Academic literature on the topic 'Tallinna raekoda (Tallinn, Estonia)'

Riga Polytechnicum (RP) / Riga Polytechnic Institute (RPI) was the only higher education institution in the territory of the present Baltic States where it was possible to obtain higher technical education in the 19th century and early 20th century. Well-known Estonian architects, engineers and industrialists also studied there. Karl Tarvas (1885–1975), a famous Estonian architect, studied at RPI from 1906 to 1915. His creative heritage significantly influenced and shaped the architecture of Tallinn and its suburbs in the 1920s and 1940s. During the Interwar period in the Republic of Estonia, K. Tarvas deliberately chose to improve the living conditions of the less affluent population by designing standard wooden buildings, which we now know as the Tallinn House (Estonian: Tallinna maja). This research provides an insight into the study years of K. Tarvas and critically evaluates his professional activity. K. Tarvas was one of the founders of Riga Estonian Students’ Society (Estonian: Riia Eesti Üliõpilaste Selts; REÜS) established in 1909, which united Estonian students at RPI. He also was among the creators of the Estonian Association of Architects (Estonian: Eesti Arhitektide Ühing) in 1921. His three sons Paul, Peeter and Pärtel also chose the profession of an architect, Peeter Tarvas (1916–1987) was the most prominent of the three.

The subjugation of Northern Estonia to Swedish rule in 1561 is described in all general presentations of history, yet by and large, the course of events has not been traced in newer research. This period of history is very remarkable in three aspects. First of all, it was important for Sweden’s political history because over the course of the subsequent hundred years, Sweden became a major power in the Baltic Sea region, in reference to which the expression dominium maris Baltici is used. Secondly, the events of 1561–62 were of local importance because they led to the demise of the State of the Livonian Order in Livonia, which also meant the end of the Middle Ages in that region. The third viewpoint concerning the effect of these events to constitutional law is perhaps even more important. They started the transformation of previously unitary Sweden into a European conglomerate state where in addition to the motherland, there were other distinctive parts with different rights, so called provinces. Only a part of this chain of events will be examined in this study, namely the visit of the Swedish envoys Klas Kristersson Horn, Hans Larsson Björnram and Herman Bruser to Tallinn from March to June of 1561 and the events following this visit after the coronation of the king in Stockholm towards the end of the summer. There is abundant source material related to the deliberations (correspondence, presentations, documents verifying privileges, descriptions of oral conversations) and part of it has been published, but there are many loose ends in this material, first and foremost in regard to questions related to constitutional issues. A completely new picture of the history of the birth of Sweden as a great power emerges as a result of the careful reading of the sources. Unlike later developments, to a great extent the initiative came from Tallinners themselves. Their vision was affected both by the fear of Russia and by the wish to use the opportunities offered by trade with the east. Complete concord prevailed in these matters between the Tallinners and Sweden’s young king Erik XIV. The Harju-Viru knighthood and the nobility of Järvamaa followed the example of Tallinn’s senior magistrates and town council. The vote with acclamation that took place in Tallinn, where the participants chose “with hand and mouth” the king of Sweden as their ruler, was of central importance. This was followed by detailed consultations, where Horn, Björnram and Bruser in accordance with their authorisation agreed to the existing privileges of the corporations. Two separate “acts of recognition” (Huldigung) took place in Tallinn on 4 and 6 June 1951, the content of which was typical in the case of the declaration of the sovereign as ruler. The central elements of these ceremonies were the oath of allegiance and the affirmation of the ruler, ecclesiastical ceremonies and various kinds of expressions of joy. After this, a delegation from the knighthood and the city travelled to Sweden, but they were late (perhaps for diplomatic reasons) for the king’s coronation celebrations held in Uppsala in June of 1561. In this way they did not have to take the oath of allegiance the same way as the Swedes. The final phase of the events took place in audiences with Erik XIV in Stockholm as well as its surrounding area. The promises and the written oaths taken in Tallinn were reviewed on the basis of Sweden’s legal expertise and even though the Swedes were not always satisfied with them, the king affirmed them all the same. He was emphatically benevolent and even approved the privileges presented by the delegations without reading them, asking only whether there was not anything in them contrary to natural law. Thus the privileges of both the knighthood and the city were approved in Norrköping on 2 August 1561. The Riksradet (Council of the Realm) did not participate in making the final decisions and the king also did not request any recommendation from the Riksdag (Sweden’s parliament). Instead, he relied on the permit that Riksdag had already granted to Gustav Vasa in the summer of 1560 “to set foot in Livonia”. The reason as seen from Sweden for incorporating Tallinn and its surrounding region was undoubtedly primarily mercantile. Several features of the policy of Erik XIV, and the selection of envoys (Horn and Björnram) from among persons who knew Russian trade the best, are indicative of this. Yet other reasons also had their effect, for instance state security and the ruler’s ambition and vanity. On the whole, Sweden’s path to becoming a great power can be explained on the basis of the complexity theory and especially the path dependence featured in this theory, where decision-making is limited to the path that has previously been selected. The distinctive feature of the events that took place in Tallinn was the fact that they had the strong support of the city’s inhabitants and that very little military force was used, while on the other hand money was spent liberally to pay for both bribes and awards.

