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Journal articles on the topic 'Tang Taizong'

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1

Kim, Ho. "The Control over the Kings in Tang Taizong Period." DAEGU HISTORICAL REVIEW 143 (May 31, 2021): 255–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17751/dhr.143.255.

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2

Eisenberg, Andrew. "A Study in Court Factionalism: The Politics of Tang Taizong." Tang Studies 2002, no. 20-21 (June 2002): 39–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/073750302788699583.

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3

Allen, Joseph R. "The Poetics of Sovereignty: On Emperor Taizong and the Tang Dynasty." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 72, no. 2 (2012): 373–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jas.2012.0022.

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4

ITO, Narihiro. "The Emperor Tang Taizong and Sheng-guang-si Temple in Chang-an." JOURNAL OF INDIAN AND BUDDHIST STUDIES (INDOGAKU BUKKYOGAKU KENKYU) 48, no. 1 (1999): 232–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.48.232.

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5

이해원. "Multi-cultural Society of Tang Empire through Zhao Mausoleum of Emperor Taizong." Journal of Korean Studies ll, no. 41 (June 2012): 223–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17790/kors.2012..41.223.

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6

Ken-pa, Chin. "Jingjiao under the Lenses of Chinese Political Theology." Religions 10, no. 10 (September 26, 2019): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10100551.

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Conflict between religion and state politics is a persistent phenomenon in human history. Hence it is not surprising that the propagation of Christianity often faces the challenge of “political theology”. When the Church of the East monk Aluoben reached China in 635 during the reign of Emperor Tang Taizong, he received the favorable invitation of the emperor to translate Christian sacred texts for the collections of Tang Imperial Library. This marks the beginning of Jingjiao (景教) mission in China. In historiographical sense, China has always been a political domineering society where the role of religion is subservient and secondary. A school of scholarship in Jingjiao studies holds that the fall of Jingjiao in China is the obvious result of its over-involvement in local politics. The flaw of such an assumption is the overlooking of the fact that in the Tang context, it is impossible for any religious establishments to avoid getting in touch with the Tang government. In the light of this notion, this article attempts to approach this issue from the perspective of “political theology” and argues that instead of over-involvement, it is rather the clashing of “ideologies” between the Jingjiao establishment and the ever-changing Tang court’s policies towards foreigners and religious bodies that caused the downfall of Jingjiao Christianity in China. This article will posit its argument based on the analysis of the Chinese Jingjiao canonical texts, especially the Xian Stele, and takes this as a point of departure to observe the political dynamics between Jingjiao and Tang court. The finding of this paper does show that the intellectual history of Chinese Christianity is in a sense a comprehensive history of “political theology”.
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Kim, Sung-kyu. "Reign of Zhenguan(貞觀之治) and the meritorious retainers of Tang Taizong." JEONBUK SAHAK ; The Jeonbuk Historical Journal 65 (June 30, 2022): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.28975/jha.2022.07.65.181.

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8

김혜완, lee Hye Ok, and Hyunsook Lee. "Yan Shigu's Inscription of The Dengchi Monastery in the reign of Emperor Tang Taizong." EWHA SAHAK YEONGU ll, no. 48 (June 2014): 323–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.37091/ewhist.2014..48.010.

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9

Kurz, Johannes L. "Song Taizong, the 'Record of Jiangnan' ('Jiangnan lu'), and an Alternate Ending to the Tang." Journal of Song-Yuan Studies 46, no. 1 (2016): 29–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sys.2016.0003.

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10

Weerdt, Hilde De. "The Poetics of Sovereignty: On Emperor Taizong of the Tang Dynasty by Jack W. Chen." China Review International 18, no. 3 (2011): 314–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2011.0063.

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11

Wang, Sixiang. "What Tang Taizong Could Not Do: The Korean Surrender of 1259 and the Imperial Tradition." T’oung Pao 104, no. 3-4 (October 30, 2018): 338–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10434p04.

