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Academic literature on the topic 'Tanzania African National Union'
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Journal articles on the topic "Tanzania African National Union"
1
Turinskaya, Kh M. "60 Years of Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar." Asia and Africa today, no. 5 (December 15, 2024): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750030839-4.
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The article is devoted to the allied relations between Tanganyika and Zanzibar and the creation of a union state – Tanzania. 2024 is the 60th anniversary of the union between the two formerly sovereign states. The author dwells on the key events in the history of Tanganyika, Zanzibar, and Tanzania in the 60s of the 20th century: the Zanzibar Revolution of January 1964 – an anti-imperialist, anti-feudal, anti-Sultan, anti-Arab armed uprising; the fall of the Zanzibar Sultanate, ruled by Britain; elections in Zanzibar, in which the Afro-Shirazi Party and the Nationalist Zanzibar Party competed; independence of Tanganyika and Zanzibar. The TANU (Tanganyika African National Union) became the leading and only party in Tanganyika; the ASP (AfroShirazi Party) became the leading and only party in Zanzibar. In 1977, the parties united into the Revolutionary Party, or CCM (Chama Cha Mpinduzi), which has dominated the political arena in Tanzania even after the introduction of multiparty system in the 1990s The article examines the model of African socialism – the Tanzanian ujamaa and its fate in subsequent years in already liberal, multiparty, capitalist Tanzania, under all presidents: Nyerere, Mwinyi, Mkapa, Kikwete, Magufuli, Suluhu. Reminders of Tanzanian socialism and ujamaa in the text of the Union Constitution remain unchanged for the time being
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Turinskaya, K. M. "The “proconsul of african nationalism”: Nyerere and Tanzania." Etnograficheskoe obozrenie, no. 6 (December 15, 2023): 178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869541523060118.
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In 2022, the 100th anniversary of Julius Nyerere (1922-1999), the leader of Tanganyika, the founder and first president of Tanzania, an outstanding African politician and statesman, was celebrated. His political legacy in Tanzania, as well as the socio-political dynamics in Tanganyika and Zanzibar are the milestones in the recent history of the East African region, in the history of ideology, national question, national movements on the continent. His name is associated with both African nationalism and pan-Africanism. The achievements of Nyerere as a nationalist - “gathering”, creating, structuring, stabilizing and preserving a multi-tribal Tanzania as an integral state unit - are at the same time the success of Nyerere as a pan-Africanist, since the Tanganyika-Zanzibar union is a relatively successful experience in the political unification of two previously separate sovereign territories.
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Fuo, Oliver, and Daniel Mirisho Pallangyo. "A Comparative Legal Analysis of Local Government Autonomy in South Africa and Tanzania." Journal of Comparative Law in Africa 10, no. 2 (2023): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/jcla/v10/i2a1.
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Over the past thirty years, there has been an increased drive towards decentralisation in Africa with the adoption of national constitutions that guarantee varying degrees of protection to local governments. In 2014, the African Union (AU) adopted the African Charter on Values and Principles of Decentralisation, Local Governance and Local Development (2014) to guide the decentralisation project for member states. The Charter acknowledges that the protection of local autonomy in decentralised legal frameworks is necessary for local governments to deliver on their developmental mandates. In this article, we explore from a comparative law perspective, how local autonomy is protected in the constitutions of South Africa and Tanzania. We also consider legislation regulating decentralisation in South Africa and Tanzania, comparing the similarities, differences, and challenges to local autonomy in these two countries in view of their different national legal frameworks. The comparative legal analysis helps to show the unique nature of the systems of decentralisation in both countries and lessons that can inform law reform. Although there are comparative studies on subnational autonomy in Africa, none has specifically compared local government autonomy in South Africa and Tanzania. The research is based on a critical and integrated analysis of primary and secondary sources of law.