Rīgas Politehnikums (RP) / Rīgas Politehniskais institūts (RPI) 19. gadsimtā un 20. gadsimta sākumā bija vienīgā augstākās izglītības iestāde tagadējo Baltijas valstu teritorijā, kur bija iespējams iegūt augstāko tehnisko izglītību. Tajā studēja arī pazīstami igauņu arhitekti, inženieri un rūpnieki. Viņu vidū – pazīstamais igauņu arhitekts Karls Tarvass (Karl Tarvas; 1885–1975), kurš studēja RPI no 1906. līdz 1915. gadam. Viņa radošais mantojums būtiski ietekmēja un veidoja Tallinas un tās priekšpilsētu arhitektūru 1920.–1940. gadā. Starpkaru laikā Igaunijas Republikā K. Tarvass apzināti izvēlējās uzlabot mazāk turīgo iedzīvotāju dzīves apstākļus, projektējot tipveida koka ēkas, ko mūsdienās pazīstam ar nosaukumu Tallinas māja (igauņu val. – Tallina maja). Pētījuma rezultātā sniegts ieskats K. Tarvasa studiju gados un izvērtēta viņa profesionālā darbība. K. Tarvass bija viens no Rīgas Igauņu studentu biedrības (igauņu val. – Riia Eesti Üliõpilaste Selts ( REÜS); dib. 1909) dibinātājiem, kas apvienoja RPI igauņu studentus, kuri 1921. gadā piedalījās Igaunijas Arhitektu asociācijas izveidē (igauņu val. – Eesti Arhitektide Ühing). Arī viņa trīs dēli Pauls, Pēteris un Pertels izvēlējās arhitekta profesiju, pazīstamākais no dēliem ir Pēteris Tarvass (Peeter Tarvas; 1916–1987). Riga Polytechnicum (RP) / Riga Polytechnic Institute (RPI) was the only higher education institution in the territory of the present Baltic States where it was possible to obtain higher technical education in the 19th century and early 20th century. Well-known Estonian architects, engineers and industrialists also studied there. Karl Tarvas (1885–1975), a famous Estonian architect, studied at RPI from 1906 to 1915. His creative heritage significantly influenced and shaped the architecture of Tallinn and its suburbs in the 1920s and 1940s. During the Interwar period in the Republic of Estonia, K. Tarvas deliberately chose to i mprove the living conditions of the less affluent population by designing standard wooden buildings, which we now know as the Tallinn House (Estonian: Tallinna maja). This research provides an insight into the study years of K. Tarvas and critically evaluates his professional activity. K. Tarvas w as one of the founders of Riga Estonian Students’ Society (Estonian: Riia Eesti Üliõpilaste Selts; REÜS) established in 1909, which united Estonian students at RPI. He also was among the creators of the Estonian Association of Architects (Estonian: Eesti Arhitektide Ühing) in 1921. His three sons Paul, Peeter and Pärtel also chose the profession of an architect, Peeter Tarvas (1916–1987) was the most prominent of the three.

