Journal articles: 'Tamil Eelam'

1

Ranganathan, M., and S. Velayutham. "Imagining Eelam Tamils in Tamil cinema." Continuum 26, no. 6 (November 15, 2012): 871–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10304312.2012.731261.

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S, Selvakumaran. "In Diaspora Countries - Tamil Culture and Arts." Indian Journal of Multilingual Research and Development 1, no. 1 (December 17, 2020): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/ijmrd2012.

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Unable to cope with the brutal Sinhala aggression against Tamils in Eelam, the Eelam Tamils emigrated to foreign lands in an attempt to uplift their language, art, literature and culture in the countries where they had settled for survival. As a result, they established Tamil schools in the countries where they lived and celebrated the festivals of the Tamils such as Pongal festival and Deepavali festival, the spiritual festival of Murugan Kavadi dance festivel. During these festivals, the Tamil arts such as drama, silambam, oyil and kummi are performed with great diligence. In that sense, this article sets out to explore the way the Tamil diaspora promotes Tamil culture through their arts.

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3

Murugesapandian, N. "இச்சா:ஈழத்தமிழரின் வலியும் வேதனையும் ததும்பிடும் துன்பியல் கதை." Shanlax International Journal of Tamil Research 5, no. 1 (July 1, 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/tamil.v5i1.3409.

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The struggle of the Eelam Tamils and the repression of the Sinhala chauvinist army against it have a long history dating back to 1981 until the 2009 Mullivaikkal massacre.The atrocity of desecrating human bodies without any virtue has taken place naturally in Sri Lanka.The struggles of the movements for Tamil liberation, especially the fierce war against the government by LTTE, brutal military attacks of the Sinhala chauvinist state, armed struggle against LTTE with the support of the West, including India and China.Blood is pouring down the pages of Sri Lanka’ s history.The armed Eelam war led by Velupillai Prabhakaran in the history is incomparable; have a strong. The heroic wars of the LTTE was float in the air as indelible memories.The thirty-year armed struggle of Tamil Eelam is today became stories for future generations.A novel namely, Ichaa written by Shobha sakti with the understanding that creation is a political activity, has emerged as a social critique.The uniqueness of Ichaa’ novel is that it questions the politics of power embedded in the destruction of human dignity and values. This article expands into a cross-sectional critique of Ichaa novel, written in a political context of the past.

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4

M, Punitha. "Immigration issues in tamil nathi mythology." International Research Journal of Tamil 3, S-1 (June 10, 2021): 77–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt21s112.

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Created by various human groups, caste, language and race are the forces that divide humanity. Although the above elements are meant to identify people who are divided into groups, when a serious tendency is expressed over them, they become inclined to impose self-drive and power among other ethnic and linguistic peoples, disrupting the unity of the country. Sri Lanka's chauvinist environment is evident that the oppression and suppression of people on the grounds of race and language can lead to human destruction. The creators of Eelam proclaim the vigour of racism that has killed tens of thousands of people to international nations through their writings. Thus, Thamizhnathy, the birthplace of Eelam, has conceived in his works the communal tendency that is being played out on the soil, the oppression of the Tamil people and the tragedy of migration. The purpose of this article is to examine the migration issues in his collection of poems, 'kalam uraintha sattagam'.

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5

Krishnan, C. J. Ravi, C. Pichandy, and Francis Barclay. "Post Tamil Eelam war coverage in Dinamani newspaper." Mass Communicator: International Journal of Communication Studies 8, no. 4 (2014): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/0973-967x.2014.00007.6.

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6

Stokke, Kristian, and Anne Kirsti Ryntveit. "The Struggle for Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka." Growth and Change 31, no. 2 (January 2000): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0017-4815.00129.

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7

DeVotta, Neil. "The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Lost Quest for Separatism in Sri Lanka." Asian Survey 49, no. 6 (November 1, 2009): 1021–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.6.1021.

