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Journal articles on the topic 'Taoism – History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Roth, Harold D. "Redaction Criticism and the Early History of Taoism." Early China 19 (1994): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362502800003540.

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This study employs the critical methodology called “redaction criticism” originally developed in New Testament studies, for the analysis of the relationship between two important but overlooked sources of early Taoist thought: the Kuan Tzu essays entitled Nei-yeh and Hsin-shu, hsia. Although the relationship between these essays has long been the subject of controversy, the author concludes that Hsin-shu, hsia (written ca. 200 B.C.) is a deliberate abridgement, rearrangement, and restatement of Nei-yeh (written ca. 330 B.C.) that demonstrates a different ideological viewpoint.Whereas Nei-yeh is a collection of twenty-two mostly rhymed stanzas devoted to the practice of guided breathing meditation, its cosmological significance and its physiological, psychological, and spiritual effects, Hsin-shu, hsia is a work of mixed prose and verse that is expressly concerned with the political benefits of such “inner cultivation” practices. In other words, it sees them as techniques for rulership.This new ideological position is significant. Based upon previous research by the author and on the work of other scholars, the author hypothesizes that there were three distinct, but related, aspects of early Taoism: the Individualist, the Primitivist, and the Syncretist. According to this categorization, Nei-yeh is an Individualist text and Hsin-shu, hsia is Syncretist The deliberate rearrangement and emendation of Nei-yeh by the Hsin-shu, hsia author argues for the position that Syncretist Taoism is a direct descendant of Individualist Taoism — perhaps even its lineal descendant.

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2

Verellen, Franciscus. "Taoism." Journal of Asian Studies 54, no. 2 (May 1995): 322–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058739.

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Circumscribing the place of taoists in Chinese society is not straightforward for any period: honored by emperors and members of the nobility, they were scorned, as a rule, by literati-officials and treated with a mixture of reverence and familiarity by ordinary people. The paradoxical strength of passivity, the power of compliance, and the endurance of the peripheral already form a central theme in the mystical writings gathered in the fourth and third centuryb.c.Lao-tzuandChuang-tzu. The Taoism of these ancient texts advanced a doctrine of liberation through submission, of control by means of noninterference, and of transcendence as a result of physiological and mental regimens. The ideal of liberation from the physical, epistemological, and social constraints of the human condition in time translated into a quest for immortality which, by the Ch'in unification of the empire, became quite explicit. Huang-Lao thought, named for the Yellow Emperor and patron of the immortals (Huang-ti) and Lao-tzu, dominated court politics from this period through the middle of the second centuryb.c.

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3

Liu, Jing, Xiang Dong Zhu, and Chong En Wang. "Analysis on the Location Change of Taoist Architecture - A Case Study of Shanxi Taoist Buildings." Advanced Materials Research 748 (August 2013): 1091–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.748.1091.

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Article to Shanxi Taoism building for research object, using statistics of practices, will Shanxi province different period of Taoism building of distribution for Combs, and on Taoism building of site, and construction, and development, and changes of effect factors for analysis, to judge out Taoism building of site changes main is due to different period of Taoism doctrine and history background of role, while also reveals out China Taoism building site changes of history features.

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4

Yang, Rong, and Xiaoming Yang. "A Study on Cultural Characteristics of Taoist Clothing." Asian Social Science 16, no. 4 (March 31, 2020): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n4p70.

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Dress and personal adornment of Taoism, also short for Taoist Clothing. Its refers to the type of clothing with ‘Tao’ as the core concept. Taoist clothing as a kind of religious symbolic clothing, it can be described as a typical carrier of Chinese traditional culture (especially the Han nationality), which contains Chinese traditional religion, philosophy, aesthetics and technology. By studying the history, form and cultural symbols of Taoist clothing has important significance for help us to deeply understand Chinese traditional costume culture and to discover the valuable cultural elements contained in them.

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5

Poo, Mu-chou. "The Images of Immortals and Eminent Monks: Religious Mentality in Early Medieval China (4-6 c. A.D.)." Numen 42, no. 2 (1995): 172–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527952598611.