Aastatel 2007–2012 toimus vene õppekeelega gümnaasiumide üleminek eestikeelsele aineõppele. Tallinna Ülikooli 2012. aasta sügisel koolides korraldatud uuring „Kakskeelne õpe vene õppekeelega koolis” kinnitas, et eestikeelne aineõpe on tõepoolest käima läinud ja kiirelt arenemas. Artikkel käsitleb lähemalt mõningaid õppe tulemuslikkuse faktoreid, mida uuringu käigus eestikeelses aineõppes ja seda toetavate eesti keele kui teise keele tundide juures analüüsisime. Eri sihtrühmade anketeerimise, fookusgrupiintervjuude ning ligi 80 tunnivaatluse põhjal teeme järeldusi eestikeelse õppe olukorra ja arenguvõimaluste kohta, keskendudes metoodika aspektile. Uuringu teoreetilisteks lähtekohtadeks on LAK-õpe (lõimitud aine- ja keeleõpe) ning aktiivõppe ja kommunikatiivõppe metoodika. Enamik artiklis vaadeldud metoodilisi jooni on olulised ka läbivalt eestikeelse hariduse kontekstis – nii keeleõppes kui ka aineõppes. Hoolimata vene õppekeelega koolide õpilaste arvu vähenemisest on kasulik jätkuvalt toetada haridustöötajate pädevuste arengut nendes metoodikavaldkondades – eriti arvestades õpilaskonna kultuurilist mitmekesistumist eesti õppekeelega koolis.Abstract. Helena Metslang, Mare Kitsnik, and Ingrid Krall: Content and language integrated learning methodology at Russian-medium schools. Estonian secondary schools include both the majority of schools where the language of tuition is Estonian and a minority of schools where most pupils speak Russian as their mother tongue and the language of tuition is mainly Russian. In 2007–2012, upper secondary schools of Russian-medium education in Estonia shifted to teaching 60% of the curriculum in Estonian. This was aimed at supporting Russian-medium schools’ graduates’ better coping in society, education and labour market. The study ‘Bilingual Education in Russian-medium Schools’ that our research team at Tallinn University carried out in autumn 2012 confirmed that the schools have implemented this change – Estonian-medium teaching is indeed taking place (as legislated) and is swiftly developing. This article describes, with a focus on methodology, some questions of effectiveness that we studied in content and language integrated learning (CLIL) lessons and supporting Estonian lessons. We discuss the situation and development perspectives of Estonian-medium CLIL in Russian schools. Theoretically, the study relies on CLIL principles and the methodologies of active learning and communicative language learning. Most of the methodological features described in this article are also important for the majority (Estonian-medium) education system. Despite the decrease of the number of students in Russian-medium schools, it is still useful to support the development of education practitioners’ skills in these areas of methodology – especially considering the increasing cultural diversification of the student body at Estonian-medium schools.Keywords: Estonian, second language, national minorities’ education, language teaching methodology, content and language integrated learning

TlnRnKo 09.01.2017, 1-15-9051, Tallinna Ringkonnakohus (Tallinn Circuit Court), 9 January 2017 Estonia; VAT on property; admissibility of evidence collected by surveillance; digital evidence guidelines; continuity of evidence (also known as chain of custody); MD5 hash – whether sufficient to prove evidence not altered; status of opinion of external expert (a lawyer)

Eestis oli 1920.–1930. aastatel aktiivne loomakaitseliikumine. Kui 1918. aastal oli Eestis vaid üks loomakaitseorganisatsioon, siis iseseisvuse ajal kasvas nende hulk 22-ni, liikumisega seotud isikute hulk aga lausa 10 000-ni. Artiklis on kirjeldatud Eesti loomakaitseliikumise kujunemist, edenemist ja hääbumist sõdadevahelisel perioodil, keskendudes liikumise olulisima eestvedaja, Tallinna Loomakaitse Seltsi inspektori Erich Kattenbergi tegevusele. Summary The article gives an overview of the Estonian animal protection movement during the interwar period (1918–1940). The interbellum era was an especially active period for the Estonian animal protection movement, yet very little has been written about it. Hence, the main purpose of the article is to acknowledge the existence of the movement in general. The main sources used are newspaper articles from the interwar period; additional sources include the animal welfare magazines published in the 1930s. The first animal welfare organisation in the Baltics was the Riga Society against Cruelty to Animals, founded in 1861, while in Estonia the first society of this kind was the Tallinn Animal Protection Association, created in 1869. When Estonia gained independence in 1918, the Tallinn Animal Protection Association was the only animal welfare organisation in the country. It had approximately 600 members, most of whom were Baltic Germans. A significant turn in the Estonian animal protection movement came in 1924, when Erich Kattenberg started working for the Tallinn Association as an animal protection inspector. Kattenberg was a dedicated animal welfare enthusiast who carried out inspections, organised events, wrote articles and gave speeches about the topic, and collaborated with schools, churches