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Journal articles on the topic 'Taiwan Strait crises'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

Kastrati, Bilbil. "Taiwan strait dispute." SEEU Review 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2015-0029.

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Abstract The end of the Cold War resulted in a diffusion of the level of threat worldwide and concluded the system of bipolarity in the world. Beside the European continent, where the rivalries were at the highest level, the consequences of the end of the Cold War were especially visible in North-East Asia. A decrease of military activities of Russia and China, and the retreat of the USA from the region, give way for improvement of political and economical relations between the countries of the region. The end of hostilities produced by the Cold War no doubt have relaxed relations between countries in the region and opened ways for a new more peaceful co-existence. However, this does not mean that the region is not vulnerable to some of the hot spots such as North Korea, Spratly Parcels and especially Taiwan Strait. The latter is considered to be the most dangerous potential Asian zone of crisis in the twenty-first century. The East Asian countries such as China, Japan and other Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries are the world’s most growing economies and, at the same time, leaders in military acquisition; therefore, the potential for conflict and crises is current and real. This article examines one of these hot spots, namely the Taiwan Strait dispute, and assesses the possibility of this issue leading to a war between China, the USA and Japan. In order to have a clear view of the dispute the author will reveal some data in the introduction and then will explore relations, conflicts and interests between China, the USA and Japan vis-à-vis Taiwan and assess the risk that these countries might be drawn in potential war over the Taiwan Strait.

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2

Pandit, Priyanka. "Strait Rituals: China, Taiwan, and the United States in the Taiwan Strait Crises, 1954-1958." Strategic Analysis 44, no. 3 (May 3, 2020): 285–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2020.1767912.

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3

XIAO, RUPING, and HSIAO-TING LIN. "Inside the Asian Cold War Intrigues: Revisiting the Taiwan Strait crises." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 6 (July 10, 2018): 2109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000706.

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AbstractThis article revisits the issue of the offshore islands in the Taiwan Strait during the Cold War. Benefitting from archival materials only recently made available, specifically Chiang Kai-shek's personal diaries, CIA declassified materials, Taiwanese Foreign Ministry files, and rare publications from the Contemporary Taiwan Collection at the Library of the Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo, this research examines the cloud of suspicion surrounding the secret contacts between Taipei and Beijing leading up to and during the 1958 offshore islands crisis, elucidating how such a political tête-à-tête, and the resultant tacit consensus over the status of the islands, gradually brought about an end to the conflict between Taiwan and Communist China. In hindsight, the crises over the offshore islands along China's southeast coast momentarily brought the United States closer to war with Communist China, while putting the relationship between Taipei and Washington to a serious test. The end result, however, was that, while these isles were technically embedded in the unfinished civil war between the Chinese Nationalists and Communists, they provided, ironically, an opportunity for secret communications and, ultimately, a kind of détente between the two supposedly deadly enemies across the Taiwan Strait. A close examination of the details of these crises, along with their attendant military, political, and diplomatic complexities, reveals an amazing amount of political intrigue at both the local and international levels that has not been fully realized until now.

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4

Li, Xiaobing. "Strait Rituals: China, Taiwan, and the United States in the Taiwan Strait Crises, 1954–1958 by Pang Yang Huei." Twentieth-Century China 45, no. 2 (2020): E—14—E—15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcc.2020.0013.

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5

Pollack, Jonathan D. "THE UNITED STATES AND ASIA IN 2003: All Quiet on the Eastern Front?" Asian Survey 44, no. 1 (January 2004): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2004.44.1.1.

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Abstract U.S.-Asian relations in 2003 appeared on the cusp of major change. The Bush administration (preoccupied by far more pressing challenges in the Persian Gulf and Southwest Asia) sought to deflect potential crises in Korea and the Taiwan Strait, while also hoping to tether regional states to the new American security agenda. Although nearly all Asian states voiced assent for U.S. efforts to counter international terrorism, this support often reflected practical realities, not a deeper congruence of interests with Washington's. The path ahead for the United States in Asia remained unsettled, with crises deferred rather than resolved.