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AbstractThe surrender of the Koryŏ crown prince to Khubilai Khan in 1259 heralded a century of Mongol domination in Korea. According to the Koryŏ sa, the official Korean dynastic history, Khubilai saw the timely Korean capitulation as demonstrating his superiority over the Tang emperor Taizong, who had failed to subjugate Korea by force. Although the account certainly embellished certain details, notably the voluntary nature of the surrender, this paper argues that it nonetheless captures an important dynamic between Korean diplomatic strategy and the political and ideological goals of Khubilai and his advisers. The Koryŏ court, hoping to ensure the kingship’s institutional survival, portrayed Korea as representing the cultural and political legacies of the imperial past to make common cause with Khubilai’s officials who sought to recast the Mongol empire in the image of China’s past imperial dynasties. The convergence of Korean diplomatic missives, accounts in Chinese and Korean historiography, and writings by Khubilai’s closest Chinese advisers on the themes of imperial restoration and cultural revival result in part from these interactions. Moreover, these interactions helped interpolate Korea into the repertoire of political legitimation, in which Korea’s role was redefined from an object of irredentist desire, to a component in the construction of imperial authority
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12

Zhao, Yi, Chaoran Xu, and Tingfeng Liu. "The Connection between Buddhist Temples, the Landscape, and Monarchical Power: A Comparison between Tuoba Hong (471–499) from the Northern Wei Dynasty and Li Shimin (626–649) from the Tang Dynasty." Religions 13, no. 9 (September 7, 2022): 833. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13090833.

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Since the Western Jin period, Buddhism has confronted bureaucratic power within the architectural landscape. In this study, historical records and archaeological reports of two Buddhist temples—the Siyuan Temple 思遠佛寺 built during the reign of Tuoba Hong 拓跋宏 and Emperor Xiaowen 孝文帝 of the Northern Wei dynasty, and the Zhaoren Temple 昭仁寺, built during the reign of Li Shimin 李世民 and Emperor Taizong 唐太宗 of the Tang dynasty—were examined. A comparison was made of the two temples’ geographic locations in relation to cities while considering period-specific phenomena. This study also considers mountains, water, and topographical features. The geographic information reflects differences in the ideas of the ruling class and monarchs of the two historical periods. The findings are that both Buddhist temples were close to the capital and both emperors demonstrated the supremacy of their power by building them. Therefore, the religious landscape owes its formation, development, and underlying significance to emperors and social groups.
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13

Park, Jun Hyoung, and Young Kyo Seo. "Development of Banwi Remedy during the Reign of Taizong in Tang China and the Disease of King Uija." DAEGU HISTORICAL REVIEW 142 (February 28, 2021): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17751/dhr.142.1.

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14

Choi, Hee Joon. "Construction of the Nine-story Pagoda of Hwangnyong-sa in Silla and the International Situation." Korean Institute for Buddhist Studies 57 (August 31, 2022): 75–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.34275/kibs.2022.57.075.

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This paper is the result of a review of the construction process of the nine-story pagoda of Hwangnyong-sa in the early 640s of Silla's domestic and foreign situations and changes. In 643, Silla promoted diplomacy to ask the Tang Dynasty for troops to prevent a joint attack between Baekje and Goguryeo. In the process, the question of whether the queen's rule was justified was raised again in the Silla. And at this time, Jajang asked Queen Seondeok to build a nine-story pagoda at Hwangnyong-sa Temple. Queen Seondeok and her supporters promoted the construction of the pagoda to emphasize the sacredness and authority of Queen Seondeok and to dispel dissatisfaction with the queen's rule. Meanwhile, in the summer of 644, when preparations for the construction of the nine-story pagoda of Hwangnyongsa Temple were underway, a request from the Emperor of the Tang to participate in the Goguryeo expedition was delivered to Silla. After careful discussion, Silla eventually decided to dispatch troops, and resumed the battle with Baekje in September 644 to prepare for the possible counterattack of Baekje. Finally, the Tang Dynasty's expedition to Goguryeo began, and Silla also fought with 30,000 soldiers in May 645. However, the war ended with little success due to the retreat of Tang Taizong, and Queen Seondeok and her supporters, who insisted on participating in the war, had to take responsibility and divide power. The continued war with Goguryeo and Baekje disturbed the minds of the Silla people at the time, and Silla stepped up the construction of the nine-story pagoda of Hwangnyong-sa to stabilize and rally the public sentiment shaken by the war. As a result, despite the failure of the Goguryeo War and the division of power with the Queen's opponents, the project to build the nine-story pagoda of Hwangnyong-sa was carried out without delay and was finally completed in 646. Now, through the construction process, the nine-story pagoda of Hwangnyong-sa has become a symbol of the Silla people's desperate desire to overcome the crisis of war and reach a peaceful era, beyond a device that proves the queen's sacredness and authority.
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15

kim cheol woung. "The Location recognition of Anshi Castle and Review of the rumor of Tang Taizong eye injury in the Goryeo Dynasty." military history ll, no. 109 (December 2018): 321–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.29212/mh.2018..109.321.

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16

Cho kwangsoo. "The role of a monarch from the viewpoint of Emperor Taizong of Tang dynasty according to the book “Zhenguan zhengyao”." 21st centry Political Science Review 17, no. 3 (December 2007): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.17.3.200712.1.

