alike were concerned with authenticity. Writers of historical romance novels often go to great lengths to ensure that their stories are imbued with historically accurate details. For readers, this “brings the characters and locales to life”. For readers, “characters can be fictional, but major events and ways of living should be authentic … dress, diet, dances, customs, historic characters”. Portraying historical accuracy is appreciated by readers: “I appreciate the time and effort the author takes to research subjects and people from a particular time period to make their work seem more authentic and believable”. Georgette Heyer, whose works were produced between 1921 and 1974, is considered as the doyenne of regency romance novels (Thurston 37), with a reputation for exacting historical research (Kloester 209). Heyer’s sway is such that 88 (10.8%) of the respondents to the romance survey cited her when asked who their favourite author is, with some also noting that she is a standard for other authors to aspire to. For one participant, I only read one writer of historical romance: Georgette Heyer. Why? Sublime writing skills, characterisation, delicious Wodehousian humour and impeccable accurate and research into the Regency period. Despite this prevailing view, “Heyer’s Regency is a selective one, and much of the broader history of the period is excluded from it” (Kloester 210). Heyer’s approach to history is coloured by the various approaches and developments to historiography that occurred throughout the period in which she was writing (Kloester 103). There is little evidence that she approached her sources with a critical eye and it appears that she often accepted her sources as historical fact (Kloester 112). Heyer’s works are devoid of information as to what is based in history and what was drawn from her imagination (Kloester 110). Despite the omissions above, Heyer has a reputation for undertaking meticulous research for her novels. This, however, is problematic in itself, as Alexandra Stirling argues: “in trying to recreate Regency patterns of speech by applying her knowledge of historical colloquialism, she essentially created her own dialect” that has come to “dominate the modern genre” (Stirling). Heyer is also highly criticised for both her racism (particularly anti-Semitism), which is reflected in her characterisation of Regency London as a society of “extreme whiteness”, which served to erase “the reality of Regency London as a cosmopolitan city with people of every skin colour and origin, including among the upper classes” (Duvezin-Caubet 249). Thus Heyer’s Regency London is arguably a fantasy world that has little grounding in truth, despite her passion for historical research. Historical romance author Felicia Grossman argues that this paradox occurs as “mixed in with [Heyer’s] research is a lot of pure fiction done to fit her personal political views” (Grossman), where she deliberately ignores historical facts that do not suit her narrative, such as the sociological implications of the slave trade and the very public debate about it that occurred during the regency. The legacy of these omissions can be found in contemporary romances set in that period. By focussing on, and intensifying, a narrow selection of historical facts, “the authentic is simultaneously inauthentic” (Hackett 38). For one participant, “I don’t really put much stock into “historical accuracy” as a concept, when I read a historical romance, I read it almost in the way that one would read a genre fantasy novel, where each book has its own rules and conventions”. Diversifying the Bubble The intertwining of history and narrative posits how readers separate fact from fiction. Historical romance novels have often been accused by both readers and critics of providing a skewed view on the past. In October 2019 the All about Romance blog asked its readers: “Does Historical Romance have a quality problem?”, leading to a strong debate with many contributors noting how limited the genre had developed, with the lack of diversity being a particular strain of discussion. Just a few weeks later, the peak industry body, the Romance Writers Association of America, became embroiled in a racism controversy. Cultural products such as romance novels are products of a wider white heteronormative paradigm which has been increasingly challenged by movements such as the