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6

NORRIS, WILLIAM. "The Socialization of China’s Assertiveness: Examining Waltz’s Neorealist Mechanism of “Socialization” in China’s Regional Security Relations." Issues & Studies 55, no. 04 (December 2019): 1940009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251119400095.

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This is a study of learning and socialization in China’s foreign security policy, examining how China has at times been more assertive and in other instances has taken a more accommodating approach in its foreign security policy behavior. This paper argues that China has been “socialized” by its international security environment by exploring Kenneth Waltz’s theoretical mechanism of the “socialization” of states in the international system. The 1995–1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis and the early 2000s, the Senkaku/Diaoyutai crises from 2012 to 2015, and the South China Sea in the mid-1990s are all instances in which China has employed force only to suffer strategically. This has eventually led to a less confrontational posture and contributed to the pursuit of a more cooperative engagement strategy with both Southeast Asia (from 1998 to 2008) and Taiwan ([Formula: see text]2006–2016). Variations in China’s assertiveness can be explained by the combination of domestic politics and signals from China’s international security environment.

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7

Fravel, M. Taylor. "Regime Insecurity and International Cooperation: Explaining China's Compromises in Territorial Disputes." International Security 30, no. 2 (October 2005): 46–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016228805775124534.

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Since the 1995-96 Taiwan Strait crisis, scholars and policymakers have become increasingly concerned about China's territorial ambitions. Yet China has also used peaceful means to manage conficts, settling seventeen of its twenty-three territorial disputes, often with substantial compromises. This article develops a counterintuitive argument about the effects of domestic confict on foreign policy to explain China's behavior. Contrary to the diversionary war hypothesis, this argument posits that state leaders are more likely to compromise in territorial disputes when confronting internal threats to regime security, including rebellions and legitimacy crises. Regime insecurity best explains China's pattern of compromise and delay in its territorial disputes. China's leaders have compromised when faced with internal threats to regime security, including the revolt in Tibet, the instability following the Great Leap Forward, the legitimacy crisis after the Tiananmen upheaval, and separatist violence in Xinjiang.

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8

Fredman, Zach. "Strait Rituals: China, Taiwan, and the United States in the Taiwan Strait Crises, 1954–1958. By Pang Yang Huei. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2019. xviii, 317 pp. ISBN: 9789888208302 (cloth)." Journal of Asian Studies 79, no. 1 (February 2020): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819002390.

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9

Beckley, Michael. "The Myth of Entangling Alliances: Reassessing the Security Risks of U.S. Defense Pacts." International Security 39, no. 4 (April 2015): 7–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00197.

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A large literature assumes that alliances entangle the United States in military conflicts that it might otherwise avoid. Since 1945, however, there have been only five cases of what might be characterized as U.S. entanglement—the 1954 and 1995–96 Taiwan Strait crises, the Vietnam War, and the interventions in Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s—and even these cases are far from clear-cut. U.S. entanglement is rare because the United States, as a superpower with many allies, is capable of exploiting loopholes in alliance agreements, sidestepping commitments that seriously imperil U.S. interests, playing the demands of various allies off of each other, and using alliances to deter adversaries and allies from initiating or escalating conflicts.

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10

Liu, Tony. "Strait Rituals: China, Taiwan, and the United States in the Taiwan Strait Crises, 1954–1958 Pang Yang Huei Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2019 xviii + 317 pp. $55.00 ISBN 978-988-8208-30-2." China Quarterly 241 (February 11, 2020): 285–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741019001450.

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11

Goh, Evelyn. "Competing Images and American Official Reconsiderations of China Policy, 1961&–1968." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 10, no. 1-2 (2001): 53–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656101793645597.

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AbstractIn February 1972, President Richard Nixon made a historic visit to the People”s Republic of China (PRC), marking a Sino-American rapprochement and the beginning of the route to normalization of relations. This came more than twenty years after mainland China turned Communist and fought American-led United Nations forces in Korea. Thereafter, the United States had sought to ”contain“. Communist China by means of bilateral alliances and military bases in East Asia, and to isolate it by refusing to recognize the Communist regime. The next twenty years were marked by American opposition to UN membership for the PRC, three crises in the Taiwan Strait, much offensive rhetoric, and a proxy war in Vietnam. Thus it appeared in 1972 that Nixon had executed a dramatic reversal of U.S. China policy in ending this hostile estrangement.