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17

Lim, Ki Hwan. "A Study on Agreement by Chunchu Kim and the Emperor Taizong of Tang Dynasty and ‘Iltong-Samhan(Unification Three Hans)’." Critical Review of History 131 (May 31, 2020): 248–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.38080/crh.2020.05.131.248.

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18

Chiu-Duke, Josephine. "Jack W. Chen . The Poetics of Sovereignty: On Emperor Taizong of the Tang Dynasty . (Harvard-Yenching Institute Monograph Series, number 71.) Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center. 2010. Pp. xvii, 445. $49.95." American Historical Review 116, no. 4 (October 2011): 1099–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.116.4.1099a.

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19

Song, Yunmi. "Comparative Consideration of The Story Going to the World After Death of Emperor Taizong of Tang (唐太宗入冥故事) in the Novel Journey to the West (西遊記) and the Korean Classical Novel The Biography of Emperor Taejong of Dang (唐太宗傳): Focusing on the Character and Plot." Journal of East-West Comparative Literature 49 (September 30, 2019): 89–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.29324/jewcl.2019.9.49.89.

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20

Vampelj Suhadolnik, Nataša. "Mao Zedong kot poslednji konfucijanski vladar? Moralno-didaktični vidik »konfucijanske« umetnosti." Ars & Humanitas 10, no. 1 (May 12, 2016): 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ah.10.1.133-161.

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Pričujoči članek obravnava problematiko moralno-didaktičnega vidika »konfucijanske umetnosti«, ki nastopa v obliki t. i. narativnega slikarstva. Z namenom legitimacije politične avtoritete so številni vladarji s pomočjo vizualnega medija promovirali konfucijanske družbene in politične vrednote, ki bi jih prikazali kot idealne konfucijanske vladarje. Na primeru dveh vladarjev – prvega cesarja dinastije Tang Taizonga (589–649) ter ustanovitelja dinastije Južni Song Gaozonga (1107–1187) – bomo poskušali prikazati koncept »konfucijanskega idealnega vladarja«, kot ga razkrivajo posamezni primeri narativnih ilustracij. Izhajajoč iz teh primerov bomo v zadnjem delu članka poskušali interpretirati slikovno propagando velikega vodje komunistične Kitajske Mao Zedonga (1893– 1976), ki je ravno tako s pomočjo didaktičnih ilustracij v obliki propagandnih plakatov širil moderne ideje komunistične ideologije. Pri tem je večkrat prikrito sledil modelu »konfucijanskega vladarja«, čeravno ga je ovil v simbolne ovoje modernih ideologij 20. stoletja. Ali bi torej lahko Mao Zedonga označili za poslednjega »konfucijanskega idealnega vladarja«, bo osrednje vprašanje zadnjega dela pričujočega članka.
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21

Vampelj Suhadolnik, Nataša. "Mao Zedong kot poslednji konfucijanski vladar? Moralno-didaktični vidik »konfucijanske« umetnosti." Ars & Humanitas 10, no. 1 (May 12, 2016): 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ars.10.1.133-161.

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Pričujoči članek obravnava problematiko moralno-didaktičnega vidika »konfucijanske umetnosti«, ki nastopa v obliki t. i. narativnega slikarstva. Z namenom legitimacije politične avtoritete so številni vladarji s pomočjo vizualnega medija promovirali konfucijanske družbene in politične vrednote, ki bi jih prikazali kot idealne konfucijanske vladarje. Na primeru dveh vladarjev – prvega cesarja dinastije Tang Taizonga (589–649) ter ustanovitelja dinastije Južni Song Gaozonga (1107–1187) – bomo poskušali prikazati koncept »konfucijanskega idealnega vladarja«, kot ga razkrivajo posamezni primeri narativnih ilustracij. Izhajajoč iz teh primerov bomo v zadnjem delu članka poskušali interpretirati slikovno propagando velikega vodje komunistične Kitajske Mao Zedonga (1893– 1976), ki je ravno tako s pomočjo didaktičnih ilustracij v obliki propagandnih plakatov širil moderne ideje komunistične ideologije. Pri tem je večkrat prikrito sledil modelu »konfucijanskega vladarja«, čeravno ga je ovil v simbolne ovoje modernih ideologij 20. stoletja. Ali bi torej lahko Mao Zedonga označili za poslednjega »konfucijanskega idealnega vladarja«, bo osrednje vprašanje zadnjega dela pričujočega članka.
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22

De Weerdt, Hilde. "Modelling Tang Emperor Taizong and Chinese Governance in the Eighteenth-Century German-Speaking World." Global Intellectual History, August 23, 2022, 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23801883.2022.2104741.