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The ethnocentric policies successive Sri Lankan governments pursued against the minority Tamils pushed them to try to secede, but the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam's (LTTE) immanent contradictions——the quest for state-building and independence juxtaposed with fascistic rule and terrorist practices——undermined the separatist movement and irreparably weakened the Tamil community. The Sri Lankan government's extraconstitutional counterterrorism strategies under Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa helped defeat the LTTE, but the attendant militarism, culture of impunity especially among the defense forces, and political machinations bode further ill for the island's democratic and polyethnic future.

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8

Ratner, Steven R. "Accountability and the Sri Lankan Civil War." American Journal of International Law 106, no. 4 (October 2012): 795–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.106.4.0795.

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Sri Lanka's civil war came to a bloody end in May 2009, with the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by Sri Lanka's armed forces on a small strip of land in the island's northeast. The conflict, the product of long-standing tensions between Sri Lanka's majority Sinhalese and minority Tamils over the latter's rights and place in society, had begun in the mid-1980s and ebbed and flowed for some twenty-five years, leading to seventy to eighty thousand deaths on both sides. Government repression of Tamil aspirations was matched with ruthless LTTE tactics, including suicide bombings of civilian targets; and for many years the LTTE controlled large parts of northern and eastern Sri Lanka.

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9

Joshi, Manoj. "On the Razor's edge: The liberation tigers of Tamil Eelam." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 19, no. 1 (January 1996): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576109608435994.

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10

Edirisuriya, Piyadasa. "The Rise and Grand Fall of Sri Lanka’s Mahinda Rajapaksa." Asian Survey 57, no. 2 (March 2017): 211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.2.211.

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Mahinda Rajapaksa became the president of Sri Lanka in 2005 and ruled the country until his unexpected defeat in the presidential election of 2015. He crushed the militant and very powerful Tamil separatist group, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, by military force in 2009. Given his great power and popularity, his defeat in the 2015 election was an astonishing grand fall. This study examines the long rise of Mahinda Rajapaksa and his sudden fall.

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11

Coningham, Robin, and Nick Lewer. "The Vijayan colonization and the archaeology of identity in Sri Lanka." Antiquity 74, no. 285 (September 2000): 707–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00060105.

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In my tours throughout the interior, I found ancient monuments, apparently defying decay, of which no one could tell the date or the founder; and temples and cities in ruins, whose destroyers were equally unknown. SIR JAMES EMERSON TENNANT(1859: xxv).There are competing, yet interlinked, identities in Sri Lanka through which people ‘establish, maintain, and protect a sense of self-meaning, predictability, and purpose’ (Northrup 1989: 55). These have become established over hundreds of years, and communities are attributed labels including Sinhala, Tamil, Vadda, Buddhist and Hindu (Coningham & Lewer 1999: 857). Sri Lanka is now experiencing what Azar (1990) has called a ‘protracted social conflict’, wherein a section of the Tamil communities led by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are engaged in a struggle to establish a Tamil honieland or Eelam. International links, especially with south India, have had important implications on the formation of identities in Sri Lanka. Here we will focus on a key influence which has deep archaeological and political implications, whose interpretation has informed and distorted the present understanding of the concept and evolution of identities. This theme, the Vijayan colonization of the island, illustrates the formulation of identities, especially as derived from a historical chronicle, the Mahavamsa, which was ‘rediscovered’ by colonial officials in AD 1826 and has played a major role in determining the dynamics of this conflict.

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12

Rubinoff, Arthur G., and Sumantra Bose. "States, Nations, Sovereignty: Sri Lanka, India and the Tamil Eelam Movement." International Journal 51, no. 1 (1995): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203764.

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13

Ranganathan, Maya. "Nurturing a nation on the net: The case of Tamil Eelam." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 8, no. 2 (June 2002): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110208428661.

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14

Shastri, Amita. "The Material Basis for Separatism: The Tamil Eelam Movement in Sri Lanka." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 1 (February 1990): 56–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058433.

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The Ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka has aroused increasing international attention. The demands of the Sri Lankan Tamil ethnoregional movement for greater independence from the Sinhalese-dominated center developed through various stages into a call for a separate state in the mid-1970s. This was followed by an increase in the use of organized violence by both sides in the conflict. Most recently, the continued resistance of core Tamil militants to Indian attempts to institute a solution within a united SriLanka has emphasized the independent indigenous roots and powerful motivating vision of the call for a separate state.