and governmental organisations. In particular, he focused on youth work. In 1927 he created a youth group at the Tallinn Animal Protection Association, which had more than 4000 members by 1934. In the autumn of 1926, Kattenberg wrote articles to the Estonian newspapers, inviting all friends of the animals to spread the animal protection movement across the country. As a result of his call, several new animal protection groups were created and by 1932 there were 22 animal protection associations in Estonia. Also the number of activists in Estonia started rising so that by 1933 there were approximately 10,000 people connected with the Estonian animal protection organisations. Under the leadership of Kattenberg, the Estonian animal protection organisations founded the Estonian Union of Animal Protection in 1928. It united all animal protection groups in Estonia and became the central and most important organisation of animal protection in Estonia. In the 1930s the activists started publishing journals of animal protection: the first among these was Loomakaitsja (‘The protector of animals’), published by Erich Kattenberg and the Estonian Union of Animal Protection. It first appeared in 1931, and, after a hiatus, resumed publication in 1934. In 1935 the journal changed its name to Eesti Loomasõber (‘The Estonian friend of animals’) and was published under that name until 1939. The second journal, published by the members of the Tartu Estonian Animal Protection Association in 1934–1936, was called Loomakaitse Ajakiri (‘The magazine of animal protection’). Since Eesti Loomasõber and Loomakaitse Ajakiri were published at the same time, there was a strong rivalry between the two, which turned into a conflict between the Estonian Union of Animal Protection and the Tartu Estonian Animal Protection Association. As a result of the conflict, Erich Kattenberg decided to resign from the board of the Union in 1935. After Kattenberg’s resignation, the Estonian Union of Animal Protection’s new chairs, who also became the spokespersons of the Estonian animal welfare movement in general, included Elmar Vau (1935–1936), Bernhard Methusalem (1936–1938) and Peeter Päts (1938–1940). The animal protection movement in Estonia ended in 1940, when Estonia was occupied by the Soviet Union, and recovered only in the 20th and early 21st century, when Estonia had restored its independence.

Suuline teatritõlge on jäänud marginaalse tõlkeliigina uurijate tähelepanu alt välja nii Eestis kui ka mujal. aastatel 1944–1991 on Eestis regulaarselt tõlgitud teatrietendusi eesti keelest vene keelde Tallinna Riiklikus Akadeemilises Draamateatris (Eesti Draamateatris), teater Vanemuises ja Lydia Koidula nimelises Pärnu Draamateatris (Endla Teatris). Kahes teatris on olnud tööl koosseisulised tõlgid, Pärnus vabakutseline tõlk. Artiklis analüüsitakse intervjuusid tõlkidega ning üldistatakse suuliseks esitamiseks tõlgitud kirjaliku teksti ettekandmise eripärasusi. Osutatakse, et teatritõlge ei ole valmis teksti ette- ega pealelugemine, vaid lõplik tõlge sünnib reaalajas, etenduse jooksul. In Estonia the simultaneous interpretation of performances from Estonian into Russian has a long tradition dating back more than half a century; it has not, however, drawn the attention of researchers, theatre critics and reviewers. International academic research mostly focuses on the sign language interpretation of theatre performances for the deaf community. The author’s approach to theatre interpreting is therefore based on this, except that the interpreter is making the performance accessible not to the hearing-impaired but to audience members who do not master the original language of the performance. In the context of this article, therefore, “theatre interpreter” refers to a simultaneous interpreter who interprets theatre performances. There are certain similarities between the preparatory work of simultaneous and sign language theatre interpreters (and, for that matter, with that of audio describers): they work with the written text and the spoken word as well as on their comprehension and awareness of stage improvisation by the actors, combining both preparation and spontaneity.When researching interpreting in Estonia from 1944 to 1991, the author established that this subtype of institutional interpretation took place in at least seven theatres. Performances were regularly interpreted from Estonian into Russian at three theatres: the Tallinn Drama Theatre, the Theatre Vanemuine in Tartu and the Pärnu Drama Theatre. At the Russian Drama Theatre, a few performances were also interpreted from Russian into Estonian. The theatres in Tallinn and Tartu employed staff interpreters, while the interpreter in Pärnu was a freelancer. In addition to these three interpreters another three also interpreted theatre performances once or twice. Archival research yielded factual evidence about the introduction of theatre interpreting in Estonia; this started in Tartu and Tallinn in 1952, and in Pärnu in 1967, where it was used during the summer season. Valeria Barsova, the staff interpreter at Vanemuine until 1995, was also temporarily tasked with