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Itambu, Makarius P. "Endangered African Wild Dogs: Ecological Disturbances, Habitat Fragmentations, and Ecosystem Collapse in Sub-Saharan Africa." Tanzania Zamani: A Journal of Historical Research and Writing 13, no. 1 (2021): 171–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/tza20211316.
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The African wild dog (Lycaon pictus) is among the species that have declined to the point where it is now listed as endangered by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN, 2012). Formerly, the African wild dog population was estimated to span 39 African countries, but today, they have disappeared from much of their former habitats, now occupying just 7% of their former geographic range. They are presently found in only 14 countries primarily in the southern part of the continent, including South Africa, Tanzania, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Namibia, and Botswana. The largest populations are presently found in northern Botswana, the Selous Game Reserve in Tanzania, and in Kruger National Park in South Africa. In East Africa, the largest population is found in Tanzania and Kenya in the Serengeti-Maasai-Mara ecosystems and in the Selous Game Reserve. The current, global population is estimated to be between 3000-5000 which is comprised of less than 1400 mature individuals. Methodically, this study deeply underscored these data from critical library research i.e., archival sources, books and articles, and other published literatures across the globe which are pertinent to this research topic.
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Shivji, Issa G. "Mwalimu and Marx in Contestation: Dialogue or Diatribe?" Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES 6, no. 2 (2017): 188–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277976017731844.
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The October Russian Revolution of 1917 inaugurated the era of social transformation challenging the dominance of global capitalism. 1 It set in motion two lineages, one tracing its ancestry directly to October and its Marxist leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. Among these must be included the Chinese revolution of 1949, the Vietnamese revolution of 1945, and the Cuban revolution of 1959. The second lineage is that of national liberation movements in the former colonized countries of Africa and Asia. Tanzania’s independence movement Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) under the leadership of Julius Nyerere was one such national-popular movement that questioned both capitalism and imperialism with its blueprint called the Arusha Declaration: policy of socialism and self-reliance proclaimed in 1967. This essay focuses on Nyerere’s philosophical and political outlook and his contentious relationship with Marxism. It also documents the intellectual history of Marxist ideas in Tanzania.
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Cooper, Scott, and Clark Asay. "East African Monetary Union: The Domestic Politics of Institutional Survival and Dissolution." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 2 (2003): 131–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322763539.
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AbstractMany regional currency institutions were established in subSaharan Africa under colonial rule. Surprisingly, a number of these colonial institutions survived the transition to national independence, and several have survived to the present day (e.g., the West African franc zones and the Southern African rand zone). In order to understand why some of these regional institutions survived while others collapsed, we have to look carefully at member countries' domestic politics at the time of independence. This study looks at the stop-and-go pattern of postcolonial cooperation in East Africa to provide an understanding of the choice between regional cooperation and the breakup of regional institutions. Newly independent governments in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania faced a choice between continuing regional institutional ties and dissolving regional institutions to issue their own national currencies. We argue that governments maintained regional currencies only when past institutions had created a domestic political constituency for continued regionalism. The most important historical legacy of colonial institutions was the way domestic political coalitions were reshaped. This study suggests, therefore, that there is a political mechanism to path dependence: past institutions continue to shape the present through changes in political alignments.
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Sebijjo Ssemmanda, Emmanuel. "Push and pull." Jumuiya: East African Community Law Journal 1, no. 1 (2022): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.58216/j-eaclj.v1i1.213.
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The Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community (the EAC Treaty) was signed on 30 November 1999 between the Republics of Kenya, Uganda and the United Republic of Tanzania. Burundi and Rwanda acceded to the Treaty in 2007 and South Sudan in 2016. The East African Community (EAC) is the fastest growing Regional Economic Community (REC) in Africa, with a comparatively well-functioning Customs Union, a partly functioning Common Market, a fast-approaching Monetary Union, and an ultimate destination of a Political Federation. The EAC Treaty is an international treaty and its international status has been canvassed both by the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) – the EAC’s judicial organ – and the national courts of Partner States. As might be expected, the former has been progressive and supranationalist in its interpretation of the Treaty while the latter have dabbled in a ‘push and pull’ approach attempting, on the one hand, to limit the application of the Treaty in order to protect constitutional supremacy while fully accepting, on the other hand, its application in regard to ordinary national legislation. Amidst this discourse, an appreciation of the generally binding nature of ratified international treaties has emerged among national courts so that EAC law (herein referred to as Community law) – itself a manifestation of an international Treaty – could be a major beneficiary.