LGBTQI+, Me Too, and Black Lives Matter, which have sought to address the evident racial imbalance. The lack of racial representation and racial equality in historical novels also provides an opportunity to consider contemporary ideals. Historical romance novels for one participant provided a lens through which to understand the “challenges for women and queers”. Being a genre that is dominated by both female writers and readers (the Romance Writers Association claims that 82% of readers are female), it is perhaps no surprise that many respondents were concerned with female issues. For one reader, the genre provides a way to “appreciate the freedom that women have today”. Yet it remains that the genre is fictional, allowing readers to fantasise about different social and racial circumstances: “I love the modern take on historical novels with fearless heroines living lives (they maybe couldn’t have) in a time period that intrigues me”. Including strong women and people of colour in the genre means those once excluded or marginalised are centralised, suggesting historical romance novels provide a way of fictionally going some way to re-addressing gender and racial imbalances. Coupled with romance’s guarantee of a happy ending, the reader is assured that the heroine has a positive outcome, and can “have it all”, surely a mantra that should appeal to feminists. “Historical romance offers not just escape, but a journey – emotional, physical or character change”; in this view, readers positively respond to a narrative in which plots engage with both the positive and negative sides of history. One participant put it this way: “I love history especially African American history. Even though our history is painful it is still ours and we loved just like we suffered”. Expanding the Bubble Bridgerton (2020–), the popular Netflix show based upon Julia Quinn’s bestselling historical romance series, challenges the whitewashing of history by presenting an alternative history. Choosing a colour-blind cast and an alternate reality where racism was dispelled when the King marries a woman of colour and bestowed honours on citizens of all colours, Bridgerton’s depiction of race has generally been met with positive reviews. The author of the series of books that Bridgerton is adapted from addressed this point: previously, I’ve gotten dinged by the historical accuracy police. So in some ways, I was fearful – if you do that, are you denying real things that happened? But you know what? This is already romantic fantasy, and I think it’s more important to show that as many people as possible deserve this type of happiness and dignity. So I think they made the absolutely right choice, bringing in all this inclusivity (Quinn cited in Flood). Despite the critics, and there have been some, Netflix claims that the show has placed “number one in 83 countries including the US, UK, Brazil, France, India and South Africa”, which they credited partly to audiences who “want to see themselves reflected on the screen” (Howe). There is no claim to accuracy, as Howe argues that the show’s “Regency reimagined isn’t meant to be history. It’s designed to be more lavish, sexier and funnier than the standard period drama”. As with the readers surveyed above, this is a knowing audience who are willing to embrace an alternate vision of the past. Yet there are aspects which need to remain, such as costume, class structure, technology, which serve to signify the past. As one participant remarked, “I love history. I love reading what is essentially a fantasy-realism setting. I read for escapism and it’s certainly that”. “The Dance of History and Fiction” What is evident in this discussion is what Griffiths calls the “dance of history and fiction”, where “history and fiction … are a tag team, sometimes taking turns, sometimes working in tandem, to deepen our understanding and extend our imagination” (Griffiths). He reminds us that “historians and novelists do not constitute inviolable, impermeable categories of writers. Some historians are also novelists and many novelists are also historians. Historians write fiction and novelists write history”. More so, “history doesn’t own truth, and fiction doesn’t own imagination”. Amongst other analysis of the intersections and juxtaposition of history and fiction, Griffiths provides one poignant discussion, that of Kate Grenville’s novel The Secret River (2006). According to the author's own Website, The Secret River caused controversy when it first appeared, and become a pawn in the “history wars” that continues to this day. How should a nation tell its foundation story, when that story involves the dispossession of other people? Is there a path between the “black armband” and the “white blindfold” versions of a history like ours? In response to the controversy Grenville made an interesting if confusing argument that she does not make a distinction between “story-telling history” and “the discipline of History”, and between “writing true stories” and “writing History” (Griffiths). The same may be said for romance novelists; however, it is in their pages that they are writing a history. The question is if it is an authentic history, and does that really matter? References Davis, Fred. Yearning for Yesterday: A Sociology of Nostalgia. Free Press, 1979. De Groot, Jerome. Consuming History Historians and Heritage in Contemporary Popular Culture. Florence Taylor and Francis, 2009. Duvezin-Caubet, Caroline. "Gaily Ever After: Neo-Victorian M/M Genre Romance for the Twenty-First Century." Neo-Victorian Studies 13.1 (2020). Flood, Alison. "Bridgerton Author Julia Quinn: 'I've Been Dinged by the Accuracy Police – but It's Fantasy!'." The Guardian 12 Jan. 2021. 15 Jan. 2021 <https://www.theguardian.com/books/2021/jan/12/bridgerton-author-julia-quinn-accuracy-fantasy-feisty-rakish-artistocrats-jane-austen>. Griffiths, Tom. "The Intriguing Dance of History and Fiction." TEXT 28 (2015). Grossman, Felicia. "Guest Post: Georgette Heyer Was an Antisemite and Her Work Is Not Foundational Historical Romance." Romance Daily News 2021 (2020). <https://romancedailynews.medium.com/guest-post-georgette-heyer-was-an-antisemite-and-her-work-is-not-foundational-historical-romance-fc00bfc7c26>. Hackett, Lisa J. "Curves & a-Lines: Why Contemporary Women Choose to Wear Nostalgic 1950s Style Clothing." Sociology. Doctor of Philosophy, University of New England, 2020. 320. Howe, Jinny. "'Bridgerton': How a Bold Bet Turned into Our Biggest Series Ever." Netflix, 27 Jan. 2021. <https://about.netflix.com/en/news/bridgerton-biggest-series-ever>. Kloester, Jennifer V. "Georgette Heyer: Writing the Regency: History in Fiction from Regency Buck to Lady of Quality 1935-1972." 2004. NPD. "Covid-19 Lockdown Gives Romance a Lift, the NPD Group Says." NPD Group, 2020. 2 Feb. 2021 <https://www.npd.com/wps/portal/npd/us/news/press-releases/2020/covid-19-lockdown-gives-romance-a-lift--the-npd-group-says/>. Romance Writers of America. "About the Romance Genre." 2016. 2 Feb. 2021 <https://www.rwa.org/Online/Romance_Genre/About_Romance_Genre.aspx>. Stirling, Alexandra. "Love in the Ton: Georgette Heyer's Legacy in Regency Romance World-Building." Nursing Clio. Ed. Jacqueline Antonovich. 13 Feb. 2020. <https://nursingclio.org/2020/02/13/love-in-the-ton-georgette-heyers-legacy-in-regency-romance-world-building/>. Thurston, Carol. The Romance Revolution : Erotic Novels for Women and the Quest for a New Sexual Identity. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987.

This thesis is a discourse theory analysis of two feminist anthologies - Det heter feminism! and F- ordet.  By analyzing these texts through the three categories feminism & feminists, gender equality & equality and sex/gender & sexuality I have raised questions about the feminist debate in Sweden in the 21st century. The discourse theory’s ideas of descriptions of reality and fixation of meaning lies as a foundation for this thesis. The concepts of social constructionism, post structuralism and essentialism/anti essentialism are central for the analysis as well as concepts connected to the three previously mentioned categories. The intention of this thesis is to describe and analyze a fraction of the Swedish feminist debate in the 21st century and discuss its meaning in a societal context. A number of conclusions were reached in the final discussion. The differences between today’s feminist movement and the 1970’s feminist movement are connected to thoughts on a practical and a theoretical movement. It is shown how paradoxes, formed by norms and power structures in society, create a void where some people are forced to exist. Critical voices from within the movement are high lighted and connections between the feminist movement and discourse theory are established.