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12

Wang, Jianwei. "China: A Challenge or Opportunity for the United States?" Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (August 2003): 293–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001375.

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Ever since the end of the Cold War, the United States—from the government to the public, from the White House to Congress, from policymakers to pundits, from China specialists to people who know little about China—has engaged itself in the seemingly endless debate on China. Immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, people debated whether China was still important to the United States and whether the Sino-U.S. special relationship was worth preserving. Since the early 1990s, with China's remarkable economic “soft landing” and the consequent robust and sustained economic growth, Americans seemed to have reached a consensus that China still matters to the United States for better or worse. U.S.-China relations were often referred to as one of the most important bilateral relations to the United States. But important in what way? Much debate ensued with a series of frictions between the two countries that climaxed in the dispatch of two U.S. aircraft carriers to the South China Sea during the Taiwan Strait crisis in 1996, the U.S.-led NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the midair collision between the two air forces in 2001. The U.S. media tirelessly asked the question: “China: friend or foe?” The pattern for U.S. China policy since the end of the Cold War is that whenever the relationship appeared to be stabilizing and a consensus was shaping, new crises emerged and destroyed the hard-won progress, triggering another round of debate on China as if people never learned anything from the previous debate; the old and familiar discourse started all over again.

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13

Campbell, Kurt M., and Derek J. Mitchell. "Crisis in the Taiwan Strait?" Foreign Affairs 80, no. 4 (2001): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20050223.

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14

ROSS, ROBERT S. "The 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis." Security Dialogue 27, no. 4 (December 1996): 463–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010696027004010.

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15

Pye, Lucian W., and Nancy Bernkopf Tucker. "Dangerous Strait: The U.S.-Taiwan-China Crisis." Foreign Affairs 84, no. 5 (2005): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20031761.

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16

LI, REX. "The Taiwan Strait Crisis and the Future of China — Taiwan Relations." Security Dialogue 27, no. 4 (December 1996): 449–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010696027004008.

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17

Gunn, Geoffrey C. "Strait Rituals: China, Taiwan, and the United States in the Taiwan Strait Crisis, 1954–1958." Journal of Contemporary Asia 50, no. 4 (July 2, 2019): 666–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2019.1633553.

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18

Qimao, Chen. "The Taiwan Strait Crisis: Its Crux and Solutions." Asian Survey 36, no. 11 (November 1, 1996): 1055–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645635.

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19

Qimao, Chen. "The Taiwan Strait Crisis: Its Crux and Solutions." Asian Survey 36, no. 11 (November 1996): 1055–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1996.36.11.01p01792.

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20

Chan, Gerald, and Suisheng Zhao. "Across the Taiwan Strait: Mainland China, Taiwan, and the 1995-1996 Crisis." Pacific Affairs 74, no. 1 (2001): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672498.

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21

Pao‑ min, Chang. "The Dynamics of Taiwan´s Democratization and Crisis in the Taiwan Strait." Contemporary Southeast Asia 18, no. 1 (June 1996): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs18-1a.

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22

Pao‑min, Chang. "The Dynamics of Taiwan´s Democratization and Crisis in the Taiwan Strait." Contemporary Southeast Asia 18, no. 1 (June 1996): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs18_1a.

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23

Harris, Stuart. "Across the Taiwan Strait: Mainland China, Taiwan, and the 1995-1996 Crisis. Suisheng Zhao." China Journal 46 (July 2001): 198–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3182341.

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24

Cossa, Ralph A. "Taiwan Strait Crisis Management: The Role of Confidence-Building Measures." American Foreign Policy Interests 30, no. 6 (December 10, 2008): 392–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920802569282.

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25

WEHRLE, EDMUND F. "Review of Tucker, Dangerous Strait: The U.S.-Taiwan-China Crisis." Pacific Historical Review 75, no. 3 (August 1, 2006): 537–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2006.75.3.538.

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26

Hickey, Dennis van Vranken. "The Taiwan strait crisis of 1996: Implications for US security policy." Journal of Contemporary China 7, no. 19 (November 1998): 405–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670569808724323.