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AbstractThis study seeks to investigate the religious mentality in early Medieval China. By comparing two types of characters, i.e., the immortals of the Taoist tradition, and the eminent monks of the Buddhist religion, we try to discover the special nature of both these types of characters, and to delineate their similarities as well as differences. Our analysis shows that the stories about the immortals and the eminent monks reflected a common mentality: a psychological need for an easy way to salvation; an attempt to control supernatural forces; an urge for solutions to some earthly problems concerning life and death. This common mentality, moreover, had existed among the Chinese people before the advancement of Buddhism and Taoism at the end of the Han dynasty, and continues to exist after the establishment of both religions. The successful development of Buddhism and Taoism, especially among the common people, should be seen not merely as the triumph of their teachings, but as the successful incorporation of this basic religious mentality. It was, therefore, an underlying bridge that logically connected the development of Chinese religious tradition from the pre-Buddhist and pre-Taoist era to the later period. It could also serve as one of the keys to the understanding of the formation and shape of popular religion in China in the subsequent era.

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6

Kirkland, Russell. "The History of Taoism: A New Outline." Journal of Chinese Religions 30, no. 1 (September 2002): 177–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/073776902804760257.

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7

Sinha, Vineeta. "‘Hinduism’ and ‘Taoism’ in Singapore: Seeing points of convergence." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 39, no. 1 (December 11, 2007): 123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463408000064.

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AbstractThe paper begins by documenting the meanings the labels ‘Hinduism’ and ‘Taoism’ carry locally and highlights the complexities and ambiguities in discussions that invoke them. I then present data which demonstrate significant points of convergence between these two religious traditions, viewed as ‘ethnic religions’ and asserted to be ‘different’ in the Singaporean context. The turn to the organisational domain is instructive in revealing how ‘Hindu’ and ‘Taoist’ institutions have talked about their respective religions in the public sphere. This focus allows me to highlight overlaps in the two sets of discourses, to ask why these affinities should exist and to reflect on the sociological implications of such a phenomenon.

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8

Roth, Harold D. "Evidence for stages of meditation in early Taoism." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 60, no. 2 (June 1997): 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00036405.

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The role of some form of breathing meditation in most of the world's great mystical traditions has long been known, but few have seen much evidence for this in early Taoism. By ‘early Taoism’ I mean the formative stages of the tradition, from its mysterious origins to the completion of the Huai-nan-Tzu (139 B.C.). Perhaps scholars have seen so little evidence of meditative practice in early Taoism because they have tended to focus almost exclusively on its famous foundational works, Lao-Tzu and Chuang-Tzu and have, furthermore, tended to treat them as works of abstract philosophy. In my research I have been particularly interested in the experiential basis of the philosophy found in the Lao-Tzu and the Chuang-Tzu and in a variety of other related texts that have hitherto been generally overlooked as sources for early Taoism. In order to clarify the context for the present investigation of meditative stages, I would like to present briefly the most relevant hypotheses from this research:

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9

Barrett, T. H. "Towards a date for the Chin-so liu-chu yin." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 53, no. 2 (June 1990): 292–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00026094.

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The Chin-so liu-chu yin is a text of twenty-nine fascicles preserved in the Taoist canon in the form of a revelation to Chang Tao-ling, the late Han founder of the Taoist religion, to which comments by Li Ch‘un-feng (602–670) are attached. Though scholars have not so far addressed the question of the origins of the text itself, a certain willingness to accept the attribution of the commentary has already been made manifest. Yet to the eye of the expert in Sung Taoism this attribution raises serious doubts: text and commentary display features much more reminiscent of Sung religion than that of the early T'ang. It has already been noticed that Li Ch'un-feng provides information on the cult of the city gods (ch'eng-huang shen) and on Thunder magic; the former religious development may be traced back before the T‘ang but only achieved prominence towards the end of the dynasty, while the latter is unattested in T‘ang Taoist literature. One might add that Li displays a detailed knowledge of the legend of Hsü Sun in a developed form—again a cult v with early origins hardly noticed until the late T‘ang. The text also provides information (though separately) on the Buddhist warrior-king Vaisravana (P‘isha-men PI) and on the seventh-century warrior-hero Li Ching (571–649): these two figures were eventually to merge.