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15

de Silva, Chandra R. "Sri Lanka in 2006: Unresolved Political and Ethnic Conflicts amid Economic Growth." Asian Survey 47, no. 1 (January 2007): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.1.99.

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Open warfare between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam broke out in mid-year. The two sides met twice in Geneva but failed to resolve their differences. Disagreements within the ruling coalition on how to resolve this conflict resulted in a realignment of political forces. The economy continued to grow, although troubling indicators emerged toward the end of 2006.

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16

Wickramasinghe, Nira. "Sri Lanka in 2008: Waging War for Peace." Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (January 2009): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.59.

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The year 2008 saw a successful military campaign by government security forces against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the North. Elections to the Eastern Province resulted in a break away faction of the LTTE sharing power with the government. People continued to endure high inflation in the price of essential goods and services, and the country's human rights record remained dismal.

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17

Destradi, Sandra. "India and Sri Lanka's Civil War." Asian Survey 52, no. 3 (May 2012): 595–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.3.595.

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Abstract This article focuses on India's relationship with Sri Lanka in examining why a regional power failed to manage a conflict in its immediate neighborhood. Historical and domestic factors help explain India's largely hands-off policy (1991–2006). In contrast, regional and international factors underpin its support of Colombo's military campaign against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, including New Delhi's concerns about China.

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18

Parasram, Ajay. "Erasing Tamil Eelam: De/Re Territorialisation in the Global War on Terror." Geopolitics 17, no. 4 (October 2012): 903–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2012.654531.

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19

Enteen, Jillana. "Spatial conceptions of URLs: Tamil Eelam networks on the world wide web." New Media & Society 8, no. 2 (April 2006): 229–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444806061944.

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20

FAIR, C. CHRISTINE. "DIASPORA INVOLVEMENT IN INSURGENCIES: INSIGHTS FROM THE KHALISTAN AND TAMIL EELAM MOVEMENTS." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 11, no. 1 (April 2005): 125–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110590927845.

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21

Alison, Miranda. "Cogs in the wheel? Women in the liberation tigers of Tamil Eelam." Civil Wars 6, no. 4 (December 2003): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698240308402554.

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22

Gowrinathan, Nimmi. "The committed female fighter: the political identities of Tamil women in the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam." International Feminist Journal of Politics 19, no. 3 (April 25, 2017): 327–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2017.1299369.

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23

Laksmono, Miranti Dian. "The Position of Women in the Military: Ethnic Tamil Female Combatants in the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)." Martabat: Jurnal Perempuan dan Anak 4, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21274/martabat.2020.4.2.239-250.

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This paper discusses various factors behind the ethnic Tamil women who decided to join the terrorist militia group, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), in the northern and southeastern parts of Sri Lanka. In this discussion it is known that there are three factors that affect the decision of Tamil women to join the LTTE, namely: first, the existence of the Tamil community as an ethnic minority. Second, the occurrence of mass sexual violence and abuse among Tamil women, perpetuated by the Sri Lanka’s majority ethnic group. Finally, the decision of Tamil women to join LTTE is due to the pressure that structurally and culturally appears in communities in conflictual areas. Through these three factors, Tamil women then chose to leave their comfort zone and reconstructed their identity by joining the LTTE terrorist militia group. In this case, the involvement of female LTTE combatants in Sri Lanka is not only an attempt to eradicate negative views regarding femininity through military activities, but also a symbol of successful self-liberalization from the practice of gender oppression in conflict situations

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24

Nackers, Kimberly. "Framing the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 7, no. 1 (May 22, 2015): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00701005.