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27

Brands, H. W. "Testing Massive Retaliation: Credibility and Crisis Management in the Taiwan Strait." International Security 12, no. 4 (1988): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538997.

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28

Jun, Niu. "Strait talk: United States-Taiwan relations and the crisis with China." Cold War History 11, no. 2 (May 2011): 288–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2011.569165.

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29

Tsang, Steve. "The U.S. Military and American Commitment to Taiwan’s Security." Asian Survey 52, no. 4 (July 2012): 777–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.4.777.

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Abstract This article focuses on how the U.S. military assesses the threat of a Taiwan Strait crisis over the next two decades, America’s possible responses, and the U.S. capacity for effective intervention. It examines the drivers behind the U.S. approach, highlighting their implications.

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30

Soman, AppuK. ""Who's Daddy" in the Taiwan Strait? The Offshore Islands Crisis of 1958." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 3, no. 4 (1994): 373–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656194x00094.

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31

Henry, Iain D. "What Allies Want: Reconsidering Loyalty, Reliability, and Alliance Interdependence." International Security 44, no. 4 (April 2020): 45–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00375.

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Leaders believe that if their state abandons one ally during a crisis, then their state's other allies will expect similar disloyalty in the future. Thus, a single instance of disloyalty can damage, or even destroy, alliances with other states. Because of this belief in interdependence—that developments in one alliance will also affect other alliances—the desire to demonstrate loyalty has exercised a tremendous influence on U.S. policy. But is indiscriminate loyalty what allies want? The First Taiwan Strait Crisis (1954–55) case study suggests that allies do not desire U.S. loyalty in all situations. Instead, they want the United States to be a reliable ally, posing no risk of abandonment or entrapment. In the First Taiwan Strait Crisis, several allies worried that U.S. loyalty to the Republic of China increased the risk of unwanted conflict, and as the crisis persisted, these allies sought to restrain the United States and thus reduce the likelihood of war. Although U.S. leaders were reluctant to coerce the Republic of China into backing down during this territorial dispute with the People's Republic of China, other U.S. allies actively encouraged such disloyalty. These findings have significance for theories of alliance politics and international reputation, as well as contemporary alliance management.

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32

SCOBELL, ANDREW. "Show of Force: Chinese Soldiers, Statesmen, and the 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis." Political Science Quarterly 115, no. 2 (June 2000): 227–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657901.

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33

Baker, Anthony. "Space, as it relates to Nationalism: Ramifications for the Taiwan Straits Crisis." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 2, no. 6 (November 30, 2020): 78–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2020.2.6.9.

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Before the modern nation-states took form, borders between polities were often ill defined, with a political capital having more control over regions which are closer than those at a distance. However, the nation-state redefined a government's relationship to the region over which it claimed control, lending to a consolidation of control to the center and sharp-formed borders. This paper takes a historiographical approach to understanding space as it relates to the nation, and its ramifications for the Taiwan Straits Crisis. We will also look at how the theories and approaches used by environmental historians can be applied to Taiwan's place in the Chinese nation. This paper also explores the relationship of space and nationalism with the aid of works of theory, works which deal with both theory and practice in other polities in the world, this paper focus those theories and practices to Chinese nationalism.

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34

Bi, Jianhai. "The Role of the Military in the PRC Taiwan Policymaking: A case study of the Taiwan Strait crisis of 1995-1996." Journal of Contemporary China 11, no. 32 (August 2002): 539–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670560220152328.

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35

PANG, YANG HUEI. "Helpful Allies, Interfering Neighbours: World opinion and China in the 1950s." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 1 (September 17, 2014): 204–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000395.