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10

Reiter. "Exorcist Taoism, Shamanism and Buddhism in the Analysis of Religious Taoism in the Periods Sung to Yüan." Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 170, no. 1 (2020): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/zeitdeutmorggese.170.1.0191.

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11

Kohn, Livia. "Taoism in Japan: Positions and Evaluations." Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie 8, no. 1 (1995): 389–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/asie.1995.1103.

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12

Schipper, Kristofer. "Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism." Journal of Asian Studies 45, no. 1 (November 1985): 21–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2056823.

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Rituals that accompany community celebrations in China come in two kinds: vernacular and classical. The reason why these two forms exist is not easily explained. To the two forms of liturgy correspond two kinds of specialists: the tao-shi (Taoist dignitary) and the fa-shih (Master of rites). Both are commonly called “master,” and their practices are often confused by laymen. In fact, the two traditions are opposite and rivaling, but they are also largely complementary. This article, which is mainly based on fieldwork in southern Taiwan during the 1960s, explores both traditions, but emphasizes the lesser known vernacular one. An attempt is made to assess how widespread this situation was in China, and how far back in history it can be traced. The story of Hsu Chia, Lao-tzu's illiterate servant, which is considered the origin of the vernacular tradition, is studied in detail.

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13

Konior, Jan. "Confession Rituals and the Philosophy of Forgiveness in Asian Religions and Christianity." Forum Philosophicum 15, no. 1 (June 1, 2010): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/forphil.2010.1501.06.

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In this paper I will take into account the historical, religious and philosophical aspects of the examination of conscience, penance and satisfaction, as well as ritual confession and cure, in Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism. I will also take into account the difficulties that baptized Chinese Christians met in sacramental Catholic confession. Human history proves that in every culture and religion, man has always had a need to be cleansed from evil and experience mutual forgiveness. What ritual models were used by Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism? To what degree did these models prove to be true? What are the connections between a real experience of evil, ritual confession, forgiveness and cure in Chinese religions and philosophies?

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14

LIM, Chae-Woo. "Function and Status of Divination in the History of Korean Taoism." Tae Dong Institute of classic research 44 (June 30, 2020): 225–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31408/tdicr.2020.44.225.

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15

Bell, Catherine. "Taoism and RitualTaoist Ritual in Chinese Society and History. John Lagerwey." History of Religions 28, no. 2 (November 1988): 168–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463147.

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16

Xiong, Victor. "RITUAL INNOVATIONS AND TAOISM UNDER TANG XUANZONG." T’oung Pao 82, no. 4-5 (October 3, 1996): 258–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-90000002.

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17

Wang, Zeng. "The Influence of Traditional Chinese Icons on Interior Design." Applied Mechanics and Materials 641-642 (September 2014): 1113–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.641-642.1113.

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Traditional Chinese culture has such a long and splendid history that its influence on interior design shall never be neglected due to its inexhausitible vitality. As flourishing traditional Chinese culture is the result of interaction among Confucianism, Taoism and Buddism, these three traditional Chinese Schoolsl exert tremendous influence on shaping neoclassical interior design.

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18

Schipper, Kristofer. "Purity and Strangers Shifting Boundaries in Medieval Taoism." T'oung Pao 80, no. 1 (1994): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853294x00061.

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19

Cullen, Christopher. "Taoism (Daoism) and ‘Chinese Purple’: a note on some historical issues." Journal of Archaeological Science 35, no. 7 (July 2008): 2074–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2007.12.007.

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20

Dahlsgaard, Katherine, Christopher Peterson, and Martin E. P. Seligman. "Shared Virtue: The Convergence of Valued Human Strengths across Culture and History." Review of General Psychology 9, no. 3 (September 2005): 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/1089-2680.9.3.203.