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The Responsibility to Protect (r2p), as enshrined in the 2005 World Summit Outcome document, aims to protect populations from the commission of mass atrocities. Yet both Sri Lankan government and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (ltte) forces killed thousands of civilians during the conclusion of Eelam War Four in Sri Lanka, in spite of the adoption of r2p by the Sri Lankan government. In this article, I argue that these atrocities occurred with little involvement on the part of the international community to stop them, in large part due to existing international political dynamics, which the framing efforts of the Sri Lankan government played upon. The government was able to determine the dominant discourse on the conflict and portrayed it as part of the War on Terror. This facilitated states in supporting the government in the conflict, while diminishing criticism from actors that may otherwise have been more supportive of the invocation of r2p.

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25

Samaranayake, Gamini. "Political Terrorism of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 30, no. 1 (April 2007): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856400701264092.

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26

Davis, Jessica. "Gendered Terrorism: Women in the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)." Minerva Journal of Women and War 2, no. 1 (April 1, 2008): 22–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3172/min.2.1.22.

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27

Uyangoda, Jayadeva. "Sri Lanka in 2009: From Civil War to Political Uncertainties." Asian Survey 50, no. 1 (January 2010): 104–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2010.50.1.104.

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Political developments in Sri Lanka in 2009 centered primarily around the end of the protracted civil war between the state and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), with the total military defeat of the LTTE. Sri Lanka subsequently entered an uncertain phase of post-civil war political reconstruction. The announcement to hold early presidential elections in January 2010 added to uncertainties to Sri Lanka's post-civil war political process. Sri Lanka also moved away from the West toward other Asian and Middle Eastern powers.

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28

Traunmüller, Richard, Sara Kijewski, and Markus Freitag. "The Silent Victims of Sexual Violence during War: Evidence from a List Experiment in Sri Lanka." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 9 (February 19, 2019): 2015–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719828053.

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Sexual violence is believed to be widespread during war. Yet empirical evidence concerning its prevalence is often limited. Victims, out of feelings of shame or fear, underreport this form of violence. We tackle this problem by administering a list experiment in a representative survey in Sri Lanka, which is only recently recovering from an ethnic civil war between Sinhalese and Tamils. This unobtrusive method reveals that around 13 percent of the Sri Lankan population has personally experienced sexual assault during the war—a prevalence ten times higher than elicited by direct questioning. We also identify vulnerable groups: Tamils who have collaborated with rebel groups and the male-displaced population suspected of collaboration with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Our experimental evidence thus lends support to reports on the asymmetric use of sexual violence by government forces, qualifies conventional wisdom on sexual violence during war, and has important implications for policy.

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29

Shastri, Amita. "Sri Lanka in 2002: Turning the Corner?" Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 215–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.215.

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Embroiled in a civil war for two decades, a peace process was reinitiated in Sri Lanka with international support. Has Sri Lanka finally turned the corner from war? This article argues that major progress has been made by the United National Front government in opening a dialogue with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Yet, major hurdles remain: support by the Tigers for a political solution remains conditional, they have not laid down their arms, and negotiating an agreement about the prospective political structure promises to be problematic.

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30

Sarvananthan, Muttukrishna. "In pursuit of a mythical state of Tamil Eelam: a rejoinder to Kristian Stokke." Third World Quarterly 28, no. 6 (September 2007): 1185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590701507628.

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31

Fowsar, Mohamed Anifa Mohamed, and Mansoor Mohamed Fazil. "Strong state and weak minority in post-civil war Sri Lanka: A study based on state-in-society approach." International research journal of management, IT and social sciences 7, no. 6 (October 21, 2020): 72–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/irjmis.v7n6.1013.

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This study aims to analyze the strong state of Sri Lanka that emerged after the civil war during the regime of Mahinda Rajapaksa. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was the leading Tamil militant social force, which was waging war against the government to form a separate state in the northern and eastern regions of Sri Lanka. The government ended both the separatist struggle of the LTTE and the civil war in May 2009 by winning a major military victory. This study is a qualitative analysis based on text analysis and field interviews, supplemented with limited observations. The study reveals that the state introduced enhanced security measures to avoid possible LTTE regrouping and re-commencement of violence in the country. The state also attempted to fragment minority parties to weaken the state reconstitution process through penetration and regulation of the social order.