interpreting operas in 1953; once she also interpreted a ballet at an open-air performance reading out the synopsis. Barsova had “a great voice for the microphone, a soft low alto, neither disturbingly sharp nor interfering, transmitting the meaning of the words expressed by the actors on the stage very clearly but almost as if unconsciously” (Süvalep 1978). Maia Soorm, a staff interpreter at the Estonian Drama Theatre in Tallinn for thirty-seven years, was awarded the Aleksander Kurtna Prize for her long-term dedication to theatre interpreting in 2010. Similar to her colleagues in Tartu and Tallinn, the interpreter who worked at the Pärnu theatre—Malle Šalda—got the job by chance. Neither she nor any of the other interpreters had any formal interpreter training. In addition to these three main interpreters, the author’s meticulous work in the archives led her to identify another three interpreters from the 1950s and 1960s: Helene Malin, Aleksandr Aisenstadt and Armilda Berzina.Estonia’s three long-term theatre interpreters, all of whom are highly competent in their field, mastered not only fluency in the source and target languages but also the metamorphosis from a dramatic text into a stage interpretation. A major contributing factor to this was their long-term relationship with the theatre they worked at and the opportunity they had to participate in the production process. Theatre interpreting is a hybrid form in which both interpretation and translation must be considered (Turner, Pollitt 2002: 41). Yvonne Griesel (2009: 125) recommends treating translators and interpreters as partners and language experts for the stage.In 1983, opera surtitles were introduced in the Canadian Opera Company. Since then, the use of surtitles has become widespread in opera houses all over the world. In operas, there is less improvisation than in drama productions. A lag between surtitles and the spoken word could have a detrimental effect on the entire production. Technical problems with surtitles can also disturb the audience members who do not understand the original. Despite such potential issues, over the last ten years surtitles have also begun to be used in many drama theatres. This is a particular way to solve linguistic issues at drama festivals. Static surtitles, however, do not take into account improvisation or contribute to the real-life theatre experience. The final version of theatre interpreting, on the other hand, is “performed live in real time” (Napier 2011: 373). Indeed, a good theatre interpreter may make the audience forget their headsets and the linguistic barrier.

Teesid: Käesolev artikkel käsitleb uusklassikalist luulet ehk luulet, mis tärkab humanistliku hariduse pinnalt ja on loodud nn klassikalistes keeltes ehk vanakreeka ja ladina keeles. Artikli esimene pool toob välja paar üldist probleemi varauusaja poeetika käsitlemises nii Eestis kui mujal. Teises osas esitatakse alternatiivina mõned näited (autoriteks G. Krüger, H. Vogelmann, L. Luden, O. Hermelin ja H. Bartholin) Tartu ja Tallinna uusklassikalisest luulest värsstõlkes koos poeetika analüüsidega, avalikkusele tundmata luuletuste puhul esitatakse ka originaaltekstid. SUMMARYThis article discusses poetry in classical languages (Humanist Greek and Neo-Latin) belonging to the classical literary tradition while focusing on poetry from Tallinn and Tartu from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It does not aim to present an overview of this tradition in Estonia (already an object of numerous studies), but rather to discuss some general problems connected to such studies—both in Europe and Estonia—and to show some alternative (or complementary) analyses of neo-classical poetics, together with verse translations and texts that are not easily available or are unknown to the scholars.The discussion of neo-classical poetry in Estonia finds problems in a detachment from poetics and the consequent discrepancies. Firstly, although scholarly treatises stress the value of casual poetry (forming the most eminent part of Estonian Neo-Latin and Humanist Greek poetry), the same treatises present this poetry from the viewpoint of its social background, focusing more on the authors and events than the poetic form. For example, in the Anthology of Tartu casual poetry and the corpus of Neo-Latin poetry from Tartu, texts are presented according to genre, which is defined only according to the classification of social events (epithalamia, epicedia, congratulations for rectorate, disputations, etc). Secondly, in most cases (the anthology, re-editions), this poetry is presented to readers as prose translations. As in the case of ancient Greek and Roman poetry, the established norm in Estonia is verse translation. Translating poetry into prose, therefore, signals that these works are not to be considered poetry. Thirdly, commentaries on this poetry tend to list lexical parallels with authors from classical antiquity without distinguishing actual quotations from the usage of poetic formulae while simultaneously (mostly) ignoring the impact of pagan and Christian texts from late antiquity and renais­sance and humanist literature.One alternative