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Guerreiro, José. "Africa Integrated Maritime Policy, blue growth and a new ocean governance: case studies from the Atlantic and the Indian Ocean." Western Indian Ocean Journal of Marine Science, no. 1/2022 (November 29, 2022): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/wiojms.si2022.1.2.
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Integrated maritime and blue economy policies are changing ocean governance by introducing new policy drivers, reshaping institutional frameworks, as well as demanding new management instruments (e.g., Maritime Spatial Planning (MSP)). This started in 2007 though the European Union Integrated Maritime Policy approach, and in 2009 the Africa Union initiated a similar process, leading both to the Africa integrated maritime strategy as well as a blue economy strategy. Several countries, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, began to look to blue economy as a booster to socioeconomic welfare and initiated the development of national strategies, together with the necessary adaptation of institutional and legal networks. Case studies address those processes at the transition from the Atlantic to the Indian Oceans, focusing on Angola, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania and Kenya in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, as well as several African Small Islands Developing States (SIDS), particularly Cape Verde, S. Tomé and Príncipe, Seychelles, Madagascar and Mauritius. Findings show that all countries covered in the case studies are developing national ocean and/or blue economy strategies and adapting their governmental, institutional, and legal frameworks, although there is a deeper political impact in SIDS. Overall, these new policy drivers are leading to a new model of ocean governance by addressing integrated maritime policies and blue growth strategies, as well as introducing MSP as a new EEZ governance tool.
9
Stein, Howard. "Theories of the State in Tanzania: a Critical Assessment." Journal of Modern African Studies 23, no. 1 (1985): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00056524.
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InFebruary 1967, Tanzania, formed from the union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, declared its intention to purpue a policy of ‘socialism’ and self-reliance. In the famous Arusha Declaration, the Tanganyika African National Union called for the Government to exercise control over the means of production and move away from over-reliance on foreign assistance in development. It stressed the need to strengthen agriculture and thereby improve the lives of the majority of the population which earned their livelihood in this sector. Finally, T.A.N.U. called for changes in the party to ensure that it contained only committed socialists. Closely linked to this was a leadership code for senior officals in ministries and parastatals which prohibited them from owing stock or holding directorships in private corporations. Renting out house was also declared impermissible.
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Wijsen, Frans, and Peter Tumainimungu Mosha. "‘BAKWATA is Like a Dead Spirit to Oppress Muslims’." Utafiti 14, no. 2 (2020): 223–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-14010013.
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Abstract During the 2015 general election campaigns in Tanzania, a controversy arose between the ruling party and the opposition coalition, concerning the proposed constitution draft and the position of Zanzibar within the Union. Beyond this controversy, there have existed the impacts of Islamic revivalism on the one hand, and a fear for the perpetuation of Islam in Tanzania on the other – issues which have played a significant role in the country since Independence. In this paper, we focus in particular upon popular Muslim preachers, such as Ponda Issa Ponda, who complain that the National Muslim Council of Tanzania [BAKWATA] is just an extension of the mainstream government – an organisation which is unsympathetic to Muslims’ interests, which violates Muslims’ rights, and which functions contrary to its own purpose. This complaint draws on long-term memory, reaching back even further than the 1968 banning of the East African Muslims Welfare Society [EAMWS]. Two interesting questions are addressed here concerning a central state’s involvement in religious affairs under multi-party rule: How has the Tanzanian government managed religious diversity? And how should its management style be evaluated, given the perspective that has developed with the shift in focus from ‘government’ to ‘governance’ in policy and management sciences?