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23

Aktaş, Şükrü. "Tang Hanedanlığı ve Türk Kağanlığı İlişkileri Bağlamında Xueyantuo (Sir-Tarduş, Seyanto; 薛延陀) Hanlığı." History Studies International Journal of History, August 20, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.9737/hist.2022.1090.

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Xue Yantuolar (薛延陀), Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti kuzeyinde yaşamış bir ulustur. Köken olarak Tiele’lar ile akrabadırlar hatta Tie-ler’ların bir koludurlar. Kültürleri, toplumsal adet ve yapıları, Eski Türk devletlerinden Göktürk Devleti ve Türk ve Türk soylu halklarınki ile büyük oranda benzeşmektedir. Sui hanedanlığından, Tang hanedanlığının ilk yıllarına kadar, Xue Yantuo’lar, Türk kağanlığına yakındı. Xie-li Kağan (颉利可汗) döneminde, Xue Yantuolar, Doğu Türk Kağanlığını arkadan vurup Tang (唐) yönetiminin o dönem başında bulunan Taizong ile işbirliğine gitmişti. Daha sonra Yinan Kağan döneminde ise Xue Yantuo’lar, hem Türk Kağanlığı (突厥汗国) hem de Tang yönetimi ile çekişmeye girmiştir. Giriştikleri bu çekişmeden hemen önce Xue Yantuo hükümdarı Yinan Kağan’ın (夷男) ölmesi, orta Asya topluluklarında yaşanan tipik bir olaya Xue Yantuo’ların da tutulmalarına sebep olmuştur. Bunun neticesinde de Xue Yantuo’ların meydana getirdikleri birlik, dağılma sürecine götürmüş, birliğin yitirilmesine ve tarih sahnesinden silinmelerinin sebebi olmuştur. Ms. 646 yılında da tamamen dağılıp ve silinmişlerdir. Bu çalışmada Xue Yantuo’ların genel tarihi durumları, isimleri, yaşadıkları ve hüküm sürdükleri coğrafya ve kısa tarihleri üzerine inşa edilmiştir. Çalışmada klasik Çin tarih metinlerinden olan Tong Dian’den (通典) ağırlıklı olarak istifade edilmiştir. Klasik metinlerden alıntılanan tümce ve deliller asıl halleri ile kullanılmıştır. Xue Yantuo ismi, Çince imlerin Latin harfleri ile çağdaş yazım sistemi olan Pin-Yin (拼音) sistemi ile kullanılmıştır.
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24

Lim, Ki Hwan. "A Study on Agreement by Chunchu Kim and the Emperor Taizong of Tang Dynasty and ‘Iltong-Samhan(Unification Three Hans)’." Critical Review of History, May 31, 2020, 248–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.38080/crh.2020.05..248.

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25

Söilen, Klaus Solberg. "The impasse of competitive intelligence today is not a failure. A special issue for papers at the ICI 2020 Conference." Journal of Intelligence Studies in Business 10, no. 2 (June 30, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.37380/jisib.v10i2.579.