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32

Vasan, Preetha. "Cultural Memory and the Sri Lankan Civil War in Shobaskthi’s Short Story, ‘The MGR Murder Trial’." IRA International Journal of Education and Multidisciplinary Studies (ISSN 2455-2526) 7, no. 3 (July 10, 2017): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jems.v7.n3.p11.

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This paper looks at the intersection of cultural memory, war and literary narrative in the specific context of the civil wars that raged Sri Lanka. It would consider the dynamics of cultural memory of an ethnic minority group during a civil war. To achieve this, the paper would attempt a close study of Shobasakthi , the Tamil Eelam writer’s titular short story “The MGR Murder Trial” from his short story anthology. The use of a popular cultural icon is deliberate in the story. The paper would consider the symbolism of this usage and thereby arrive at the author’s response to the civil war.

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33

Wayland, Sarah. "Ethnonationalist networks and transnational opportunities: the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora." Review of International Studies 30, no. 3 (July 2004): 405–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006138.

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This article presents an empirical case study of a type of nonstate actor largely overlooked in the IR literature on transnationalism: the diaspora or transnational ethnic actor. Building upon findings from contentious politics or social movements scholarship, I highlight the nexus of domestic and transnational politics by demonstrating how actors form ethnic networks and utilise transnational opportunities to pursue political goals in various states. Specifically, I argue that the formation of ethnic networks in the Tamil diaspora has enabled the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) or ‘Tigers’ to engage in protracted insurgency against the Sri Lankan government army. Whereas traditional contentious politics scholarship is unable to explain the longevity and intensity of that conflict, a consideration of the transnational dimension provides new insight into how ethnic conflicts may be sustained. The combination of greater political freedom, community organising and access to advanced communications and financial resources in receiving states has allowed Tamil separatists in the diaspora to maintain ‘transnational ethnic networks’ which are in turn used to mobilise funds that have prolonged the secessionist campaign in Sri Lanka.

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34

MAUNAGURU, SIDHARTHAN, and JONATHAN SPENCER. "‘You Can Do Anything With a Temple’: Religion, philanthropy, and politics in South London and Sri Lanka." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 1 (January 2018): 186–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000385.

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AbstractOur title quotation is taken from an interview with the chief trustee of a leading Hindu temple in south London, and captures the curious mixture of philanthropy, politics, and individual ambition that has emerged around Sri Lankan Tamil temples in the diaspora. During the long years of civil war, temples became centres of mobilization for the growing Tamil diaspora, and were often accused of channelling funds to the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) and its various front organizations. Since the end of the war, in 2009, the same temples now support orphanages and other good works in Sri Lanka, and their efforts are starting to be emulated by temples in Sri Lanka itself. At the heart of our article is a dispute between the UK Charity Commission and the chief trustee of a London temple, who is accused of misuse of temple funds and ‘failure to dissociate’ the temple from a terrorist organization. A close reading of the case and its unexpected denouement reveals the difficulties of bounding the zone of philanthropy.

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35

Rajeswari, P. R. "US policy on terrorism—Part II cases of Hizbollah and liberation tigers of Tamil Eelam." Strategic Analysis 22, no. 8 (November 1998): 1215–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169808458875.

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Stack-O'Connor, Alisa. "Lions, Tigers, and Freedom Birds: How and Why the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam Employs Women." Terrorism and Political Violence 19, no. 1 (January 2007): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546550601054642.

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37

Obayashi, Kazuhiro. "Information, rebel organization and civil war escalation: The case of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam." International Area Studies Review 17, no. 1 (March 2014): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865913519260.

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38

Fazil, M. M., and M. A. M. Fowsar. "The End of Sri Lanka’s Civil War and the Fall of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE): A Critical Analysis of the Contributed Factors to the Defeat of the LTTE." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 4 (October 15, 2020): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n4p147.