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Positive psychology needs an agreed-upon way of classifying positive traits as a backbone for research, diagnosis, and intervention. As a 1st step toward classification, the authors examined philosophical and religious traditions in China (Confucianism and Taoism), South Asia (Buddhism and Hinduism), and the West (Athenian philosophy, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) for the answers each provided to questions of moral behavior and the good life. The authors found that 6 core virtues recurred in these writings: courage, justice, humanity, temperance, wisdom, and transcendence. This convergence suggests a nonarbitrary foundation for the classification of human strengths and virtues.

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21

Konior, Jan. "The Phenomenon of Chinese Culture." Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations 4, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/conc-2018-0002.

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Abstract The aim of the presentation is to Define the scope of Chinese Culture 正確的說明中國文化 and to introduce Chinese civilization, history, Chinese religions, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism (in general but also specific meaning), the concept of Chinese archeology, Beijing man – 北京人, including discoveries like: china-ware, powder, silk 生絲, (Kung-fu, zhonguogongfu 中國功夫, Tai-chi-chuien, taijichuen 太極拳, and famous Chinese medicine, zhongyiao 中藥. Chinese Anthropological philosophy, Confucian ethic – 孔夫子的倫理. Silk road which linked Rome 羅馬 to Xian – 西安. The idea of harmony 和諧: joy of Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism 佛家, 道家, 孔教 is included in Christianity. Taking into account Confucian humanism and traditional Chinese society 傳統的社會… Summing up everything is embraced by the definition of Chinese culture 中國文化.

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22

Bell, Catherine. "On Chinese ChaosMyth and Meaning in Early Taoism. N. J. Girardot." History of Religions 24, no. 3 (February 1985): 280–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463002.

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23

Seidel, Anna. "The Emperor and His Councillor: Laozi and Han Dynasty Taoism." Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie 17, no. 1 (2008): 125–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/asie.2008.1274.

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24

Gahrielian, Vatche. "Public Administration In Ancient China: The Practice and Thought." Public Voices 2, no. 1 (April 11, 2017): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.422.

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Modem public administrators can gain useful insights by studying centuries old administrative phenomena and philosophical teachings. This essay discusses the development of Chinese civil service and the important role it played during the early history of Chinese civilization. Approaches to public administration and governance in three important streams of political thought of ancient China-Taoism, Confucianism and Legalism - are explored, as well as similar ideas in Sun Tzu' s classic treatise on military strategy.

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25

Kroll, Paul W., and T. H. Barrett. "Taoism under the T'ang: Religion and Empire during the Golden Age of Chinese History." Journal of the American Oriental Society 117, no. 3 (July 1997): 621. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605300.

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26

Liu, Zhi. "Reply to “Taoism (Daoism) and ‘Chinese Purple’: a note on some historical issues”." Journal of Archaeological Science 35, no. 7 (July 2008): 2077–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2007.12.008.

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27

Girardot, N. J. "‘Finding the Way’: James Legge and the Victorian Invention of Taoism." Religion 29, no. 2 (April 1999): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/reli.1999.0187.

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28

CHAČATRJAN, Arevik. "AN INVESTIGATION ON THE HISTORY AND STRUCTURE OF KOREAN SHAMANISM." International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences 1 (November 4, 2016): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kr.2015.01.04.

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Korean civilization has been influenced by different religions, such as Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism and lately Christianity. However, the nucleus of the Korean culture is Shamanism, which is a conjuring religious phenomenon. Even though Shamanism belongs to the first page in the history of religions, it has been transmitted to next generations of Korea in different forms, somewhat surviving until today. A possible reason for this may be that Shamanism exhibits a dynamic and selective tradition that has adapted to different religions around it. It may also provide human beings with the blessings that they are deprived of in today’s society. In this study, the origin and development of Shamanism in Korea, including the three dynasties of Silla, Koryo and Yi, were investigated. The primitive forms of ancient beliefs of Koreans as well as the structure of Shamanism and related rituals were described. Information was also provided on Shaman ritualists and the instruments they utilized in rituals.

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29

Chan, Alan Kam-leung. "Taoism Under the T'ang: Religion and Empire During the Golden Age of Chinese History (review)." China Review International 7, no. 2 (2000): 392–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2000.0070.