is to present Neo-Latin and Humanist Greek poetry as verse translations and focus more on discussing poetic devices and the impact of its contemporary poetry. Therefore, the second part of this article presents five poems as translations of verse and a subsequent analysis of their poetics.The first example is from a manuscript in the Tallinn City Archives and represents the earliest collection of neo-classical poetry, containing one Latin and five Greek poems belonging to the epistolary poem genre. Its author, Gregor Krüger Mesylanus (a latinized Greek translation of the name of his birth-town Mittenwalde, near Berlin), worked as a priest in Reval after his studies in Wittenberg during the time of Ph. Melanchthon (which explains Krüger‘s chosen poetic form). The Greek cycle is regarded thematically as variations on the same subject of the author‘s longing for home and his unhappiness with the jealousy and hostility of his fellow citizens in Reval. His choice of meter is influenced by Latin poetry, the initial long elegy balanced by four shorter poems of different meters (iambic and choriambic patterns). The final poem of the Greek cycle (Enviless Moon) is presented together with a metrical translation and analysis to demonstrate how sonorous patterns orchest­rate the thematic development of the poem: the author‘s wish to be like the moon, who receives its light from the brighter sun, but remains still happy and grateful to God for his own gift and ability to bring a smaller light to others.The second example analyzes the structure and poetic motives of a metrical translation of a Greek Pindaric Ode by Heinrich Vogelmann from 1633. The paper’s author also examines the European tradition of The second example analyzes the structure and poetic motives of a metrical translation of a Greek Pindaric Ode by Heinrich Vogelmann from 1633. The paper’s author also examines the European tradition of such odes (including more than sixty examples from 1548 until 2004). The third example discusses two alternative translations and additional translation possibilities of a recently discovered anagrammatic poem by Lorenz Luden. The fourth and fifth examples are congratulatory poems addressed to Andreas Borg for the publication of his disputation on civil liberty (in 1697). A Latin congratulatory poem by Olaus Hermelin is an example of politically engaged poetry, which addresses not the student but the subject of his disputation and contemporary political situation (the revolt of Estonian nobility against the Swedish king, who had recaptured donated lands, and the exile of its leader, Johann Reinhold Patkul). The Greek poem by H. Bartholin refers to the arts of Muses to demonstrate the changes in poetical representations of university studies: by the end of the seventeenth century the motives of the dancing and singing, flowery Muses is replaced with the stress of the toil in the stadium and the labyrinth of Muses.This article discusses poetry in classical languages (Humanist Greek and Neo-Latin) belonging to the classical literary tradition while focusing on poetry from Tallinn and Tartu from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It does not aim to present an overview of this tradition in Estonia (already an object of numerous studies), but rather to discuss some general problems connected to such studies—both in Europe and Estonia—and to show some alternative (or complementary) analyses of neo-classical poetics, together with verse translations and texts that are not easily available or are unknown to the scholars.The discussion of neo-classical poetry in Estonia finds problems in a detachment from poetics and the consequent discrepancies. Firstly, although scholarly treatises stress the value of casual poetry (forming the most eminent part of Estonian Neo-Latin and Humanist Greek poetry), the same treatises present this poetry from the viewpoint of its social background, focusing more on the authors and events than the poetic form. For example, in the Anthology of Tartu casual poetry and the corpus of Neo-Latin poetry from Tartu, texts are presented according to genre, which is defined only according to the classification of social events (epithalamia, epicedia, congratulations for rectorate, disputations, etc). Secondly, in most cases (the anthology, re-editions), this poetry is presented to readers as prose translations. As in the case of ancient Greek and Roman poetry, the established norm in Estonia is verse translation. Translating poetry into prose, therefore, signals that these works are not to be considered poetry. Thirdly, commentaries on this poetry tend to list lexical parallels with authors from classical antiquity without distinguishing actual quotations from the usage of poetic formulae while simultaneously (mostly) ignoring the impact of pagan and Christian texts from late antiquity and renais­sance and humanist literature. One alternative is to present Neo-Latin and Humanist Greek poetry as verse translations and focus more on discussing poetic devices and the impact of its contemporary poetry. Therefore, the second part of this article presents five poems as translations of