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Sri Lanka came to the international limelight through the backdrop of its undesirable war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) that lasted over three decades. The LTTE was formed as a social force, and then it transformed as a leading armed movement to forward their decades-long quest to set up a Tamil homeland in Sri Lanka. The government ended the LTTE’s secessionist struggle in May 2009 after a lengthy and bloody battle. Several national and international factors played a crucial role in ending the civil war sooner. The study used a qualitative method of inquiry to explore the key factors that led to the fall of the LTTE, a vigorous armed movement that attempted to set up a separate state in the Island of Sri Lanka. The findings show that strong political leadership, fortified security forces, implementing sophisticated national security strategies, the split of the LTTE and the global war on terrorism are the major factors that had a significant impact and contributed in the LTTE being defeated in 2009.

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39

Fazil, Mansoor Mohamed. "State-Minority Contestations in Post-colonial Sri Lanka." Journal of Educational and Social Research 9, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 157–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jesr-2019-0065.

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Abstract This research focuses on the issue of state-minority contestations involving transforming and reconstituting each other in post-independent Sri Lanka. This study uses a qualitative research method that involves critical categories of analysis. Migdal’s theory of state-in-society was applied because it provides an effective conceptual framework to analyse and explain the data. The results indicate that the unitary state structure and discriminatory policies contributed to the formation of a minority militant social force (the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – The LTTE) which fought with the state to form a separate state. The several factors that backed to the defeat of the LTTE in 2009 by the military of the state. This defeat has appreciably weakened the Tamil minority. This study also reveals that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society in Sri Lanka still prevail, hampering the promulgation of inclusive policies. This study concludes that inclusive policies are imperative to end state minority contestations in Sri Lanka.

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40

Laffey, Mark, and Suthaharan Nadarajah. "The hybridity of liberal peace: States, diasporas and insecurity." Security Dialogue 43, no. 5 (October 2012): 403–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010612457974.

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Much contemporary analysis of world order rests on and reproduces a dualistic account of the international system, which is divided into liberal and non-liberal spaces, practices and subjectivities. Drawing on postcolonial thought, we challenge such dualisms in two ways. First, we argue that, as a specific form of governmental reason and practice produced at the intersection of the European and the non-European worlds, liberalism has always been hybrid, encompassing within its project both ‘liberal’ and ‘non-liberal’ spaces and practices. Second, through analysis of liberal engagement with diasporas, a specific set of subjects that occupy both these spaces, we show how contemporary practices of transnational security governance work to reproduce the hybridity of liberal peace. The article demonstrates the shifting conditions for local agency in relations and practices that transcend the simple dualism between liberal and non-liberal spaces, in the process showing how practices of transnational security governance also reproduce diasporas as hybrid subjects. The argument is illustrated with reference to the Tamil diaspora and the Sri Lankan state’s war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.

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Van de Voorde, Cécile. "Sri Lankan Terrorism: Assessing and Responding to the Threat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)." Police Practice and Research 6, no. 2 (January 2005): 181–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614260500121195.

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42

McIntosh, Esther M. "Transitional Local Governance and Minority Political Participation in Post War Sri Lanka." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 8, no. 2 (June 13, 2018): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v8i2.13277.

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In 2011, two years after the end of Sri Lanka’s bitter civil war that spanned three decades, there were more than 600,000 Tamil minority citizens in the country’s Northern Province eligible to vote in local government elections, which took place for the first time since 1998 . The Sri Lankan Tamils, the country’s largest minority group, make up 15.9% of the total population and are geographically concentrated in the northern province where they make up 93% of the population. The northern province looms large in the contemporary socio-political history of Sri Lanka. It was not only the physical battleground between the state’s army and the Liberation Tigers for Tamil Eelam (LTTE), but is symbolic of an ideational clash about how the state should deal with ethnic difference (De Silva 1996; Uyangoda 2007). The defeat of the secessionist LTTE which formerly administered parts of the northern province combine with the state’s preference for a unitary and centralized structure, suggests that it is now in the realist parameters of decentralized local spaces that the elected representatives of Tamil minorities must realize the ideals of local self-government, facilitate the complex needs of minority citizens and engage the Sinhalese-Buddhist nation state. This paper analyses several key acts, the National Policy on Local Government (2009) combined with secondary and empirical research to explore the political underpinnings of decentralization. It argues that understanding the multiple and complex ways in which minority citizens interact with, and participate in, political processes is fundamental to understanding the practice of local representation and self-government at the sub-national level, and within the wider polity of post war Sri Lanka. It contributes to the paucity of empirical research on post-conflict local governance transitions (Shou and Haug 2005, Jackson and Scott, 2006).