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30

Wilkerson, James. "Negotiating local tradition with Taoism: Female ritual specialists in the Zhuang religion." Religion 37, no. 2 (June 2007): 150–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.religion.2007.06.002.

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31

Kirkland, Russell. "Dimensions of Tang Taoism: The State of the Field at the End of the Millennium." Tang Studies 1997, no. 15-16 (June 1997): 79–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/073750397787772713.

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32

Vaingankar, Janhavi Ajit, Niyanta Choudhary, Siow Ann Chong, Fiona Devi Siva Kumar, Edimansyah Abdin, Saleha Shafie, Boon Yiang Chua, Rob M. van Dam, and Mythily Subramaniam. "Religious Affiliation in Relation to Positive Mental Health and Mental Disorders in a Multi-Ethnic Asian Population." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 7 (March 24, 2021): 3368. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18073368.

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Background: This study investigated association of religious affiliation with positive mental health (PMH) and mental disorders. Methods: A cross-sectional survey of 2270 adults was conducted in Singapore. Participants reported their religious affiliation to Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Sikhism, Taoism, or other religions. A PMH instrument measured total PMH and six subcomponents: general coping (GC), emotional support (ES), spirituality (S), interpersonal skills (IS), personal growth and autonomy (PGA), and global affect (GA). Lifetime history of mental disorders was assessed with the Composite International Diagnostic Interview. Results: Total PMH (mean ± SD) was 4.56 ± 0.66 for participants with any religion versus 4.12 ± 0.63 (p = 0.002) in those without any religion. After adjustment for all potential confounders, the mean difference in total PMH between these groups was 0.348 (95% CI: 0.248–0.448). Having any religion was significantly associated with higher scores for S, GC, ES, IS, but not with PGA, GA or mental disorders. Compared with individuals without any religion, total PMH and S levels were significantly higher across all religions. Additionally, Christianity was significantly associated with higher ES, Taoism with higher GC, Buddhism and Islam with higher GC, ES and IS, Hinduism with higher IS and Sikhism with higher ES and IS. Conclusion: Our results indicate that religious affiliation is significantly associated with higher PMH, but not with mental disorders in an Asian community setting. In addition, different religions showed unique patterns of association with PMH subcomponents.

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33

Kim, David, and Won-il Bang. "Guwonpa, WMSCOG, and Shincheonji: Three Dynamic Grassroots Groups in Contemporary Korean Christian NRM History." Religions 10, no. 3 (March 19, 2019): 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10030212.

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The new religious movements (NRMs) initially emerged in the regional societies of East Asia in the middle nineteenth and early twentieth centuries including Joseon (Korea). The socio-political transformation from feudalism to modernisation emaciated the religiosity of the traditional beliefs (Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism, shamanism, and folk religions). Colonial Korea experienced the major turning point in which various syncretic NRMs surfaced with alternative visions and teachings. What is, then, the historical origin of Christian NRMs? Who are their leaders? What is their background? What is the main figure of the teachings? How did they survive? This paper explores the history of Korean Christian new religious movements from the 1920s Wonsan mystical movements to 1990s urban and campus movements. Through the contextual studies of denominational background, birth, founder, membership, key teachings, evangelical strategy, phenomenon, services, sacred rituals, globalisation, and media, the three grassroots groups of Guwonpa (Salvation Sect: Good News Mission), WMSCOG (World Mission Society Church of God), and Shincheonji Church of Jesus the Temple of the Tabernacle of the Testimony (SCJ) are argued as the most controversial yet well-globalised organisations among Christian NRMs in contemporary Korea.

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34

Wilson, H. S. "Salvation in World Religions." Mission Studies 19, no. 1 (2002): 108–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338302x00071.