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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Korean War, the People's Republic of China was effectively an international pariah. Accounts of this period in Chinese textbooks emphasize how the Chinese turned this around, either during the Geneva Conference or the Bandung Conference, through deft planning and enterprise. Yet few pay any attention to how such manipulation of world opinion became increasingly difficult for Beijing after that initial success. One outcome of China's public relations campaign meant friendly Afro-Asia leaders voiced their opinions, in alarming numbers, to their Chinese counterparts regarding issues such as Asian security, mainland China's economic development, and the Taiwan problem. Indeed, recently declassified Chinese Foreign Affairs archive documents demonstrate that China tried to marshal such non-Soviet bloc opinions to its advantage during the first Taiwan Strait crisis (1955). Chinese efforts were successful in that there was no lack of volunteers to air dissent with American foreign policy. But these new allies also wished to mediate between the United States and the Republic of China, on the one side, and mainland China on the other. Moreover, such efforts were often at variance with China's domestic and strategic outlook in the region. China thus had to embark upon an active ‘management’ of disparate world opinions, which was an entirely new endeavour. Although China tried to provide a sanitized ‘script’ for its new friends, most had their own ideas. By the time of the second Taiwan Strait crisis (1958), the volume of third party interference had grown. Overwhelmed by such international attention, China responded by openly rejecting unwelcome mediation efforts and demanded outright condemnation of the United States. Thus, ironically, with its growing prominence on the international stage, China found itself unbearably weighted down by the burden of world opinion, a position previously occupied by the United States.

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36

James, A. G. "Bruce A. Elleman. Taiwan Straits: Crisis in Asia and the Role of the US Navy." Asian Affairs 46, no. 3 (September 2, 2015): 545–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2015.1082320.

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37

Yu, Maochun Miles. "Bruce A. Elleman. Taiwan Straits: Crisis in Asia and the Role of the U.S. Navy ." American Historical Review 121, no. 5 (December 2016): 1637–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.5.1637.

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38

Kim, Beob-Heon, and Duk-Ki Kim. "Implications of China's Taiwan Strait Crisis Management Lessons on US Response Strategy and Military Power: Focusing on Jinmun Dao and Mazu Island Crisis." Korean Journal of Political Science 27, no. 2 (May 1, 2019): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.34221/kjps.2019.27.2.4.

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39

Kim, Hyun Seung. "A Analysis of Chinese Naval Concept of Operations and Its Secutiry Implications in case of Taiwan Strait Crisis." Review of Korean Military Studies 7, no. 1 (June 2018): 197–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.34166/rokms.2018.7.1.197.

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40

Johnston, Alastair Iain. "China's Militarized Interstate Dispute Behaviour 1949–1992: A First Cut at the Data." China Quarterly 153 (March 1998): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000002964.

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China's military exercises in the Taiwan Strait in 1995–96 accentuated concerns among states in the Asia-Pacific region about what kind of great power China will become if its economic growth continues at present rates and if its domestic political system does not change appreciably. In most respects many Chinese internal post-mortems on the crisis were quite similar to those in other states: coercive diplomacy led to an increase in voter support for Beijing's nemesis, Lee Teng-hui, and it increased worries among surrounding states about how China might handle bilateral disputes with them; but it also showed just how seriously the Chinese regime takes threats to the related interests of territorial integrity and domestic legitimacy.

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41

Dawley, Evan. "Review: Taiwan Straits: Crisis in Asia and the Role of the U.S. Navy by Bruce A. Elleman." Pacific Historical Review 85, no. 3 (August 1, 2016): 468–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2016.85.3.468.

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42

Wagener, Martin. "Reliable Kingdom? The USA, Thailand, and the Logic of Bandwagoning." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 28, no. 3 (September 2009): 39–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810340902800302.

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As the greatest military power in the Asia-Pacific, the U.S. depends on the cooperation of its allies. In the past, Washington has had to recognize that support is not always forthcoming. Using the example of relations between the U.S. and Thailand, this article tries to establish how the reliability of an ally can be assessed. For this purpose, the options of military access for American forces are first analyzed. Subsequently, the actions of the kingdom are explained from a theoretical point of view: Is Bangkok following a policy of bandwagoning vis-à-vis Washington? Finally, against this background, the possible behaviour of Thailand during a crisis in the Taiwan Strait is discussed: How reliable will the American ally be when it counts?

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43

Amae, Yoshihisa, and Kate Zhou. "Across the Taiwan Strait: Mainland China, Taiwan and the 1995–1996 Crisis. Edited by Suisheng Zhao. New York: Routledge, 1999. vii, 306 pp. $80.00 (cloth); $24.99 (paper)." Journal of Asian Studies 60, no. 3 (August 2001): 858–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2700136.