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seven military classics (Jiang Ziya, the methods of theSima, Sun Tzu, Wu Qi, Wei Liaozi, the three strategies of Huang Shigong and the Questions and Repliesbetween Tang Taizong and Li Weigong). The entities studied then were nation states. Later, corporationsoften became just as powerful as states and their leaders demanded similar strategic thinking. Many ofthe ideas came initially from geopolitics as developed in the 19th century, and later with the spread ofmultinational companies at the end of the 20th century, with geoeconomics.What is unique for intelligence studies is the focus on information— not primarily geography ornatural resources— as a source for competitive advantage. Ideas of strategy and information developedinto social intelligence with Stevan Dedijer in the 1960s and became the title of a course he gave at theUniversity of Lund in the 1970s. In the US this direction came to be known as business intelligence. At afast pace we then saw the introduction of corporate intelligence, strategic intelligence and competitiveintelligence. Inspired by the writings of Mikael Porter on strategy, as related to the notion of competitiveadvantage the field of competitive intelligence, a considerable body of articles and books were written inthe 1980s and 1990s. This was primarily in the US, but interest spread to Europe and other parts of theworld, much due to the advocacy of the Society of Competitive Intelligence Professionals (SCIP). In Francethere was a parallel development with “intelligence économique”, “Veille” and “Guerre économique”, inGermany with “Wettbewerbserkundung” and in Sweden with “omvärldsanalys,” just to give someexamples.On the technological side, things were changing even faster, not only with computers but alsosoftware. Oracle corporation landed a big contract with the CIA and showed how data analysis could bedone efficiently. From then on, the software side of the development gained most of the interest fromcompanies. Business intelligence was sometimes treated as enterprise resource planning (ERP), customerrelations management (CRM) and supply chain management (SCM). Competitive intelligence wasassociated primarily with the management side of things as we entered the new millennium. Marketintelligence became a more popular term during the first decade, knowledge management developed intoits own field, financial intelligence became a specialty linked to the detection of fraud and crime primarilyin banks, and during the last decade we have seen a renewed interest for planning, in the form of futurestudies, or futurology and foresight, but also environmental scanning. With the development of Big Data,data mining and artificial intelligence there is now a strong interest in collective intelligence, which isabout how to make better decisions together. Collective intelligence and foresight were the main topics ofthe ICI 2020 conference. All articles published in this issue are from presentations at that conference.The common denominator for the theoretical development described above is the Information Age,which is about one’s ability to analyze large amounts of data with the help of computers. What is drivingthe development is first of all technical innovations in computer science (both hardware and software),while the management side is more concerned with questions about implementation and use.Management disciplines that did not follow up on new technical developments but defined themselvesseparately or independently from these transformations have become irrelevant.Survival as a discipline is all about being relevant. It’s the journey of all theory, and of all sciencesto go from “funeral to funeral” to borrow an often-used phrase: ideas are developed and tested againstreality. Adjustments are made and new ideas developed based on the critic. It’s the way we createknowledge and achieve progress. It’s never a straight line but can be seen as a large number of trials andsolutions to problems that change in shape, a process that never promises to be done, but is ever-changing,Journal of Intelligence Studies in BusinessVol. 10, No 2 (2020) p. 4-5Open Access: Freely available at: https://ojs.hh.se/5much like the human evolution we are a part of. This is also the development of the discipline ofintelligence studies and on a more basic level of market research, which is about how to gatherinformation and data, to gain a competitive advantage.Today intelligence studies and technology live in a true symbiosis, just like the disciplines ofmarketing and digital marketing. This means that it is no longer meaningful to study managementpractices alone while ignoring developments in hardware and software. The competitive intelligence (CI)field is one such discipline to the extent that we can say that CI now is a chapter in the history ofmanagement thought, dated to around 1980-2010, equivalent to a generation. It is not so that it willdisappear, but more likely phased out. Some of the methods developed under its direction will continueto be used in other discipline. Most of the ideas labeled as CI were never exclusive to CI in the first place,but borrowed from other disciplines. They were also copied in other disciplines, which is common practicein all management disciplines. Looking at everything that has been done under the CI label the legacy ofCI is considerable.New directions will appear that better fit current business practices. Many of these will seem similarin content to previous contributions, but there will also be elements that are new. To be sure newsuggestions are not mere buzzwords we have to ask critical questions like: how is this discipline definedand how is it different from existing disciplines? It is the meaning that should interest us, not the labelswe put on them. Unlike consultants, academics and researchers have a real obligation to bring clarityand order in the myriad ideas.The articles in this issue are no exception. They are on collective intelligence, decision making, BigData, knowledge management and above all about the software used to facilitate these processes. Thefirst article by Teubert is entitled “Thinking methods as a lever to develop collective intelligence”. Itpresents a methodology and framework for the use of thinking methods as a lever to develop collectiveintelligence.The article by Calof and Sewdass is entitled “On the relationship between competitive intelligenceand innovation”. The authors found that of the 95 competitive intelligence measures used in the study59% were significantly correlated with the study’s measure of innovation.The third article is entitled “Atman: Intelligent information gap detection for learning organizations:First steps toward computational collective intelligence for decision making” and is written by Grèzes,Bonazzi, and Cimmino. The research project shows how companies can constantly adapt to theirenvironment, how they can integrate a learning process in relation to what is happening and become a"learning company".The next article by Calof and Viviers entitled “Big data analytics and international market selection:An exploratory study” develops a multi-phase, big-data analytics model for how companies can performinternational market selection.The last article by Vegas Fernandez entitled “Intelligent information extraction from scholarlydocument databases” presents a method that takes advantage of free desktop tools that are commonplaceto perform systematic literature review, to retrieve, filter, and organize results, and to extract informationto transform it into knowledge. The conceptual basis is a semantics-oriented concept definition and arelative importance index to measure concept relevance in the literature studied.As always, we would above all like to thank the authors for their contributions to this issue of JISIB.Thanks to Dr. Allison Perrigo for reviewing English grammar and helping with layout design for allarticles.Have a safe summer!On behalf of the Editorial Board,
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