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AbstractThis article is a plea for a sympathetic and empathetic understanding of salvation in the major faith traditions of the world. There is no such thing as Christian, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim or Jewish salvation, H. S. Wilson insists--only human salvation. After discussing the biblical roots of the word "salvation," Wilson reflects on what Christians would call salvation in Judaism, Islam,, Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism, Confucianism and Taoism. Here he finds many similarities to the Christian notion, but also significant differences. Then, in the context of today's changing Christian attitude toward the possibility of salvation in other religious ways, Wilson finds paths toward possible progress in John B. Cobb, Jr.'s challenge of "mutual transformation," in Raimon Panikkar's call for intra-religious dialogue, and in Aloysius Pieris' notion of "enreligionization." The religions of the world will thrive in the future, argues Wilson, only if they grow towards one another and avoid isolation and fundamentalism.

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Ellis, James. "Anglican Indigenization and Contextualization in Colonial Hong Kong: Comparative Case Studies of St. John’s Cathedral and St. Mary’s Church." Mission Studies 36, no. 2 (July 10, 2019): 219–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341650.

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Abstract The British Empire expanded into East Asia during the early years of the Protestant Mission Movement in China, one of history’s greatest cross-cultural encounters. Anglicans, however, did not accommodate local Chinese culture when they built St. John’s Cathedral in the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong. St. John’s had a prototypical English style and was a gathering place for the colony’s political and social elites, strengthening the new social order. The Cathedral spoke a Western architectural language that local residents could not understand and many saw Christianity as a strange, imposing, foreign religion. As indigenous Chinese Christians assumed leadership of Hong Kong’s Anglican Church, ecclesial architecture took on more Chinese elements, a transition epitomized by St. Mary’s Church, a Chinese Renaissance masterpiece featuring symbols from Taoism, Buddhism, and Chinese folk religions. This essay analyzes the contextualization of Hong Kong’s Anglican architecture, which made Christian concepts more relevant to the indigenous community.

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Barrett, T. H. "The Beginning of the Subtle School of Taoism 一切道經音義妙門由起: An Official Perception of Taoism in the Early T’ang Period. By Florian C. Reiter, 2014." T’oung Pao 102, no. 4-5 (November 29, 2016): 556–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10245p09.

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37

Lin, Fu-shih. "Religious Taoism and Dreams: An Analysis of the Dream-data Collected in the Yün-chi ch'i-ch'ien." Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie 8, no. 1 (1995): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/asie.1995.1090.

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38

Bell, Catherine. "In Search of the Tao in Taoism: New Questions of Unity and MultiplicityHistoire du taoïsme des origines au XIVe siècle. Isabelle RobinetTaoist Mystical Philosophy: The Scripture of Western Ascension. Livia Kohn." History of Religions 33, no. 2 (November 1993): 187–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463363.

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39

BARRETT, T. H. "Tang Taoism and the mention of Jesus and Mani in Tibetan Zen: a comment on recent work by Rong Xinjiang." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 66, no. 1 (February 2003): 56–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0300003x.

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The contributions of Rong Xinjiang to the study of Tang civilization, and particularly of external influences upon it, have already rapidly mounted up to a considerable number, so the appearance of a volume collecting many of his essays together in one place is much to be welcomed.

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40

Verellen, Franciscus. ""Evidential Miracles in Support of Taoism" the Inversion of a Buddhist Apologetic Tradition in Late Tang China1." T'oung Pao 78, no. 4 (1992): 217–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853292x00018.

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41

Harper, Donald. "Warring States, Ch'in, and Han Periods." Journal of Asian Studies 54, no. 1 (February 1995): 152–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002191180002163x.

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Fundamental changes occurred in chinese civilization between the fifth century B.C.E. and the second century C.E., roughly corresponding to the Warring States (which officially commences in 453 B.C.E.) and the Ch'in and Han empires (Han rule ends in 220 C.E.). The emergence and maturation of philosophical speculation and of new sociopolitical models have traditionally constituted the ground on which other elements of the contemporary civilization have been drawn. As a consequence, the nature of religious traditions during this period has been poorly understood and insufficiently studied; first, because the documentation preserved in received literature overwhelmingly reflects the politico-philosophical leanings of an elite social stratum and thus offers only a partial, biased view of the range of religious belief and practice; and second, because modern research on Warring States, Ch'in, and Han religion by and large relies on the viewpoints expressed in the received record. Whereas the study of Buddhism and, more recently, of religious Taoism and popular religion is thriving among an ever-growing number of scholars of the history of Chinese religion, the ancient period of Warring States, Ch'in, and Han is still dominated by scholars engaged in the study of the philosophical tradition. The idea that religious belief during the period was tempered by philosophical reason is a widely shared assumption.