Uppsatsens handlar om debatten om problemen med hembiträdena och hur situationen skulle förbättras i början av 1900-talet. Källmaterialet är Stockholms tjänarinneförenings medlemstidning Tjänarinnebladet samt tidskrifterna Idun och Dagny. I debatten kommer olika röster till uttryck och jag undersöker hur rösterna samspelar med mentalitet, identitet, genus och klass. Mina utgångspunkter är att yrket var en projektionsyta där olika perspektiv och röster konkurrerade om att definiera yrket och perspektiven går att förstå utifrån olika gruppers mentaliteter. Mentalitet är en medvetandenivå bestående av kollektiva, opersonliga, oreflekterade, tankemönster, attityder, sinnestillstånd och beteenden som ligger till grund till mer artikulerade tankar och idéer. Mentalitet ligger också till grund för normer, värderingar och världsbild. Mentaliteteten reproduceras över generationsgränser i institutioner som familj och skola.     I övergången från det patriarkala bondesamhället till det kapitalistiska industrisamhället förändrades strukturer och sociala relationer mellan individer och grupper. Mentalitet, som normalt är stabilt och utvecklas långsamt, började snabbt förändras. Olika gruppers medvetenhet om identitet, klass, ideologi och så vidare ökade snabbt. Folkrörelser kämpade för att förändra samhället, både mentalt och politiskt. Till exempel kämpade arbetarrörelsen för social rättvisa, kvinnor för jämställdhet, rösträttsrörelsen för allmän och lika rösträtt, och frikyrkor för religionsfrihet. Den gamla ordningen som gällt i hundratals år krackelerade och i denna process uppstod konflikter.     Hembiträdena stod med ena benet i det gamla samhället och det andra benet i det nya. Yrket reglerades av patriarkala lagar och deras arbetsgivare betraktade dem ur ett patriarkalt perspektiv. Själva ville de bort från det patriarkala och liksom övriga arbetarklassen höja sig ekonomiskt och socialt. De ville att yrket skulle regleras som andra arbetaryrken och ha samma rättigheter som andra arbetare. De ville ha begränsad arbetstid, rätt till ledighet och framför allt inte bli bemötta med förakt och bli behandlade som barn. Mot hembiträdena stod husmödrarna som absolut inte ville tillåta hembiträdena att organisera sig och ändra på rådande ordning. Även arbetarrörelsen och kvinnorörelsen hade svårt att bestämma sig för hur de skulle förhålla sig till yrkeskåren.     I uppsatsen undersöker jag vilka problem som fanns med hembiträden enligt dem själva och enligt andra samt hur de själva och andra ville förbättra situationen. I analysen är mentalitetet centralt men också identitet. Hembiträdena ville både förändra sin yrkesidentitet och de mentaliteter som låg till grund för hur yrket betraktades. De använde bland annat en skötsamhetsstrategi för att försöka förbättra sin situation som påminner om den Ronny Ambjörnsson beskriver i Den skötsamme arbetaren.                       Teoretiskt utgår jag framför allt från klass och genus för att förstå hur mentalitet och identitet konstruerades av hembiträdena och av andra. I analysen är båda perspektiven nödvändiga men det varierar beroende på kontexten vilket av de två perspektiven som bäst förklarar det som skrivs. Därför har jag metodologiskt och teoretiskt använt mig av ett intersektionellt förhållningssätt för att hantera den skiftande över- och underordningen i relationen mellan de teoretiska perspektiven.

No âmbito do mestrado em Direção Comercial e Marketing, foi realizado um estágio nos departamentos comercial e de marketing da empresa Torres Distribuição S.A., que importa e distribui média/alta relojoaria e joalharia em Portugal e Angola. O estágio visou complementar a formação académica realizada no decorrer do mestrado através do exercício de uma atividade profissional ou no desenvolvimento de atividades em empresas propiciadoras de contatos reais com o mundo do trabalho. Concretamente, o estágio na empresa Torres Distribuição S.A. teve como objetivo geral desenvolver o plano de dois eventos. Esta ação de relações públicas consistiu em potenciar um relacionamento sustentável com os atuais e ex-parceiros da marca TAG Heuer e garantir uma eficiente comunicação da mesma. O evento destinado aos ex-parceiros tem também como objetivo reconquistar a parceria. Durante o estágio, foi possível participar em diversos eventos dentro e fora dos pontos de venda, assistir e protagonizar momentos de venda durante as visitas, interagir simultaneamente com o marketing e a área comercial, estar presente nas reuniões semanais do departamento de marketing e visitar os ex-parceiros da marca TAG Heuer. Estas visitas permitiram identificar os ex-parceiros que se encontram em incumprimento das normas de comunicação da marca. Após o diagnóstico é elaborado um plano para a realização de um evento com os ex-parceiros e outro com os atuais. A metodologia utilizada poderá ser aplicada a outras marcas representadas pela empresa.