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Silva, Kalinga Tudor. "Nationalism, Caste-blindness and the Continuing Problems of War-Displaced Panchamars in Post-war Jaffna Society." CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 1, no. 1 (February 14, 2020): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v1i1.145.

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This article tries to unpack why subaltern caste groups in Jaffna society have failed to end their displacement and move out of the IDP camps many years after the end of war between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Using both quantitative and qualitative data from the affected communities the paper argues that the interplay among ethnicity, caste and social class and ethnic-biases and caste-blindness of state policies and Sinhala and Tamil politics largely informed by rival nationalist perspectives are among the underlying causes of the prolonged IDP problem in the Jaffna Peninsula. In search of an appropriate solution to the intractable IDP problem in post-war Sri Lanka, the paper calls for increased participation of subaltern caste groups in political decision making and policy dialogues, release of land in high security zones for affected IDPs wherever possible and provision of adequate incentives for remaining IDPs to move to alternative locations arranged by the state in consultation with the IDPs and members of neighbouring communities where the IDPs cannot possibly go back to their original sites.

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Fazil, Mansoor Mohamed, Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar, Vimalasiri Kamalasiri, Thaharadeen Fathima Sajeetha, and Mohamed Bazeer Safna Sakki. "Accommodating Minorities into Sri Lanka’s Post-Civil War State System: Government Initiatives and Their Failure." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 6 (November 19, 2020): 290. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0132.

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Many observers view the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009 as a significant turning point in the protracted ethnic conflict that was troubling Sri Lanka. The armed struggle and the consequences of war have encouraged the state and society to address the group rights of ethnic minorities and move forward towards state reconstitution. The Tamil minority and international community expect that the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) must introduce inclusive policies as a solution to the ethnic conflict. They believe the state should take measures to avoid another major contestation through the lessons learned from the civil war. The study is a qualitative analysis based on text analysis. In this backdrop, this paper examines the attempts made for the inclusion of minorities into the state system in post-civil war Sri Lanka, which would contribute to finding a resolution to the ethnic conflict. The study reveals that numerous attempts were made at various periods to introduce inclusive policies to achieve state reconstitution, but those initiatives failed to deliver sustainable peace. The study also explores problems pertaining to contemporary policy attempts.

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Ismail, Q. "Boys Will Be Boys: Gender and National Agency in Frantz Fanon and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 11, no. 1 and 2 (March 1, 1991): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07323867-11-1_and_2-79.

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Thampapillai, Samuel. "State Violence in Sri Lanka: The International Community and the Myth of ‘Normalisation’." Somatechnics 1, no. 1 (March 2011): 161–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/soma.2011.0012.

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This essay examines the foundational role of state violence in the context of the recently concluded military conflict between the Sri Lankan state and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Sri Lanka's conflict, I argue, enables a broader global discourse concerning state violence. I proceed to analyse the operation of state violence in terms of a crucial instrument of counterinsurgency, in which the collective punishment of Tamil civilians presented a Faustian bargain between physical security and political rights. Situated in this context, I demonstrate how the discourse of human rights, in the absence of a jurisprudence of group rights, was itself conducive of state violence. In the course of my analysis, I bring into focus how the discourse of liberation too, created its own legitimising myths. Individual human rights were placed subordinate to the LTTE's privileging of ‘armed struggle’ as the chosen mechanism of liberating the ‘group.’ Both the divergent political narratives of the state and the LTTE, and the use of violence to prosecute it, had a contagious relationship with each other. The use of violence by each party served to confirm the legitimising myths of the other, contributing to the conflict's escalation. Counter claims of genocide and counter-terrorism paradoxically blunted the real questions which were: what kind of violence did the Sri Lankan state commit against Tamil civilians, on what scale and with what intentions? In the latter part of my essay, I examine the wide-ranging implications generated by such questions.