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김연만. "History, Nature, and Taoism in Asian Ecology: With Special Emphasis on Li Rui’s Silver City and Su Tong’s Raise the Red Lantern." Literature and Environment 18, no. 1 (March 2019): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36063/asle.2019.18.1.002.

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Liu, Linhai. "The past and present of the Christianity in China." Chronos 36 (August 20, 2018): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v36i0.88.

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Christianity is on the list of the legitimate religions in modern China. Thepast several decades have witnessed a wide spread and rapid developmentof the Christianity across the country. As an important world religion whichhad first emerged in the West Asia and which has to a certain extent beenidealized as the symbol of the Western culture, or the democracy in specific,Chinese Christianity has been attracting attentions both from within andwithout, especially the scholars. Unlike other religions such as Buddhismand Taoism, the existence and development of Christianity in China areoften attached to special dimensions such as politics and ideology whichgo beyond the religion per se. In the expectation of many Westerners andChinese, the Chinese Christianity, especially the Protestantism is the hope forthe Western democracy. What does it mean for China in particular and for theworld in general for the upsurge of Christianity? Although there are variousresearches, an agreement is far from being reached. This short article tries totrace in concise the past and present of Christianity in China, the challengesit is facing, and to provide some thought on its history. A short caveat isnecessary before we proceed further.

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Song, Yang. "A Study of the Intercourse between Zhang Yu and Yu Ji---the Calligrapher in Yuan Dynasty." Region - Educational Research and Reviews 3, no. 2 (April 19, 2021): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.32629/rerr.v3i2.294.

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In the Yuan Dynasty, the minority nationalities was entered the Central Plain for the first time in Chinese history. During this period, although the status of Chinese people and intellectuals was low, their ideological control was loose, thus forming a unique literary style. The rapid promotion of the status of the humanities such as painting, calligraphy and literature in the life of the scholars brought about a brand-new attitude towards life, especially in the late Yuan Dynasty, the humanities taste and the artistic orientation showed many new changes. And the development of literature, calligraphy and painting in the Song Dynasty, as well as the establishment of the regime in the Yuan Dynasty all accelerated this process.. Facing the setbacks brought by the Mongolian yuan rule, some intellectuals turned to create an atmosphere through some group activities of calligraphy and painting in this period, and literature and art were also given a higher status. As a famous calligrapher in the middle and late Yuan Dynasty, Zhang Yu was also an influential Taoist and poet. On the basis of studying Zhang Yu's calligraphy art, this paper analyzes his social intercourse and its influence on his calligraphy thoughts and artistic style. Especially in calligraphy, he was first taught by Zhao Mengfu, and then learned from Huaisu and Zhang Xu, forming a handsome and free style, which is very valuable. In addition, he made many friends all his life. After becoming a monk, he traveled to various famous mountains in the south of the Yangtze River and made friends with famous people. Therefore, studying the intercourse between Zhang Yu and yu Ji can restore the real situation of the Literati's communication in the middle and late yuan dynasty, understand the multiple Zhang Yu's accomplishments of Taoism, poet and calligrapher, and better understand the relationship between Zhang Yu and Yu Ji, It can also learn about his experience of learning calligraphy and the internal and external causes of the formation of his calligraphy style, and the influence and function of Mingxi Literati's elegant and Yuji's intercourse on the formation of his artistic style.

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Barrett, T. H. "Julian F. Pas: A select bibliography on Taoism. (IASWR Bibliographical Monographs, no. 1)xiv, 52 pp. Stony Brook, N.Y.: Institute for Advanced Studies of World Religions, 1988." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 52, no. 2 (June 1989): 412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00036284.

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Allan, Sarah. "N. J. Girardot: Myth and meaning in early Taoism: the theme of chaos (hun-tun). xiii, 422 pp. Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1983." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 48, no. 2 (June 1985): 390–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00033899.