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44

Li, X. "NANCY BERNKOPF TUCKER. Strait Talk: United States-Taiwan Relations and the Crisis with China. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 2009. Pp. xii, 390. $35.00." American Historical Review 115, no. 5 (December 1, 2010): 1498–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.115.5.1498-a.

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45

Li, Xiaobing. "Nancy Bernkopf Tucker . Strait Talk: United States–Taiwan Relations and the Crisis with China . Cambridge : Harvard University Press . 2009 . Pp. xii, 390. $35.00." American Historical Review 115, no. 5 (December 2010): 1498–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.115.5.1498a.

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46

BERGER, THOMAS. "Set for stability? Prospects for conflict and cooperation in East Asia." Review of International Studies 26, no. 3 (July 2000): 405–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500004058.

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The Asian Pacific region is highly unstable, but not for the reasons usually assumed. Contrary to the assertions of Realists, who argue multipolarity makes Asia ‘ripe for rivalry’, overwhelming US strategic preponderance should make the balance of power quite stable. Likewise, while much is made by more liberal International Relations theorists of the relative absence of strong international institutions and democracy in Asia, recent trends seem to point in a more positive direction. The real source of instability lies in the beliefs and values held by regional actors. Contested sovereignty on the Korean peninsula and in the Taiwan straits makes military conflict seem a real possibility. Latent isolationism in the US and Japan may lead to a mishandling of a crisis were one to emerge. This Constructivist line of analysis suggests that more attention should be paid to these intangible potential sources of conflict and miscalculation.

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47

Wang, Huiqiang. "The causality link between political risk and stock prices." Journal of Financial Economic Policy 11, no. 3 (August 5, 2019): 338–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfep-07-2018-0106.

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Purpose Prior studies have paid close attention to the impact of political risk on financial markets. Following this strand of literature, this paper aims to focus on the causality link between political shocks and their impacts on emerging stock markets. Design/methodology/approach This paper highlights an innovative counterfactual model for political risk assessment. Based on a natural experiment, i.e. the Taiwan Strait Crisis in 1995-1996, this study utilizes one data-driven approach, e.g. the synthetic control methods (SCMs), to estimate causal impact of this political shock on Taiwan’s stock market. Findings Major findings in this study are consistent with existing literature on the price of political risk, e.g. political uncertainty commands a risk premium. The SCM estimations suggest that Taiwan’s stock prices dramatically underperformed its newly industrialized peers and other developed markets during the crisis. The SCM results are statistically significant and robust to various cross-validation tests. Research limitations/implications Findings in this study indicate that political risks could generate enormous impacts on emerging financial markets. In particular, political uncertainty following new geopolitical dynamics requires proper identification and assessment. Originality/value To the author’s knowledge, this paper is the first rigorous counterfactual study to the causality relationship between political uncertainty and stock prices in emerging markets. This paper is distinct from previous studies in applying a data-driven approach to combine the features of learning from others (cross-sectional) and learning from the past (time series).

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cabestan, jean-pierre. "dangerous strait. the u.s – taiwan – china crisis. edited by nancy bernkopf tucker. [new york: columbia university press, 2005. xiv+272 pp. isbn 0-231-13564-5.]." China Quarterly 183 (September 2005): 738–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005360437.

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Goldstein, Steven M. "Untying the Knot: Making Peace in the Taiwan Strait. By C. Bush Richard. Washington, D.C.:: Brookings Institution Press, 2005. xii, 416 pp. $32.95 (cloth); $24.95 (paper). - Dangerous Strait: The U.S.-Taiwan-China Crisis. Edited by Bernkopf Tucker Nancy. New York: Columbia University Press, 2005. xii, 288 pp. $39.50 (cloth)." Journal of Asian Studies 65, no. 4 (November 2006): 799–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002191180600163x.

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Deng, Yong. "Strait Talk: United States-Taiwan Relations and the Crisis with China. By Nancy Bernkopf Tucker. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009. xii, 390 pp. $36.50 (cloth); $22.95 (paper)." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 4 (November 2011): 1144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811001914.

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