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Wickramasinghe, Nira. "After the War: A New Patriotism in Sri Lanka?" Journal of Asian Studies 68, no. 4 (November 2009): 1045–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911809990738.

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On May 19, 2009, the president of Sri Lanka, Mahinda Rajapaksa, dressed in his traditional white sarong and shirt, solemnly addressed Parliament: “The writ of the state now runs across every inch of our territory … we have completely defeated terrorism.” The same day, photographs of the corpse of the ruthless rebel leader Vellupillai Prabhakaran adorned all of the local newspapers. With his death, the secessionist war was over—this endless war that had pitted the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) against the security forces of the government of Sri Lanka since 1983. It had sunk deep into the psyche of the people of all communities, and its terrible violence had elicited much international attention and reprimand. President Rajapaksa then addressed his citizens in the Tamil language, promising reconciliation and embracing the Tamil-speaking people in his program of recovery for the ravaged North. A “northern spring” would soon come. On the streets of Colombo, there was a feeling of trepidation, while celebrations, some spontaneous and others orchestrated by sycophantic politicians, peppered the capital. The day had been given as a special holiday for the war-weary people to celebrate by eating kiribath (milk rice) and launching (peaceful) rockets, as fireworks are commonly called. People waved the Lion Flag and compared the president to the famous second-century bce Sinhalese hero Dutugemunu, another son of the Ruhuna (Southern Sri Lanka) who succeeded in conquering Anuradhapura from the Tamil king Elara, whom he famously slew with a dart. King Dutugemunu has long been a folk hero in Sri Lanka for uniting the country under a single rule.

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Stokke, Kristian. "Building the Tamil Eelam State: emerging state institutions and forms of governance in LTTE-controlled areas in Sri Lanka." Third World Quarterly 27, no. 6 (September 2006): 1021–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590600850434.

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Balasundaram, Nirmanusan. "Sri Lanka: An Ethnocratic State Endangering Positive Peace in the Island." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8, no. 3 (November 30, 2016): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v8i3.5194.

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Although proclaimed as a democratic republic, the Sri Lankan state is strongly controlled and ruled by Sinhala Buddhist influence due to a deep engrained belief that the island belongs to the Sinhala Buddhists. The modus operandi of the Sri Lankan state apparatus outlines the ethnocratic characteristics of the state. This mono-ethnic and mono-religious attitude has led to the widening and deepening of the discrimination against a particular ethnic group known as the Tamils who traditionally inhabit the North and East of the island. Ethnocracy continues to be defended and justified by the state in the name of sovereignty, territorial integrity and national security and has led to further polarization of the already divided ethnic groups. As a consequence and outcome of the ethnocratic nature of the Sri Lankan state, a bloody war erupted between successive governments of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). After nearly 38 years the prolonged war came to a brutal end in May 2009 amidst blatant violations of international law. However, the root causes of this conflict, which occurred due to ethnocratic nature of the state, have not yet been addressed resulting in the continuation of the ethnic conflict despite the end of the war.

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Cunningham, Jeremy, and Suren Ladd. "The role of school curriculum in sustainable peace-building: The case of Sri Lanka." Research in Comparative and International Education 13, no. 4 (October 29, 2018): 570–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745499918807027.

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The civil war between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) ended in 2009, with total defeat of the LTTE and many thousands of civilian casualties. The country is now engaged in peace-building. Key elements of the secondary school curriculum – truth-seeking, social cohesion and active citizenship – may contribute to this. Six state secondary schools serving different ethnic and religious groups were selected for qualitative research into how far this is the case. Data was collected on the application of knowledge, skills and values in lessons, extra-curricular programmes and whole school culture. The analysis suggests that truth-seeking is weak, with no teaching about the historical roots of the conflict or contemporary issues. There are efforts to build leadership skills and impart democratic values, but the critical thinking and discussion skills necessary for social cohesion and active citizenship are largely absent. The findings are discussed in relation to evidence from Uganda, Cambodia and Northern Ireland.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Tamil Eelam'

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