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YU, Kim Lung. "從屬性論及關係論看胎兒在道教的道德地位." International Journal of Chinese & Comparative Philosophy of Medicine 17, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/ijccpm.171666.

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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.西方對於胎兒道德地位的討論，以胎兒是否人類為焦點；然而細讀文本，即可發現胎兒能否算是人並不是道經最關心的問題。討論胎兒是人與否可能未必是最適合於分析道教的胎兒觀。因此，本文嘗試以道經文本為起點，以屬性論和闢係論為進路，考察胎兒在道教中是否及如何具有道德地位。本文發現胎兒在道教中不必被明言被定義為人，也能獲取與成人相同的道德地位。因為道經中對胎兒的定義可分為兩大類：一是以之為反映宇宙空間結構、重覆宇宙創生過程、寓居萬神的顯聖物。從屬性論的進路分析，可見此等胎兒具有與成人一樣的神聖屬性，因而也與成人一樣具有同等的道德地位；二是胎兒與母親有宿世冤仇的關係。從關係論的進路分析，可見此等胎兒與其母親具有密切的身心聯繫，因而也應與其母親一樣具有同等的、完整的人的道德地位。The West generally focuses on whether a fetus is a human being when discussing its moral status. However, a carefully reading of the Taoist scriptures indicates that this question is less important and may not be the best way to consider the status of the fetus in Taoism. Therefore, this study focuses on the Taoist scriptures, using the approaches of the theory of attributes and the theory of relationships, to determine whether a fetus has a moral status and what it is. It is found that it is not necessary for a fetus to be a human being to have a moral status as an adult. Indeed, in the Taoist scriptures, the definition of a fetus is divided into two categories: 1. A fetus is a hierophany parallel to the structure of the cosmos, a process of repetitive creation of the cosmos in which gods and goddesses live. Based on the theory of attributes, a fetus has the same sacred attributes as an adult and therefore has the same moral status. 2. A fetus has a relationship with the mother as enemies and creditors of past lives. Based on the theory of relationships, a fetus has a physical and spiritual relationship closely related to the mother and should therefore have a moral status equal to that of a complete human being.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 50 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

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Jongsung Lee. "The Characteristic and Limitations of Feng You-Lan`s Perception of Early Chinese Taoism-with focus on the descriptional point of view of Chinese History of Philosophy-." Studies in Philosophy East-West ll, no. 72 (July 2014): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15841/kspew..72.201407.5.

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Benn, James A. "Daoism in History: Essays in Honour of Liu Ts'un-yan. Routledge Studies in Taoism. Edited by Benjamin Penny. pp. xiii, 290. Routledge, London and New York, 2006." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 18, no. 4 (October 2008): 543–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186308008699.

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Kirkland, Russell. "The Making of an Immortal: the Exaltation of Ho Chih-Chang." Numen 38, no. 2 (1991): 214–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852791x00132.

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AbstractAn unusual case of a Chinese "immortal" (hsien) was the T'ang dynasty statesman Ho Chih-chang (659-744). During his life, Ho displayed little interest in religion until a late-life ordination as a Taoist priest. During the Sung dynasty, however, he was gradually elevated to "immortality" in a series of hagiographical tales. In the 10th-century T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi, Ho appears as a character who learns humility. In the 11 th-century Kao-tao chuan, he appears as a character who yields to the Taoist ideals of restraint and orderly progress. In the 13th-century Chia-ting Ch'ih-ch'eng chih, Ho appears as a master of pharmika who ascends to heaven after a life of several centuries. In that text, the figure of Ho no longer has moral significance: he represents a romantic ideal of "the immortal," but no longer serves as a meaningful spiritual exemplar. In fact, in that text he ceases to function as a representative of Taoist values, for Taoists always aspire to a moral and spiritual elevation, a personal perfection for which the concept of "immortality" serves as a potent metaphor. I suggest that the compilers of such texts appropriated honored historical figures like Ho in an effort to persuade sceptical members of the Chinese elite that "immortality" was a valid and respectable ideal.

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