verse and a subsequent analysis of their poetics. The first example is from a manuscript in the Tallinn City Archives and represents the earliest collection of neo-classical poetry, containing one Latin and five Greek poems belonging to the epistolary poem genre. Its author, Gregor Krüger Mesylanus (a latinized Greek translation of the name of his birth-town Mittenwalde, near Berlin), worked as a priest in Reval after his studies in Wittenberg during the time of Ph. Melanchthon (which explains Krüger‘s chosen poetic form). The Greek cycle is regarded thematically as variations on the same subject of the author‘s longing for home and his unhappiness with the jealousy and hostility of his fellow citizens in Reval. His choice of meter is influenced by Latin poetry, the initial long elegy balanced by four shorter poems of different meters (iambic and choriambic patterns). The final poem of the Greek cycle (Enviless Moon) is presented together with a metrical translation and analysis to demonstrate how sonorous patterns orchest­rate the thematic development of the poem: the author‘s wish to be like the moon, who receives its light from the brighter sun, but remains still happy and grateful to God for his own gift and ability to bring a smaller light to others. The second example analyzes the structure and poetic motives of a metrical translation of a Greek Pindaric Ode by Heinrich Vogelmann from 1633. The paper’s author also examines the European tradition of This article discusses poetry in classical languages (Humanist Greek and Neo-Latin) belonging to the classical literary tradition while focusing on poetry from Tallinn and Tartu from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It does not aim to present an overview of this tradition in Estonia (already an object of numerous studies), but rather to discuss some general problems connected to such studies—both in Europe and Estonia—and to show some alternative (or complementary) analyses of neo-classical poetics, together with verse translations and texts that are not easily available or are unknown to the scholars.The discussion of neo-classical poetry in Estonia finds problems in a detachment from poetics and the consequent discrepancies. Firstly, although scholarly treatises stress the value of casual poetry (forming the most eminent part of Estonian Neo-Latin and Humanist Greek poetry), the same treatises present this poetry from the viewpoint of its social background, focusing more on the authors and events than the poetic form. For example, in the Anthology of Tartu casual poetry and the corpus of Neo-Latin poetry from Tartu, texts are presented according to genre, which is defined only according to the classification of social events (epithalamia, epicedia, congratulations for rectorate, disputations, etc). Secondly, in most cases (the anthology, re-editions), this poetry is presented to readers as prose translations. As in the case of ancient Greek and Roman poetry, the established norm in Estonia is verse translation. Translating poetry into prose, therefore, signals that these works are not to be considered poetry. Thirdly, commentaries on this poetry tend to list lexical parallels with authors from classical antiquity without distinguishing actual quotations from the usage of poetic formulae while simultaneously (mostly) ignoring the impact of pagan and Christian texts from late antiquity and renaissance and humanist literature.One alternative is to present Neo-Latin and Humanist Greek poetry as verse translations and focus more on discussing poetic devices and the impact of its contemporary poetry. Therefore, the second part of this article presents five poems as translations of verse and a subsequent analysis of their poetics.The first example is from a manuscript in the Tallinn City Archives and represents the earliest collection of neo-classical poetry, containing one Latin and five Greek poems belonging to the epistolary poem genre. Its author, Gregor Krüger Mesylanus (a latinized Greek translation of the name of his birth-town Mittenwalde, near Berlin), worked as a priest in Reval after his studies in Wittenberg during the time of Ph. Melanchthon (which explains Krüger‘s chosen poetic form). The Greek cycle is regarded thematically as variations on the same subject of the author‘s longing for home and his unhappiness with the jealousy and hostility of his fellow citizens in Reval. His choice of meter is influenced by Latin poetry, the initial long elegy balanced by four shorter poems of different meters (iambic and choriambic patterns). The final poem of the Greek cycle (Enviless Moon) is presented together with a metrical translation and analysis to demonstrate how sonorous patterns orchestrate the thematic development of the poem: the author‘s wish to be like the moon, who receives its light from the brighter sun, but remains still happy and grateful to God for his own gift and ability to bring a smaller light to others.The second example analyzes the structure and poetic motives of a metrical translation of a Greek Pindaric Ode by Heinrich Vogelmann from 1633. The paper’s author also examines the European tradition of